Title: Notes and Queries, Number 56, November 23, 1850
Author: Various
Release date: March 13, 2005 [eBook #15354]
Most recently updated: December 14, 2020
Language: English
Credits: Produced by The Internet Library of Early Journals; Jon Ingram, Keith
Edkins and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
No. 56. | SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 23. 1850. |
Price Threepence. Stamped Edition 4d. |
NOTES:— | |
The Oldenburg Horn | 417 |
Greek Particles Illustrated by the Eastern Languages | 418 |
Samuel Rowlands, and his Claim to the Authorship of "The Choise of Change," by Dr. E.F. Rimbault | 419 |
Etymology of "Apricot," "Peach," and "Nectarine" | 420 |
Minor Notes:—Chaucer's Monument Robert Herrick—Epitaph of a Wine Merchant—Father Blackhal—The Nonjurors—Booksellers' Catalogues—Bailie Nicol Jarvie—Camels in Gaul | 420 |
QUERIES:— | |
Bibliographical Queries | 421 |
Dryden's "Essay upon Satire" | 422 |
Minor Queries:—Ænius Silvius (Pope Pius II.)—"Please the Pigs"—To save one's Bacon—Arabic Numerals—Cardinal—"By the bye"—Poisons—Cabalistic Author—Brandon the Juggler—Jacobus Præfectus Siculus—The Word "after" in the Rubric—Hard by—Thomas Rogers of Horminger—Armorial Bearings—Lady Compton's Letter to her Husband—Romagnasi's Works—Christopher Barker's Device | 423 |
REPLIES:— | |
Licensing of Books, by C.H. Cooper | 425 |
Remains of James II., by Dr. J.R. Wreford | 427 |
Judge Cradock, by H.T. Ellacombe | 427 |
Replies to Minor Queries:—Replies by George Stephens: On a Passage in the "Tempest;" Legend of a Saint; Cupid and Psyche; Kongs Skuggsia—Disputed Passage in the "Tempest"—Viscount Castlecomer—Steele's Burial-place—Cure for Warts—Etymology of "Parse" | 429 |
MISCELLANEOUS:— | |
Notes on Books, Sales, Catalogues, &c. | 430 |
Books and Odd Volumes Wanted | 431 |
Notice to Correspondents | 431 |
Advertisements | 431 |
The highly interesting collection of pictures at Combe Abbey, the seat of the Earl of Craven, in Warwickshire, was, for the most part, bequeathed by Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, the daughter of James I., to her faithful attendant, William, Earl of Craven. The collection has remained, entire and undisturbed, up to the present time. Near the upper end of the long gallery is a picture which doubtless formed a part of the bequest of the Queen of Bohemia, and of which the following is a description:—
Three quarters length: a female figure, standing, with long curling light hair, and a wreath of flowers round the head. She wears a white satin gown, with a yellow edge; gold chain on the stomacher, and pearl buttons down the front. She has a pearl necklace and earrings, with a high plaited chemisette up to the necklace; and four rows of pearls, with a yellow bow, round the sleeve. She holds in her hands a large highly ornamented gold horn. The back-ground consists of mountains. Underneath the picture is this inscription:
"Anno post natum Christum 939. Ottoni comiti Oldenburgico in venatione vehementer sitibundo virgo elegantissima ex monte Osen prodiens cornu argenteum deauratum plenum liquore ut biberet obtulit. Inspecto is liquore adhorruit, ac eundum bibere recusavit. Quo facto, subito Comes a virgine discedens liquorem retro super equum quem mox depilavit effudit, cornuque hic depictum secum Oldenburgum in perpetuam illius memoriam reportavit. Lucretio de Sainct Simon pinxit."
The painting is apparently of the first part of the seventeenth century. The ordinary books of reference do not contain the painter's name.
The same legend as that contained in this inscription, though with fuller details, is given by the brothers Grimm, in their collection of Deutsche Sagen, No. 541. vol. ii. p. 317., from two Oldenburg chronicles. According to this version Otto was Count of Oldenburg in the year 990 or 967. [The chronicles appear to differ as to his date: the inscription of the Combe Abbey picture furnishes a third date.] Being a good hunter, and fond of hunting, he went, on the 20th of July, in this year, attended by his nobles and servants, to hunt in the forest of Bernefeuer. Here he found a deer, and chased it alone from this wood to Mount Osen: but in the pursuit he left his companions and even his dogs behind; and he stood alone, on his white horse, in the middle of the mountain. Being now exhausted by the great heat, he exclaimed: "Would to God that some one had a draught of cold water!" As soon as the count had uttered these words, the mountain opened, and from the {418} chasm there came a beautiful damsel, dressed in fine clothes, with her hair divided over her shoulders, and a wreath of flowers on her head. In her hand she held a precious silver-gilt hunting-horn, filled with some liquid; which she offered to the count, in order that he might drink. The count took the horn, and examined the liquid, but declined to drink it. Whereupon the damsel said: "My dear lord, drink it upon my assurance; for it will do you no harm, but will tend to your good." She added that, if he would drink, he and his family, and all his descendants, and the whole territory of Oldenburg, would prosper: but that, if he refused, there would be discord in the race of the Counts of Oldenburg. The count, as was natural, mistrusted her assurances, and feared to drink out of the horn: however, he retained it in his hand, and swung it behind his back. While it was in this position some of the liquid escaped; and where it fell on the back of the white horse, it took off the hair. When the damsel saw this, she asked him to restore the horn; but the count, with the horn in his hand, hastened away from the mountain, and, on looking back, observed that the damsel had returned into the earth. The count, terrified at the sight, spurred on his horse, and speedily rejoined his attendants: he then recounted to them his adventure, and showed them the silver-gilt horn, which he took with him to Oldenburg. And because this horn was obtained in so wonderful a manner, it was kept as a precious relic by him and all his successors in the reigning house of Oldenburg.
The editors state that richly decorated drinking-horn was formerly preserved, with great care, in the family of Oldenburg; but that, at the present time [1818], it is at Copenhagen.
The same story is related from Hamelmann's Oldenburg Chronicle, by Büsching, in his Volksagen (Leips. 1820), p. 380., who states that there is a representation of the horn in p. 20. of the Chronicle, as well as in the title-page of the first volume of the Wunderhorn.
Those who are accustomed to the interpretation of mythological fictions will at once recognise in this story an explanatory legend, invented for the purpose of giving an interest to a valuable drinking-horn, of ancient work, which belonged to the Counts of Oldenburg. Had the story not started from a basis of real fact, but had been pure fiction, the mountain-spirit would probably have left, not silver gilt, but a gold horn, with the count. Moreover, the manner in which she suffers herself to be outwitted, and her acquiescence in the loss of her horn, without exacting some vengeance from the incredulous count, are not in the spirit of such fictions, nor do they suit the malignant character which the legend itself gives her. If the Oldenburg horn is still preserved at Copenhagen, its date might doubtless be determined by the style of the work.
Mount Osen seems to have been a place which abounded in supernatural beings. Some elves who came from this mountain to take fresh-brewed beer, and left good, though unknown money, to pay for it, are mentioned in another story in the Deutsche Sagen, (No.43. vol. i. p. 55.)
[Having had an opportunity of inspecting a copy of Hamelmann's Chronicle, at present belonging to Mr. Quaritch, in which there is a very interesting engraving of the horn in question (which may possibly have been a Charter Horn), we are not disposed to pronounce it older than the latter end of the fifteenth century. If, however, it is still preserved at Copenhagen, some correspondent there will perhaps do us the favour to furnish us with a precise description of it, and with the various legends which are inscribed upon it.—ED.]
The affinity which exists between such of the vernacular languages of India as are offshoots of the Sanscrit, as the Hindostanee, Mahratta, Guzeratee, &c., and the Greek, Latin, German, and English languages, is now well known to European scholars, more especially since the publication of the researches of Vans Kennedy, Professor Bopp of Berlin, &c. Indeed, scarcely a day passes in which the European resident in India may not recognise, in his intercourse with the natives, many familiar words in all those languages, clothed in an oriental dress. I am inclined also to think that new light may be thrown upon some of the impracticable Greek particles by a reference to the languages of the East; and without wishing to be understood as laying down anything dogmatically in the present communication, I hope, through the medium of your valuable publication, to attract attention to this subject, and invite discussion on it. Taking, as an illustration, the 233d line of the first book of the Iliad, where the hero of the poem is violently abusing Agamemnon for depriving him of his prize, the fair maid Briseis, he says,
"Αλλ' εκ τοι ερεω, και επι μεγαν ‛ορκον ‛ομουμαι."
What is the meaning of εκ in the above line? It is commonly construed with ερεω, and translated, "I plainly tell thee—I declare to thee;" εξερεω, "I speak out—proclaim." But may it not be identical with the Sanscrit ek, "one," a word, as most of your readers are doubtless aware, in universal use throughout India, Persia, &c; the rendering literally running thus:
"But one thing I tell thee," &c.
That this is the original sense of the line appears probable by comparing it with line 297. of the {419} same book, where in the second speech of Achilles, that impiger, iracundus, inexorabilis, acer, chieftain again scolds "the king of men,"—
"Αλλο δε τοι ερεω, συ δ' ενε φρεσι βαλλεο σησι."
"And another thing I tell thee."
This rendering receives additional confirmation by a comparison with the following:
"Τουτο δε τοι ερεω."
Il. iii. 177., and Od. vii. 243.
"Παντα δε τοι ερεω."
Od. iv. 410., and x. 289.
In the last three lines Αλλο, Τουτο, and Παντα stand precisely in the same relation to ερεω that εκ does in the first, Αλλ' merely taking the place of δε, for the sake of versification.
"But one thing I tell thee.
And another thing I tell thee.
But this thing I tell thee.
And all things I tell thee."
It is not impossible that εξερεω may be a compound of εκ, "one," and ερεω, "I speak." There is in the Hindostanee an analogous form of expression, Ek bat bolo, "one word speak." This is constantly used to denote, speaking plainly; to speak decidedly; one word only; no display of unnecessary verbiage to conceal thought; no humbug; I tell thee plainly; I speak solemnly—once for all; which is precisely the meaning of εξερεω in all the passages where it occurs in Homer: e.g. Il. i. 212. (where it is employed by Minerva in her solemn address to Achilles); Il. viii. 286., Od. ix. 365. (where it is very characteristically used), &c.
The word ace (ace of spades, &c.) I suppose you will have no difficulty in identifying with the Sanscrit ek and the Greek εις, the c sometimes pronounced hard and sometimes soft. The Sanscrit das, the Greek δεκ-α, and the Latin dec-em, all signifying ten, on the same principle, have been long identified.
Bombay.
Mr. T. Jones in "NOTES AND QUERIES" (Vol. i., p. 39.), describing a copy of The Choise of Change in the Chetham Library, unhesitatingly ascribes its authorship to the well-known satirist, Samuel Rowlands, whom he says, "appears to have been a Welshman from his love of Triads." Mr. JONES'S dictum, that the letters "S.R.," on the title-page "are the well-known initials of Samuel Rowlands," may well, I think, be questioned. Great caution should be used in these matters. Bibliographers and catalogue-makers are constantly making confusion by assigning works, which bear the initials only, to wrong authors.
The Choise of Change may with much more probability be given to a very different author. I have a copy of the edition of 1598 now before me, in which the name is filled up, in a cotemporary hand, S[imon], R[obson]. And I find in Lowndes' Bibliographer's Manual, that the work in question is entered under the latter name. The compiler adds,—"This piece is by some attributed to Dr. Simon Robson, Dean of Bristol in 1598; by others, most probably erroneously, to Samuel Rowland." An examination of the biography of Dr. Robson, who died in 1617, might tend to elucidate some particulars concerning his claim to the authorship of this and several other works of similar character.
Samuel Rowland's earliest publication is supposed to have been The Betraying of Christ, &c., printed in 1598. If it can be proved that he has any claim to The Choise of Change (first printed in 1585), we make him an author thirteen years earlier. In the title-page of the latter, the writer, whoever he was, is styled "Gent and Student in the Universitie of Cambridge." This is a fact of some importance towards the elucidation of authorship and has, I believe, escaped the notice of those writers who have touched upon Samuel Rowland's scanty biography. But I can hardly conceive that either of the publications above alluded to came from the same pen as Humours Ordinarie, Martin Mark-all, The Four Knaves, and many others of the same class, which are known to have been the productions of Samuel Rowlands.
Respecting Samuel Rowlands it may be regarded as extraordinary that no account has been discovered; and though his pamphlets almost rival in number those of Greene, Taylor, and Prynne, their prefaces—those fruitful sources of information—throw no light upon the life or circumstances of their author. The late Mr. Octavius Gilchrist considered that "Rowlands was an ecclesiastic [?] by profession;" and, inferring his zeal in the pulpit from his labours through the press, adds, "it should seem that he was an active servant of the church." (See Fry's Bibliographical Memoranda, p. 257.) Sir Walter Scott (Preface to his reprint of The Letting of Humours Blood in the Head Vaine) gives us a very different idea of the nature of his calling. His words are:
"Excepting that he lived and wrote, none of those industrious antiquaries have pointed out any particulars respecting Rowland[s]. It has been remarked that his muse is seldom found in the best company; and to have become so well acquainted with the bullies, drunkards, gamesters, and cheats, whom he describes, he must have frequented the haunts of dissipation in which such characters are to be found. But the humorous descriptions of low-life exhibited in his satires are more precious to antiquaries than more grave works, and those who make the manners of Shakspeare's {420} age the subject their study may better spare a better author than Samuel Rowlands."
The opinions of both these writers are entitled to some respect, but they certainly looked upon two very different sides of the question. Gilchrist's conjecture that he was an ecclesiastic is quite untenable, and I am fully inclined to agree with Sir Walter Scott, that Rowlands' company was not of the most select order, and that he must often have frequented those "haunts of dissipation" which he so well describes in those works which are the known production of his muse.
There is something curious in the etymology of the words "apricot," "peach," and "nectarine," and in their equivalents in several languages, which may amuse your readers.
The apricot is an Armenian or Persian fruit, and was known to the Romans later than the peach. It is spoken of by Pliny and by Martial.
Plin. N.H., lib. xv. c. 12.:
"Post autumnum maturescunt Persica, æstate præcocia, intra xxx annos reperta."
Martial, lib. xiii. Epig. 46.:
"Vilia maternis fueramus præcoqua ramis,
Nunc in adaptivis Persica care sumus."
Its only name was given from its ripening earlier than the peach.
The words used in Galen for the same fruit (evidently Græcised Latin), are προκοκκια and πρεκοκκια. Elsewhere he says of this fruit, ταυτης εκλελειφθαι το παλαιον ονομα. Dioscorides, with a nearer approach to the Latin, calls apricots πραικοκια.
From præcox, though not immediately, apricot seems to be derived.
Johnson, unable to account for the initial a, derives it from apricus. The American lexicographer Webster gives, strangely enough albus coccus as its derivation.
The progress of the word from west to east, and then from east to south-west, and from thence northwards, and its various changes in that progress, are rather strange.
One would have supposed that the Arabs, living near the region of which the fruit was a native, might have either had a name of their own for it, or at least have borrowed one from Armenia. But they apparently adopted a slight variation of the Latin, το παλαιον ονομα, as Galen says, εξελελειπτω.
The Arabs called it برقوق or, with the article, البرقوق.
The Spaniards must have had the fruit in Martial's time, but they do not take the name immediately from the Latin, but through the Arabic, and call it albaricoque. The Italians, again, copy the Spanish, not the Latin, and call it albicocco. The French, from them, have abricot. The English, though they take their word from the French, at first called it abricock, then apricock (restoring the p), and lastly, with the French termination, apricot.
From malum persicum was derived the German Pfirsiche, and Pfirsche, whence come the French pêche, and our peach. But in this instance also, the Spaniards follow the Arabic بريشان, or, with the article البريشان, in their word alberchigo. The Arabic seems to be derived from the Latin, and the Persians, though the fruit was their own, give it the same name.
Johnson says that nectarine is French, but gives no authority. It certainly is unknown to the French, who call the fruit either pêche lisse, or brugnon. The Germans also call it glatte Pfirsche.
Can any of your readers inform me what is the Armenian word for apricot, and whether there is any reason to believe that the Arabic words for apricot and peach, are of Armenian and Persian origin? If it is so, the resemblance of the one to præcox, and of the other to persicum, will be a curious coincidence, but hardly more curious than the resemblance of πασχα with πασχω which led some of the earlier fathers, who were not Hebraists, to derive πασχα from πασχω.
Chaucer's Monument.—It may interest those of your readers who are busying themselves in the praiseworthy endeavour to procure the means of repairing Chaucer's Monument, especially Mr. Payne Collier, who has furnished, in the November Number of the Gentleman's Magazine (p. 486.), so curious an allusion from Warner's Albion's England, to
"—— venerable Chaucer, lost
Had not kind Brigham reared him cost,"
to know that there is evidence in Smith's Life of Nollekens, vol. i. p. 79., that remains of the painted figure of Chaucer were to be seen in Nolleken's times. Smith reports a conversation between the artist and Catlin, so many years the principal verger of the abbey, in which Catlin inquires,
"Did you ever notice the remaining colours of the curious little figure which was painted on the tomb of Chaucer?"
Robert Herrick (Vol. i., p. 291.)—There is a little volume entitled Selections from the Hesperides and Works of the Rev. Robert Herrick. (Antient) Vicar of Dean-Prior, Devon. By the late Charles Short, Esq., F.R.S. and F.S.A., published by Murray in 1839. I believe it was recalled or suppressed, and that copies are rare.
Epitaph of a Wine Merchant.—The following is very beautiful, and well deserves a Note. It is copied from an inscription in All Saints Church, Cambridge.
"In Obitum Mri. Johannis Hammond Oenopolae Epitaphium.
Spiritus ascendit generosi Nectaris astra,
Juxta Altare Calix hic jacet ecce sacrum,
Corporū αναστασει cū fit Communia magna
Unio tunc fuerit Nectaris et Calicis."
Father Blackhal.—In the Brief Narration of Services done to Three noble Ladies by Gilbert Blackhal (Aberdeen, Spalding Club, 1844), the autobiographer states (p. 43.) that, while at Brussels, he provided for his necessities by saying mass "at Notre Dame de bonne successe, a chapel of great devotion, so called from a statue of Our Lady, which was brought from Aberdeen to Ostend," &c. It may be interesting to such of your readers as are acquainted with this very amusing volume, to know that the statue is still held in honour. A friend of mine (who had never heard of Blackhal) told me, that being at Brussels on the eve of the Assumption (Aug. 14), 1847, he saw announcements that the Aberdeen image would be carried in procession on the approaching festival. He was obliged, however, to leave Brussels without witnessing the exhibition.
As to Blackhal himself, The Catholic Annual Register for the present year (p. 207.) supplies two facts which were not known to his editor—that he was at last principal of the Scots College at Paris, and that he died July 1. 1671.
The Nonjurors (Vol. ii., p. 354.).—May I take the liberty of suggesting to MR. YEOWELL that his interesting paper on "The Oratories of the Nonjurors," would have been far more valuable if he had given the authorities for his statements.
Booksellers' Catalogues.—Allow me to suggest the propriety and utility of stating the weight or cost of postage to second-hand and other books. It would be a great convenience to many country book-buyers to know the entire cost, carriage-free, of the volumes they require, but have never seen.
Bailie Nicol Jarvie.—Lockhart, in his Life of Scott, speaking of the first representation of Rob Roy on the Edinburgh boards, observes—
"The great and unrivalled attraction was the personification of Bailie Jarvie by Charles Mackay, who, being himself a native of Glasgow, entered into the minutest peculiarities of the character with high gusto, and gave the west country dialect in its most racy perfection."
But in the sweetest cup of praise, there is generally one small drop of bitterness. The drop, in honest Mackay's case, is that by calling him a "native of Glasgow," and, therefore, "to the manner born," he is, by implication, deprived of the credit of speaking the "foreign tongue" like a native. So after wearing his laurels for a quarter of a century with this one withered leaf in them, he has plucked it off, and by a formal affidavit sworn before an Edinburgh bailie, the Glasgow bailie has put it on record that he is really by birth "one of the same class whom King Jamie denominated a real Edinburgh Gutter-Bluid." If there is something droll in the notion of such an affidavit, there is, assuredly, something to move our respect in the earnestness and love of truth which led the bailie to make it, and to prove him a good honest man, as we have no doubt, "his father, the deacon, was before him."
Camels in Gaul.—The use of camels by the Franks in Gaul is more than once referred to by the chroniclers. In the year 585, the treasures of Mummolus and the friends of Gondovald were carried from Bordeaux to Convennes on camels. The troops of Gontran who were pursuing them—
"invenerunt camelos cum ingenti pondere auri atque argenti, sive equos quos fessos per vias reliquerat"—Greg. Turon., l. vii. c. 35.
And after Brunichild had fallen into the hands of Chlotair, she was, before her death, conducted through the army on a camel:—
"Jubetque eam camelum per omnem exercitum sedentem perducere."—Fredegarius, c. 42.
By what people were camels first brought into Gaul? By the Romans; by the Visigoths; or by the Franks themselves?
(Continued from page 325.)
(13.) Is it not a grievous and calumnious charge against the principal libraries of England, Germany, and France, that not one of them contains a copy of the Florentine Pandects, in three folio {422} volumes, "magnifice, ac pereleganter, perque accurate impressis," as Fabricius speaks? (Bibl. Græc. xii: 363.) This statement, which may be but a libel, is found in Tilgner (Nov. lib. rar. Collect. Fascic. iv. 710.), Schelhorn (Amæn. Lit. iii. 428.), Vogt (Catal. p. 562. Hamb. 1738), and Solger (Biblioth. i 163.). According to the last writer, the edition in question, Florent. 1553, (for a fac-simile of the letters of the original MS. see Mabillon's Iter Italicum, p. 183.) is,—"splendidissima, et stupendæ raritatis, quæ in tanta est apud Eruditos æstimatione ut pro 100 Imperialibus sæpius divendita fuerit." Would that the race of such purchasers was not extinct! In Gibbon's notice of this impression (Decline and Fall, iv. 197. ed. Milman), there are two mistakes. He calls the editor "Taurellus" instead of Taurellius; and makes the date "1551", when it should have been 1553. These errors, however, are scarcely surprising in a sentence in which Antonius Augustinus is named "Antoninus." The Archbishop of Tarragona had received a still more exalted title in p. 193., for there he was styled "Antoninus Augustus." Are these the author's faults, or are they merely editorial embellishments?
(14.) In what year was the improved woodcut of the Prelum Ascensianum used for the first time? And has it been observed that the small and separated figures incised on the legs of this insigne of Jodocus Badius may sometimes be taken as a safe guide with reference to the exact date of the works in which this mark appears? As an argument serving to justify the occasional adoption of this criterion I would adduce the fact, that the earliest edition of Budæus De Contemptu Rerum fortuitarum is believed to have been printed in 1520 (Greswell's Parisian Greek Press, i. 39.), and this year is accordingly visible in the title-page on the print of the Prelum Ascensianum. That recourse must, however, be had with caution to this method of discovering a date, is manifest; from the circumstance, that 1521, or perhaps I should say an injured 1520, appears on the Badian Device in the third impression of the same treatise (the second with the expositio), though it was set forth "postridie Cal. April 1528."
(15.) Is it owing to the extreme rarity of copies of the first edition of the Pagninian version of the Scriptures that so many writers are perplexed and ignorant concerning it? One might have expected that such a very remarkable impression in all respects would have been so well known to Bishop Walton, that he could not have asserted (Proleg. v.) that it was published in 1523; and the same hallucination is perceptible in the Elenchus Scriptorum by Crowe (p. 4.) It is certain that Pope Leo X. directed that Pagnini's translation should be printed at his expense (Roscoe, ii. 282.), and the Diploma of Adrian VI. is dated "die, xj. Maij. M.D.XXIII.," but the labours of the eminent Dominican were not put forth until the 29th of January, 1527. This is the date in the colophon; and though "1528" is obvious on the title-page, the apparent variation may be accounted for by remembering the several ways of marking the commencement of the year. (Le Long, by Masch, ii. 475.; Chronol. of Hist., by Sir H. Nicolas, p. 40.) Chevillier informs us (Orig. de l'Imp. p. 143.) that the earliest Latin Bible, in which he had seen the verses distinguished by ciphers, was that of Robert Stephens in 1557. Clement (Biblioth. iv. 147.) takes notice of an impression issued two years previously; and these bibliographers have been followed by Greswell (Paris. G. P. i. 342. 390.). Were they all unacquainted with the antecedent exertions of Sante Pagnini (See Pettigrew's Bibl. Sussex. p. 388.)
(16.) Why should Panzer have thought that the true date of the editio princeps of Gregorius Turonensis and Ado Viennensis, comprised in the same small folio volume, was 1516? (Greswell, i. 35.) If he had said 1522, he might have had the assistance of a misprint in the colophon, in which "M.D.XXII." was inserted instead of M.D.XII.; but the royal privilege for the book is dated, "le douziesme iour de mars lan milcinqcens et onze," and the dedication of the works by Badius to Guil. Parvus ends with "Ad. XII Kalendas Decemb. Anni huius M.D.XII."
(17.) Who was the author of Peniteas cito? And is it not evident that the impression at Cologne by Martinus de Werdena, in 1511, is considerably later than that which is adorned on the title-page with a different woodcut, and which exhibits the following words proceeding from the teacher: "Accipies tanti doctoris dogmata sancta?"
DRYDEN'S "ESSAY UPON SATIRE."
On what evidence does the statement rest, that the Earl of Mulgrave was the author of the Essay upon Satire, and that Dryden merely corrected and polished it? As at present advised, I have considerable doubt upon the point: and although, in modern editions of Dryden's Works, I find it headed An Essay upon Satire, written by Mr. Dryden and the Earl of Mulgrave, yet in the State Poems, vol. i. p. 179., originally printed in the lifetime of Dryden, it is attributed solely to him—"An Essay upon Satyr. By J. Dryden, Esq." This gets rid of the assertion in the note of "D.," in the Aldine edition of Dryden (i. 105.), that "the Earl of Mulgrave's name has been always joined with Dryden's, as concerned in the composition." Was it not first published without notice that any other person was concerned in it but Dryden?
The internal evidence, too, is strong that Dryden was the author of it. I do not here refer to the {423} free, flexible, and idiomatic character of the versification, so exactly like that of Dryden; but principally to the description the Essay upon Satire contains of the Earl of Mulgrave himself, beginning,
"Mulgrave had much ado to scape the snare,
Though learn'd in those ill arts that cheat the fair;
For, after all, his vulgar marriage mocks,
With beauty dazzled Numps was in the stocks;"
And ending:
"Him no soft thoughts, no gratitude could move;
To gold he fled, from beauty and from love," &c.
Could Mulgrave have so written of himself; or could he have allowed Dryden to interpolate the character. Earlier in the poem we meet with a description of Shaftesbury, which cannot fail to call to mind Dryden's character of him in Absalom and Achitophel; which, as we know, did not make its appearance, even in its first shape, until two years after Dryden was cudgelled in Rose Street as the author of the Essay upon Satire. Everybody bears in mind the triplet,
"A fiery soul, which working out its way,
Fretted his pigmy body to decay,
And o'er-inform'd the tenement of clay;"
And what does Dryden (for it must be he who writes) say of Shaftesbury in the Essay upon Satire?
"As by our little Machiavel we find,
That nimblest creature of the busy kind:
His limbs are crippled, and his body shakes,
Yet his hard mind, which all this bustle makes,
No pity on its poor companion takes."
If Mulgrave wrote these lines, and Dryden only corrected them, Dryden was at all events indebted to Mulgrave for the thought of the inequality, and disproportion between the mind and body of Shaftesbury. Moreover, we know that Pope expunged the assertion subsequently made, that Dryden had been "punished" (not beaten, as "D." quotes the passage) "for another's rhimes," when he was bastinadoed, in 1679, at the instigation of Rochester, for the character of him in the Essay upon Satire.
It might suit Mulgrave's purpose afterwards to claim a share in this production; but the evidence, as far as I am acquainted with it, seems all against it. There may be much evidence on the point with which I am not acquainted, and perhaps some of your readers will be so good as to point it out to me. The question is one that I am, at this moment, especially interested in.
Æneas Silvius (Pope Pius II.).—A broadsheet was published in 1461, containing the excommunication and dethronement of the Archbishop and Elector Dietrich of Mayence, issued and styled in the most formidable terms by Pius II. This broadsheet, consisting of eighteen lines, and printed on one side only, appears from the uniformity of its type with the Rationale of 1459, to be the product of Fust and Schöffer.
No mention whatever is made of this typographical curiosity in any of the standard bibliographical manuals, from which it seems, that this broadsheet is UNIQUE. Can any information, throwing light upon this subject, be given?
November, 1850.
"Please the Pigs" is a phrase too vulgarly common not to be well known to your readers. But whence has it arisen? Either in "NOTES AND QUERIES," or elsewhere, it has been explained as a corruption of "Please the pix." Will you allow another suggestion? I think it possible that the pigs of the Gergesenes (Matthew viii. 28. et seq.) may be those appealed to, and that the invocation may be of somewhat impious meaning. John Bradford, the martyr of 1555, has within a few consecutive pages of his writings the following expressions:
"And so by this means, as they save their pigs, which they would not lose, (I mean their worldly pelf), so they would please the Protestants, and be counted with them for gospellers, yea, marry, would they."—Writings of Bradford, Parker Society ed., p.390.
Again:
"Now are they willing to drink of God's cup of afflictions, which He offereth common with His son Christ our Lord, lest they should love their pigs with the Gergenites." p. 409.
Again:
"This is a hard sermon: 'Who is able to abide it?' Therefore, Christ must be prayed to depart, lest all their pigs be drowned. The devil shall have his dwelling again in themselves, rather than in their pigs." p. 409.
These, and similar expressions in the same writer, without reference to any text upon the subject, seem to show, that men loving their pigs more than God, was a theological phrase of the day, descriptive of their too great worldliness. Hence, just as St. Paul said, "if the Lord will," or as we say, "please God," or, as it is sometimes written, "D.V.," worldly men would exclaim, "please the pigs," and thereby mean that, provided it suited their present interest, they would do this or that thing.
Ecclesfield.
[We subjoin the following Query, as one so closely connected with the foregoing, that the explanation of the one will probably clear up the obscurity in which the other is involved.]
To save One's Bacon.—Can you or any of your correspondents inform me of the origin of the common saying, "He's just saved his bacon?" It has puzzled me considerably, and I really can form no conjecture why "bacon" should be the article "saved."
Arabic Numerals.—I should be glad to know something about the projected work of Brugsh, Berlin, referred to in Vol. ii., p. 294.,—its size and price.
Cardinal.—"Never did Cardinal bring good to England."—We read in Dr. Ligard's History (vol. iv. p. 527.), on the authority of Cavendish, that when the Cardinals Campeggio and Wolsey adjourned the inquiry into the legality of Henry VIII.'s marriage with Catharine of Arragon, "the Duke of Suffolk, striking the table, exclaimed with vehemence, that the 'old saw' was now verified,—'Never did Cardinal bring good to England.'" I should be glad to know if this saying is to be met with elsewhere, and what gave rise to it?
"By the bye," &c.—What is the etymology of the phrases "by the bye," "by and by," and such like?
Poisons.—Our ancestors believed in the existence of poisons made so artfully that they did not operate till several years after they were administered. I should be greatly obliged by any information on this subject obtained from English books published previously to 1600.
Cabalistic Author.—Who was the author of a chemical and cabalistical work, not noticed by Lowndes, entitled:
"A philosophicall epitaph in hierogliphicall figures. A briefe of the golden calf (the world's idol). The golden ass well managed, and Midas restored to reason. Written by J. Rod, Glauber, and Jehior, the three principles or originall of all things. Published by W.C., Esquire, 8vo. Lond. Printed for William Cooper, at the Pellican, in Little Britain, 1673."
With a long catalogue of chemical books, in three parts, at the end. My copy has two titles, the first being an engraved one, with ten small circles round it, containing hieroglyphical figures, and an engraved frontispiece, which is repeated in the volume, with some other cuts. There are two dedications, one to Robert Boyle, Esq., and the other to Elias Ashmole, Esq.; both signed "W.C. or twice five hundred," which signature is repeated in other parts of the book. What is the meaning of "W.C. or twice five hundred"?
Brandon the Juggler.—Where is any information to be obtained of Brandon the Juggler, who lived in the reign of King Henry VIII.?
Jacobus Præfectus Siculus.—I have a beautiful copy of a poem by this person, entitled De Verbo DEI Cantica. The binding expresses its date: "Neapoli, 1537." It is not, I believe, the work which suggested to Milton his greater songs, though it is a pretty complete outline of the Paradise Lost and Regained/ What is known about the author, or any other works of his?
The Word "after" in the Rubric—Canons of 1604.—
1. Can any of your correspondents who may have in their possession any old Greek, or Latin, or other versions, of the Book of Common Prayer, kindly inform me how the word after is rendered in the rubrics of the General Confession, the Lord's Prayer in the Post Communion, and the last prayer of the Commination Service? Is it in the sense of post or secundum?
2. Where can any account of the translation of the Canons of 1604 into English be found? It is apprehended the question is one more difficult to answer than might be supposed.
Hard by.—Is not hard by a corruption of the German hierbei? I know no other similar instance of the word hard, that is to say, as signifying proximity, without the conjoint idea of pressure or pursuit.
Thomas Rogers of Horninger.—Can any of the readers of your valuable publication give me, or put me in the way of obtaining, any information about one Thomas Rogers, who was in some way connected with the village of Horninger or Horringer, near Bury St. Edmunds, was author of a work on the Thirty-nine Articles, and died in the year 1616?
Corpus Christi Col., Cambridge.
Armorial Bearings.—Three barrulets charged with six church bells, three, two, and one, is a shield occurring in the Speke Chauntry, in Exeter Cathedral. Can this coat be assigned?
Lady Compton's Letter to her Husband.—In Bishop Goodman's Court of King James I., edited by John S. Brewer, M.A. (vol. ii. p. 127..), is a letter from Lady Compton to her husband, William Lord Compton, afterwards Earl of Northampton, written upon occasion of his coming into possession of a large fortune. This letter, with some important variations, is also given in Knight's London (vol. i. p. 324.), and, if my memory does not deceive me, in Hewitt's Visits to Remarkable Places. This letter is very curious, but I can hardly think it genuine. Can any of your correspondents throw any light on the matter? Was it printed before 1839, when Mr. Brewer's work appeared? Where is the original, or supposed original, to be seen? Above all, is it authentic? If not, is it known when, and by {425} whom, and under what circumstances it was written?
Cambridge, November 15. 1850.
Romagnasi's Works.—In a "Life of G.D. Romagnasi," in vol. xviii. Law Mag., p. 340., after enumerating several of his works, it is added, "All these are comprised in a single volume, Florentine edit. of 1835." I have in vain endeavoured to procure the work, and have recently received an answer from the first book establishment in Florence, to the effect that no such edition ever appeared either at Florence or elsewhere.
This is strange after the explicit statement in the Law Mag., and I shall be obliged to receive through the medium of your useful pages any information regarding the work in question.
Christopher Barker's Device.—I have often been puzzled to understand the precise meaning of the inscription on Christopher Barker's device. Whether this arises from my own ignorance, or from any essential difficulty in it, I cannot tell; but I should be glad of an explanation. I copy from a folio edition of the Geneva Bible, "imprinted at London by Christopher Barker, printer to the Queene's Majesty, 1578."
The device consists of a boar's head rising from a mural crown, with a scroll proceeding from its mouth, and embracing a lamb in the lowest fold. The inscription on this scroll is as follows:—
"Tigre . Reo.
Animale . Del.
Adam . Vecchio.
Figliuolo . Merce.
L'Evangelio . Fatto.
N'Estat . Agnello."
I venture my own solution:—The tiger, the wicked animal, of the old Adam, being made, thanks to the Gospel, a son, is hence become a lamb."
I presume N'Estat to be an abbreviation of "ne è stato." Any correction or illustration of this will oblige.
Bingham's Melcombe, Blandford.
(Vol. ii., p.359.)
On the 12th November, 5 & 6 Philip and Mary, 1558, a bill "That no man shall print any book or ballad, &c., unless he be authorized thereunto by the king and queen's majesties licence, under the Great Seal of Englande," was read for the first time in the House of Lords, where it was read again a second time on the 14th. On the 16th it was read for the third time, but it did not pass, and probably never reached the Commons; for Queen Mary died on the following day, and thereby the Parliament was dissolved. (Lords' Journal, i. 539, 540.) Queen Elizabeth, however did by her high prerogative what her sister had sought to effect by legislative sanction. In the first year of her reign, 1559, she issued injunctions concerning both the clergy and the laity: the 51st Injunction was in the following terms:—
"Item, because there is great abuse in the printers of books, which for covetousness chiefly regard not what they print, so they may have gain, whereby ariseth the great disorder by publication of unfruitful, vain, and infamous books and papers; the queen's majesty straitly chargeth and commandeth, that no manner of person shall print any manner of book or paper, of what sort, nature, or in what language soever it be, except the same be first licensed by Her Majesty by express words in writing, or by six of her privy council; or be perused and licensed by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishop of London, the chancellors of both universities, the bishop being ordinary, and the archdeacon also of the place, where any such shall be printed, or by two of them, whereof the ordinary of the place to be always one. And that the names of such, as shall allow the same, to be added in the end of every such work, for a testimony of the allowance thereof. And because many pamphlets, plays, and ballads be oftentimes printed, wherein regard would be had that nothing therein should be either heretical, seditious, or unseemly for Christian ears; Her Majesty likewise commandeth that no manner of person shall enterprise to print any such, except the same be to him licensed by such Her Majesty's commissioners, or three of them, as be appointed in the city of London to hear and determine divers clauses ecclesiastical, tending to the execution of certain statutes made the last parliament for uniformity of order in religion. And if any shall sell or utter any manner of books or papers, being not licensed as is abovesaid, that the same party shall be punished by order of the said commissioners, as to the quality of the fault shall be thought meet. And touching all other books of matters of religion, or policy, or governance, that have been printed, either on this side the seas, or on the other side, because the diversity of them is great, and that there needeth good consideration to be had of the particularities thereof, Her Majesty referreth the prohibition or permission thereof to the order, which her said commissioners within the city of London shall take and notify. According to the which, Her Majesty straitly chargeth and commandeth all manner her subjects, and especially the wardens and company of stationers, to be obedient.
"Provided that these orders do not extend to any profane authors and works in any language, that have been heretofore commonly received or allowed in any of the universities or schools, but the same may be printed, and used as by good order they were accustomed."—Cardswell's Documentary Annals, i. 229.
This injunction was, I take it, the origin of the licensing of the press of this country. On the 23d June, 28 Eliz. 1586 (not 1585, as in Strype), {426} Archbishop Whitgift and the Lords of the Privy Council in the Star Chamber made rules and ordinances for redressing abuses in printing. No printing-press was to be allowed elsewhere than in London (except one in each University); and no book was to be printed until first seen and perused by the Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London; with an exception in favour of the queen's printer, and books of the common law, which were to be allowed by the Chief Justices and Chief Baron, or one of them. Extensive and arbitrary powers of search for unlicensed books and presses were also given to the wardens of the Stationers' Company. (Strype's Life of Archbishop Whitgift, 222.; Records, No.XXIV.) On the 1st July, 1637, another decree of a similar character was made by the Court of Star Chamber. (Rushworth's Historical Collections, Part ii. p.450.) The Long Parliament, although it dissolved the Star Chamber, seems to have had no more enlightened views as respects the freedom of the press than Queen Elizabeth or the Archbishops Whitgift and Laud; for on the 14th June, 1643, the two Houses made an ordinance prohibiting the printing of any order or declaration of either House, without order of one or both Houses; or the printing or sale of any book, pamphlet, or paper, unless the same were approved and licensed under the hands of such persons as both or either House should appoint for licensing the same. (Parliamentary History, xii. 298.) The names of the licensers appointed are given in Neal's History of the Puritans (ed. 1837, ii. 205.). It was this ordinance which occasioned the publication, in or about 1644, of Milton's most noble defence of the liberty of the press, entitled Areopagitica; a Speech for the Liberty of unlicensed Printing, To the Parliament of England. After setting out certain Italian imprimaturs, he remarks:
"These are the pretty responsories, these are the dear antiphonies that so bewitched of late our prelates and their chaplains with the godly echo they made and besotted, as to the gay imitation of a lordly imprimatur, one from Lambeth House, another from the west end of Paul's; so apishly romanising, that the word of command still was set down in Latin, as if the learned grammatical pen that wrote it would cast no ink without Latin; or, perhaps, as they thought, because no vulgar tongue was worthy to express the pure conceit of an imprimatur; but rather, as I hope, for that our English, the language of men ever famous and foremost in the achievements of liberty, will not easily find servile letters enow to spell such a dictatory presumption englished."
On the 28th September, 1647, the Lords and Commons passed a still more severe ordinance, which imposed pains and penalties on all persons printing, publishing, selling, or uttering any book, pamphlet, treatise, ballad, libel, or sheet of news, without the licence of both, or either House of Parliament, or such persons as should be thereunto authorised by one or both Houses. Offending hawkers, pedlars, and ballad-chappers were to be whipped as common rogues. (Parliamentary History, xvi. 309.) We get some insight into the probable cause of this ordinance from a letter of Sir Thomas Fairfax to the Earl of Manchester, dated "Putney, 20th Sept., 1647." He complains of some printed pamphlets, very scandalous and abusive, to the army in particular, and the whole kingdom in general; and expresses his desire that these, and all of the like nature, might be suppressed for the future. In order, however, to satisfy the kingdom's expectation for intelligence, he advises that, till a firm peace be settled, two or three sheets might be permitted to come out weekly, which might be licensed; and as Mr. Mabbott had approved himself faithful in that service of licensing, and likewise in the service of the House and the army, he requested that he might be continued in the said place of licenser. (Lords' Journals, ix. 457.) Gilbert Mabbott was accordingly appointed licenser of such weekly papers as should be printed, but resigned the situation 22nd May, 1649. (Commons' Journals, vi. 214.) It seems he had conscientious objections to the service, for elsewhere it is recorded, under the same date, "Upon Mr. Mabbott's desire and reasons against licensing of books to be printed, he was discharged of that imployment." (Whitelock's Memorials, 389.) On the 20th September, 1649, was passed a parliamentary ordinance prohibiting printing elsewhere than in London, the two Universities, York, and Finsbury, without the licence of the Council of State (Scobell's Ordinances, Part ii. 90.); and on the 7th January, 1652-3, the Parliament passed another ordinance for the suppression of unlicensed and scandalous books. (Scobell's Ordinances, Part ii. 231.) In 1661 a bill for the regulation of printing passed the Lords, but was rejected by the Commons on account of the peers having inserted a clause exempting their own houses from search; but in 1662 was passed the statute 13 & 14 Car. II. c. 33., which required all books to be licensed as follows:—Law books by the Lord Chancellor, or one of the Chief Justices, or Chief Baron; books of history and state, by one of the Secretaries of State; of heraldry, by the Earl Marshal, or the King-at-Arms; of divinity, physic, philosophy, or whatsoever other science or art, by the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London: or if printed at either University, by the chancellor thereof. The number of master printers (exclusive of the king's printers and the printers of the Universities) was to be reduced to twenty, and then vacancies were to be filled up by the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London, and printing was not to be allowed elsewhere than in London, York (where the Archbishop of York was to license all books), {427} and the two Universities. This Act was to continue for two years, from 10th June, 1662. It was renewed by the 16 Car. II. c. 8.; 16 & 17 Car. II. c. 7.; and 17 Car. II. c. 4., and expired on the 26th May, 1679,—a day rendered ever memorable by the passing of the Habeas Corpus Act: but in less than a year afterwards the judges unanimously advised the king that he might by law prohibit the printing and publishing of all news-books and pamphlets of news not licensed by His Majesty's authority; and accordingly on the 17th May, 1680, appeared in the Gazette a proclamation restraining the printing of such books and pamphlets without license. The Act of 1662 was revived for seven years, from 24th June, 1685, by 1 Jac. II. c. 17. s. 15., and, even after the Revolution, was continued for a year longer by 4 & 5 Wm. and Mary, c. 24. s. 14. When that year expired, the press of England became free; but on the 1st of April, 1697, the House of Commons, after passing a vote against John Salusbury, printer of the Flying Post, for a paragraph inserted in that journal tending to destroy the credit and currency of Exchequer Bills, ordered that leave should be given to bring in a bill to prevent the writing, printing, and publishing any news without licence. Mr. Poultney accordingly presented such a bill on the 3rd of April. It was read a first time; but a motion to read it a second time was negatived. (Commons' Journals, xi. 765. 767.) This attempt again to shackle the press seems to have occasioned
"A Letter to a Member of Parliament showing that a restraint on the Press is inconsistent with the Protestant Religion and dangerous to the Liberties of the Nation." Printed 1697, and reprinted in Cobbett's Parliamentary History, v. App. p. cxxx.
Cambridge, October 29. 1850.
(Vol. ii., pp. 243. 281.)
To the information which has recently been furnished in your pages respecting the remains of James II., it may be not uninteresting to add the inscription which is on his monument in the church of St. Germain-en-Laye, and which I copied, on occasion of my last visit to France.
The body of the king, or a considerable portion of it, which had remained unburied, was, I believe, interred at St. Germain soon after the termination of the war in 1814; but it being necessary to rebuild the church, the remains were exhumed and re-interred in 1824. Vicissitudes as strange in death as in life seem to have attended this unhappy king.
The following is the inscription now on his monument in the parish church of St. Germain:
"REGIO CINERI PIETAS REGIA.
"Ferale quisquis hoc monumentum suspicis
Rerum humanarum vices meditare
Magnus in prosperis in adversis major
Jacobus 2. Anglorum Rex.
Insignes ærumnas dolendaque nimium fata
Pio placidoque obitu exsolvit
in hac urbe
Die 16. Septemb. anni 1701.
Et nobiliores quædam corporis ejus partes
Hic reconditæ asservantur."
Qui prius augustâ gestabat fronte coronam
Exiguâ nunc pulvereus requiescit in urnâ
Quid solium—quid et alta juvant! terit omnia lethum,
Verum laus fidei ac morum haud peritura manebit
Tu quoque summe Deus regem quem regius hospes
Infaustum excepit tecum regnare jubebis."
But a different inscription formerly was placed over the king's remains in this church, which has now disappeared; at all events, I could not discover it; and I suppose that the foregoing was preferred and substituted for that, a copy of which I subjoin:
"D.O.M. Jussu Georgii IV. Magnæ Britanniæ &c., Regis, et curante Equite exc. Carolo Stuart Regis Britanniæ Legato, cæteris antea rite peractis et quo decet honore in stirpem Regiam hic nuper effossæ reconditæ sunt Reliquiæ Jacobi II., qui in secundo civitatis gradu clarus triumphis in primo infelicior, post varios fortunæ casus in spem melioris vitæ et beatæ resurrectionis hic quievit in Domino, anno MDCCI, v. idus Septemb., MDCCCXXIV."
At the foot of the monument were the words—
"Depouilles mortelles de Jacques 2. Roi d'Angleterre."
A third monumental inscription to the memory of James II., in Latin, is to be seen in the chapel of the Scotch College in Paris. This memorial was erected in 1703, by James, Duke of Perth. An urn, containing the brains of the king, formerly stood on the top of it. A copy of this inscription is preserved in the Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica, vol. vii.
Bristol, November 8. 1850.
My transplantation from Gloucester to Devonshire, and the consequent unapproachable state of my books, prevents my referring to authorities at the moment in support of what I have said about the arms of Judge Cradock alias Newton: still I wish to notice the subject at once that I may not appear to shrink from the Query of S.A.Y. (Vol. ii., p. 371.)
I happen to have at hand a copy of the Grant {428} of Arms to Sir John of East Harptree, Somerset, in 1567 in which, on the authority of the heralds of the day, arg. on a chevron az. 3 garbs or, are granted to him in the first quarter as the arms of Robert Cradock alias Newton. The Judge seems to have been the first of the family who dropped the name of Cradock. His forefathers, for several generations (from Howel ap Grononye, who was Lord of Newton, in Rouse or Trenewith, in Poursland), went by the name of Cradog Dom. de Newton.
Robert Cradock, mentioned in the Grant I have quoted, married Margaret Sherborne. He was the Judge's great-great-grandfather. Sir John Newton, to whom the grant was made, lies buried at East Harptree; and on his tomb may be seen (besides his effigies as large as life) the twelve quarterings in their original (?) blazoning, impaled with those of his wife, one of the Pointz family. The same arms (of Newton) are still discernible on a beautifully wrought, though now much mutilated shield, over one of the doors of Barres Court, at East Hanham, in Bitton, Gloucestershire, where Newton also had a residence, where John Leland on his itinerary visited him, and says (Itin. vol. vii. p. 87.) "his very propre name is Caradoc," &c. This property Newton inherited as a descendant from the De Bittons or Button (through Hampton), a family of great note in their day, and residents on the site of Barres Court, a "fayr manner place of stone," which evidently took its name from Sir John Barre, who married Joan, the relict of Robert Greyndon, and daughter of Thomas Roug by Catherine, who was the last heiress of that branch of De Bittons—(she died 1485, and is buried with her first husband at Newlond). Of the same family were the three bishops of that name, in the reigns of the early Edwards; one of which, Thomas, Bishop of Exeter in 1299, was the pious founder of a chantry chapel adjoining Bitton Church, over the bodies of his father and another, who were buried there; the building itself is quite an architectural gem. The said bishop must also have resided there, for in 1287, when Dean of Wells, the Lord of the Manor of that part of Bitton where his estate lay, impounded some of his cattle, and had a trial thereon at Gloucester, as appears by a Placite Roll of that date.
I send you a copy of the Grant of Arms, as it may be interesting, to publish—besides, it is a reply to the latter part of S.A.Y.'s Query. It is copied from the Ashmol. MSS. No. 834. p. 34.
Of the Newtons of Yorkshire I know nothing; but if S.A.Y. wishes to question me further, I shall be happy to receive his communication under his own proper sign-manual.
In Nichols' Leicestershire, vol. iv. pt. 2. p. 807., is a pedigree of Cradock bearing the same arms, and it is there laid down that Howel ap Gronow was slain by the French in 1096, and buried at Llandilo Vawr; also that the Judge was called Newton from his birth-place. (It is in Montgomeryshire, I believe.) Matthew Cradock, who lies in Swansea Church, bore different arms.
"To all and singular as well nobles and gentills as others to whom these presents shall come, we, Sir Gilbert Dethicke, knight, alias Garter, principall kinge of armes for the Order of the Garter, Robte. Cooke, alias Clarenciault, kinge of armes of the south, William Flower alias Norroy, kinge of armes of the northe, and all others the hereauldes of armes send humble commendacion and gretinge: that whereas we being required by Sir John Newton, of Richmond Castill, in the countie of Somersett, knight, to make serche for the ancient armes descendinge to him from his ancetors [sic], at whose requeste we, the said kinges and hereauldes of armes have not only made diligent serche in our regesters, but also therewithall perused diverse of his ancient evidence and other monumentes, whereuppon we doe fynd that the said Sir John Newton, knight, maye beare twelve severall cotes, that is to say, the armes of Robte. Cradocke alias Newton, the armes of Robte. Sherborne, the arms of Steven Angle, the armes of Steven Pirot, the armes of John Harvie, the armes of Sir John Sheder, knight, the armes of Richard Hampton, the armes of Sir John Bitton, knight, the armes of Sir Matthewe Ffurneault, knight, the armes of Walter Cawdecot, the armes of Sir Aunsell Corney, knight, and the armes of Sir Henry Harterie, knight. All which armes doth plainlie appere depicted in the Margent; and for that the said Sir John Newton is yncertaine of any creaste which he ought to beare by his owne proper name, he therefore hath also required vs, the said kings and hereauldes of armes, to assigne and confirme vnto him and his posteritie for ever, the creaste of Sir Auncell Corney, knight, which Sir Auncell Corney, as it doth appere by divers ancient evidence and other monuments of the said Sir John Newton, was at the winnynge of Acom with Kinge Richard the First, where he toke prisoner a kinge of the Mores: and farther, the said Sir John Newton, knight, hath made goode proofe for the bearinge of the same creaste, that the heires male of the said Sir Auncell Corney is extingueshed, and the heires generall do only remaine in him. In consideracion whereof wee, the said kinges and herehauldes of arms, do give, confirme, and grant vnto the said Sir John Newton and his posteritie for ever, the said creaste of Sir Auncell Corney, knight, that is to say, vppon his helme on a torce silver and asure, a kinge of the Mores armed in male, crowned gold, knelinge vpon his left knee rendring vppe his sworde, as more plainly aperith depicted in this Margent, to have and to horold the said creast to him and his posteretie, with there due difference to vse, beare, and show in shelde, cote armour, or otherwise, for ever, at his or their libertie and pleasure, without impediment, let, or interruption of any parson or parsons. In witnesse whereof we, the said hinges and hereauldes of arms, have caused these letters to be made patentes, and set herevnto our common seale of corporation, given at the office of arms in London, the twelvethe of December, and in the tenthe yeare of the reigne of our sovereign {429} ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faithe," &c.
Clyst St George, Nov. 4. 1850.
Cradock—I should like to know whether the MSS. of Randle Holme, of Chester, 1670, which afterwards were penes Dr. Latham, are still accessible? Nichols refers to them as his authority for Cradock's pedigree, as laid down in his Leicestershire (vol. iv. part ii. p. 807.).
REPLIES BY GEORGE STEPHENS.
I beg to encloze ðe following scraps, purposely written on slips, ðat ðe one may be destroyed and not ðe oðer if you should þink fit so to do, and for eaze ov printing.
Pleaze to respect my orþography—a beginning to a better system—if you can and will. Ðe types required will only be ðe Ð, ð, and Þ, þ, ov our noble Anglo-Saxon moðer-tongue, letterz in common use almost down to ðe time ov Shakspeare!
If you will not be charmed, ov course you are at liberty to change it.
I have a large work in ðe press (translationz from ðe A.-Saxon) printed entirely in ðis orþography.
Stockholm.
[Even our respect for Mr. Stephens' well-known scholarship, fails to remove our prejudices in favour of the ordinary system of orthography.]
On a Passage in "The Tempest" (Vol. ii., pp. 259. 299. 337.).—Will you allow me to suggest that the reading of the original edition is perfectly correct as it stands, as will be seen by simply italicising the emphatic words:—
"Most busie least, when I doe it."
The construction is thus merely an instance of a common ellipsis (here of the word busy), and requires the comma after least. This is another proof of the advantage of being slow to abandon primitive texts.
Saint, Legend of a (Vol. ii., pp. 267.).—The circumstance alluded to is perhaps that in the legend of St. Patrick. It was included by Voragine in his life of that saint. See the "Golden Legend" in init.
Cupid and Psyche (Vol. ii., pp. 247.).—This is probably an old Folk-tale, originally perhaps an antique philosophical temple-allegory. Apuleius appears only to have dressed it up in a new shape. The tale is still current, but in a form not derived from him, among the Swedes, Norwegians, Danes, Scots, Germans, French, Wallachians, Italians, and Hindoos. See Svenska Folk-sagor och Afventyr, efter muntlig Ofverlemning samlade och utgifna of G.O.H. Cavallius och G. Stephens, vol. i. (Stockholm, 1844-9), p. 323.
Kongs Skuggsia (Vol. ii., pp 296. 335.).—This noble monument of Old Norse literature was written at the close of the twelfth century by a Norwegian of high rank, but who expresses his resolution to remain unknown, in which he has perfectly succeeded. He probably resided near Trondhjem. See, for other information, the preface to the last excellent edition lately published by Keyser, Munch, and Unger, as follows:—
"Speculum Regale Konungs-Skuggsjá Konge-Speilet et philosophisk-didaktisk Skrift, forfattet i Norge mod slutningen af det tolfte aarhundrede. Tilligemed et samtidigt Skrift om den norske kirkes Stilling til Statem. Med to lithographerede Blade Facsimile-Aftryck."—Christiana, 1848. 8vo.
Stockholm.
The disputed Passage in the "Tempest" (Vol. ii., pp. 259. 299. 337.).—I am the "COMMA" which MR. COLLIER claims the merit of having removed, and I humbly protest against the removal. I adhere to the reading of the folio of 1632, except that I would strike out the final s in labours. The passage would then read:
"But these sweet thoughts so refresh my labour
Most busy least, when I do it."
That is, the thoughts so refresh my labour, that I am "most busy least" (an emphatic way of saying least busy), "when I do it," to wit, the labour. MR. HICKSON is ingenious, but he takes no notice of—
Viscount Castlecomer (Vol. ii., p. 376.).—S.A.Y. asks whether Lord Deputy Wandesford (not Wanderforde) "ever took up this title, and what became of it afterwards?" He never did; for on the receipt of the patent, in the summer of 1640, Wandesford exclaimed, "Is this a time for a faithful subject to be exalted, when his king, the fountain of honours, is likely to be reduced lower than ever." A few months afterwards he died of a broken heart. We are told that he concealed the patent, and his grandson was the first of the family—apparently by a fresh creation in 1706—who assumed the title. The neglect of sixty-six years, perhaps, rendered this necessary: Beatson does not notice the first creation. The life of this active and useful statesman, the friend and relative of Strafford, was compiled from his daughter's papers, by his descendant, Thomas Comber, LL.D. Of this work Dr. Whitaker availed himself in the very interesting memoir which he has given of the Lord Deputy, in his History of Richmondshire, written, as we may suppose it would be by so devoted {430} an admirer of Charles I., with the warmest feelings of respect and admiration.
"The death of my cousin Wandesford," said Lord Strafford, "more affects me than the prospect of my own; for in him is lost the richest magazine of learning, wisdom, and piety that these times could boast."
Bath.
Steele's Burial-place (Vol. ii., pp. 375, 441.).—I have been able to get the following particulars respecting Steele's burial-place. Steele was buried in the chancel of St. Peter's church, Caermarthen. The entry stands thus in the Register:—
"1729.
"Sep. 4. Sr Richard Steel."
There is no monument to his memory in St. Peter's Church; but in Llangunnor church, about two miles from Caermarthen, there is a plain monumental tablet with the following inscription:—
"This stone was erected at the instance of William Williams, of Ivy Tower, owner of Penddaylwn Vawr, in Llangunnor; part of the estate there once belonging to the deservedly celebrated Sir Richard Steele, knight, chief author of the essays named Tatlers, Guardians, and Spectators; and he wrote The Christian Hero, The Englishman, and The Crisis, The Conscious Lovers, and other fine plays. He represented several places in parliament; was a staunch and able patriot; finally, an incomparable writer on morality and Christianity. Hence the ensuing lines in a poem, called The Head of the Rock:—
'Behold Llangunnor, leering o'er the vale,
Pourtrays a scene t' adorn romantic tale;
But more than all the beauties of its site,
Its former owner gives the mind delight.
Is there a heart that can't affection feel
For lands so rich as once to boast a Steele?
Who warm for freedom, and with virtue fraught,
His country dearly lov'd, and greatly taught;
Whose morals pure, the purest style conveys,
T' instruct his Britain to the last of days.'"
Steele resided at White House (Ty Gwyn, as it is called in Welsh), a clean farm-house half way between Caermarthen and Llangunnor church, which is situate on a hill commanding extensive views of one of the prettiest values in Wales. A field near the house is pointed out as the site of Steele's garden, in the bower of which he is said to have written his "Conscious Lovers." The Ivy Bush, formerly a private house, and said to be the house where Steele died, is now the principal inn in Caermarthen.
Caermarthen.
Cure for Warts (Vol. i., p. 482.)— In Buckinghamshire I have heard of the charming away of warts by touching each wart with a separate green pea. Each pea being wrapped in paper by itself, and buried, the wart will vanish as the pea decays.
Etymology of "Parse" (Vol. ii., p. 118.).—Surely to parse is to take by itself each pars, or part of speech. The word does not seem to have been known in 1611 when Brinsley published his Posing of the Parts: or, a most plain and easie Way of examining the Accidence and Grammar. This work appears to have been very popular, as I have by me the twelfth edition, London, 1669. In 1612, the same author issued his Ludus Literarius: or the Grammar Schoole. Both these works interest me in him. Can any of your readers communicate any particulars of his history?
Admiration of the works of Holbein in Germany, as in this country, seems to increase with increasing years. We have received from Messrs. Williams and Norgate a copy of a new edition of his Bible Cuts lately published at Leipsic, under the title Hans Holbein's Altes Testament in funfzig Holzschnitten getreu nach den Originalen copirt. Herausgegeben von Hugo Burkner, mit einer Einleitung von D.F. Sotymann, to which we direct the attention of our readers, no less on account of the beauty and fidelity with which these admirable specimens of Holbein's genius have been copied, than of the interesting account of them prefixed by their new editor.
We beg to call the attention of such of our antiquaries as are interested in the history of the Orkneys to a valuable contribution to our knowledge of them, lately published by our accomplished friend, Professor Munch, of the Christiana, under the title of Symbolæ ad Historiam Antiquiorem Rerum Norwegicarum, which contains, I. A short Chronicle of Norway; II. Genealogy of the Earls of Orkney; III. Catalogue of the Kings of Norway—from a MS., for the most part hitherto inedited, and which appears to have been written in Orkney about the middle of the fifteenth century.
While on the subject of foreign works of interest to English readers, we may mention two or three others which we have been for some time intending to bring under the notice of those who know how much light may be thrown upon our early language and literature by a study of the contemporary literature of the Low Countries. The first is, Denkmaeler Niederdeutscher Sprache und Literatur von Dr. Albert Hoefer, Erstes Banchen, which contains the highly curious Low German Whitson play called Claws Bur. The next is a larger, more elaborately edited, and from its introduction and extensive notes and various illustrations, a yet more interesting work to English philologists. It is entitled Leven van Sinte Christina de Wonderbare, an old Dutch poem, now first edited from a MS. of the fourteenth or fifteenth century, by Professor Bormans.
We have received the following Catalogues:—Thomas Kerslake's (3. Park Street, Bristol) Books, including valuable late Purchases; John Wheldon's {431} (4. Paternoster Row) Catalogue of valuable Collection of Scentific Books; W.H. McKeay's (11. Vinegar Yard, Covent Garden) Catalogue of a Portion of Stock.
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