A
NARRATIVE
OF
TRAVELS IN NORTHERN AFRICA,
IN THE YEARS 1818, 19, AND 20;

PREFACE.

The situation of an author, when he presents himself to the scrutinizing observation of the public, must ever be one of the greatest doubt and anxiety; but as the following pages are intended only to detail facts in the plainest manner, without attempt at embellishment of any kind, it is hoped that they will not only meet with indulgence from the general reader, but escape, without very severe comment, from the examination of the critic. All that can be said in their recommendation is, that they adhere strictly to truth, and that not a single incident described by the author is in the slightest degree exaggerated; on the contrary, he has not only abridged but, in some instances, entirely omitted to mention circumstances which occurred to him, fearing either to excite doubt in the minds of his readers, or by too long details to trespass on their patience.

The Tour is divided into two parts. The first comprizes the original progress of the mission from Tripoli to Morzouk, where[vi] the unfortunate Mr. Ritchie died: the second embraces the author’s examination of the remainder of the kingdom of Fezzan, from the death of his companion, until the final return of the mission to Tripoli; it being deemed too hazardous to attempt advancing farther into the interior, without fresh authority and additional pecuniary supplies from Government.

In that part of the journey which was undertaken after the death of Mr. Ritchie, the state of the temperature is, by a thermometer, graduated according to Reaumur.

In consequence of Mr. Ritchie’s frequent and debilitating attacks of illness, and his having relied too much on a singularly retentive memory, he had, from time to time, delayed committing his remarks to paper, in the delusive anticipation of ease and leisure, which, unhappily, he was destined never to enjoy; and it was thus owing to an unfortunate procrastination, that much valuable information has been lost to the world.

The present journal, therefore, although regularly kept, must necessarily be very inferior to that which would have been produced by Mr. Ritchie, had he been blessed with better health and prolonged life; but, however great his loss may be considered in a scientific point of view, this circumstance, it is earnestly hoped, will operate as an additional claim, on the part of the author, to the[vii] kind consideration of the public, to whom he offers his little work only as an humble substitute for one which would have been far better arranged; trusting that in his total want of pretension and ready admission of its defects, it may meet the general indulgence, which he can claim on no other account.

The author is indebted to the kindness of the Rev. W. Buckland, Professor of Mineralogy at Oxford, for the interesting paper on the geology of the kingdom of Fezzan.

DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER,
FOR PLACING THE PLATES.

CONTENTS.

MAP
of a Route through the
REGENCY OF TRIPOLI طربلس
AND
KINGDOM OF FEZZAN فزّان
Performed in the Years 1818-19 & 20.
BY CAPT^N. G. F. LYON. R.N.

Engraved under the direction of A. Arrowsmith.

London, Published by John Murray, 50 Albemarle Str^t. March, 1821.

(Larger size, Largest size)

[1]TRAVELS
FROM
TRIPOLI TO MOURZOUK.

CHAPTER I.

The Author’s Departure from Malta — Arrival at Tripoli — Character of Mohammed el Mukni, Bey of Fezzan — Equipment of Mr. Ritchie and the Author — Costume of the Natives of Tripoli — Character of the Marāboots, and Celebration of their annual Festival — The Natives of Tripoli — Their Habits, Customs, &c. — Public Baths — Punishments — Costumes of the Women — Tripoline Marriages and Funerals — Funeral of the Bashaw’s Grand-daughter — Resignation of M. Dupont — Journey to the Gharian Mountains and Benioleed, in Company with Mr. Ritchie — General Appearance of the Country — Arrival at the Gharian Mountains — Visit to the Sheikh — Short Account of the Passes — Roman Tomb — Castle of Gharian — Distressed State of Usadena — Account of the People of Gharian — Set out for Benioleed, through the gravelly Desert — Arrival at Benioleed — Character of the Inhabitants — Its Population — Description of the Arabs — Their Religion, Manners, Habits, &c.

IN the month of September, 1818, Mr. Ritchie, a gentleman of great science and ability, employed by the British government on a mission to the interior of Africa, arrived at Malta from Marseilles, attended by M. Dupont, a Frenchman in his pay, whom he had engaged for the purpose of collecting and preparing objects of natural history. It was understood that Captain Marryat, of the Royal Navy, was also to have accompanied Mr. Ritchie; but that circumstances had occurred which induced that gentleman to relinquish[2] his intention of joining the mission. Soon after Mr. Ritchie’s arrival in Malta, I was fortunate enough to become acquainted with him, and hearing him express his disappointment at having failed to obtain Captain Marryat as his companion on the proposed expedition, I ventured to offer my best endeavours to supply his place, and although conscious that I had but little talent to boast, I yet hoped that the zeal by which I was actuated would in some degree make amends for my deficiencies in other respects. Mr. Ritchie, without hesitation, accepted my proposal, and in consequence lost no time in applying to Admiral Sir C. V. Penrose, Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean, to solicit the necessary leave for my quitting the Albion. Sir C. Penrose, in the kindest and most flattering manner, acceded to the request, and immediately wrote in my favour to the Lords of the Admiralty, to obtain permission for me to belong to the mission. Mr. Ritchie in the meantime occupied himself in making preparations for his departure; and, as an addition to his small party, engaged a ship-wright from the dockyard, Malta, named John Belford (who, as well as myself, was a volunteer), to accompany him. His arrangements thus made, Mr. Ritchie, on the 10th October, sailed for Tripoli in the Admiral’s schooner, leaving me behind, anxiously awaiting an answer from England to the application made for me. I employed this period of suspense in acquiring the Arabic alphabet, and in otherwise preparing myself for the object in view. On 19th November the wished for permission arrived, and on November 21st I sailed from Malta in the tender for Tripoli, at which place I arrived on the 25th of November, 1818. I found Mr. Ritchie still there, and likely to remain sometime longer. He was residing in the house of the British consul, Colonel Warrington, who received me most hospitably, and invited me to take up my quarters under his roof. Mr. Ritchie’s intention being to proceed to Mourzouk,[3] مرزوك the capital of Fezzan فزّان with the Sultan of that country, his motions were to be regulated by the departure of this person, who, as we learned, was about to take with him a large body of men, for the purpose of waging war on the inhabitants of Waday, واداي (the Borgoo of Brown) which is to the southward and eastward of Fezzan; but as the people of Tripoli were by no means alert in coming forward, and as the Bashaw did not appear much inclined to compel them, no just idea could be formed as to the probable time of our setting off.

Mohammed el Mukni محمد المكني who at Tripoli is called the Bey of Fezzan, (but who takes the title of sultan on entering his own territories), is a man of about fifty years of age, of a fine martial appearance, and of great personal strength; but withal of an insatiable ambition and excessive avarice. He was one of the chief supporters and friends of the Bashaw during the reign of his father, and was afterwards of considerable assistance to him in quelling the disturbances which took place on his usurping the throne. Mukni was at this time in great favour, and considered as a person of much consequence. After his father’s death he became Bey el Noba, or collector of the Bashaw’s tribute from the Sultan of Fezzan, and went thither annually to receive it. Though the tribute was trifling, the office of Bey el Noba was held of great importance. It was while acting in this capacity that Horneman accompanied him to Fezzan. Mukni’s frequent visits to that country gave him opportunities of ascertaining that the sum paid as the tribute was but a very small part of the immense gains of the reigning Sultan; and having once determined on getting the kingdom into his own hands, he soon found means to influence the Bashaw to permit his removing the reigning family, under pretence that such a change would be for the Bashaw’s sole emolument. In 1811, therefore, he[4] took a body of men by the Gharian mountains, and succeeded in reaching Mourzouk undiscovered. The detail of his proceedings would be wholly uninteresting; suffice it to say, that his ambitious views were fully accomplished. He caused the Sultan and his brother to be strangled, as well as the principal Mamluke and his two eldest sons; and pretending that it was unsafe to leave Mourzouk immediately after these acts of cruelty and injustice, he had the address to persuade the Bashaw to appoint him his viceroy, promising to increase the tribute to 15,000 dollars annually, whereas that of the former Sultan did not exceed 5000. Having thus established himself, he waged war on all his defenceless neighbours, and annually carried off 4000 or 5000 slaves. From one of these slave-hunts into Kanem he had just returned to Tripoli, with a numerous body of captives and many camels, and was, in consequence, in the highest favour with the Bashaw.

I learnt on my arrival that Mr. Ritchie had several times had interviews with the Bashaw, to whom he made many valuable presents; and that His Highness was fully informed of his proposed journey and plans respecting the interior. Though Mr. Ritchie himself never communicated with me on this subject, or made known what occurred at these interviews, I have every reason to conclude they were favourable to the object he had in view, and that the protection of the Bashaw, as far as his power extended, was fully ensured to the mission. The Sultan of Fezzan also on his side made the most flattering promises of protection; declaring that he only awaited the opportunity of showing his good will, and that, when arrived in his own dominions, he would act towards Mr. Ritchie as a brother, and assist him in all things to the utmost of his power. After my own introduction to Mukni, I frequently heard him repeat these expressions of regard towards Mr. Ritchie,[5] and they extended also to myself, whom he promised equally to protect and assist.

With so powerful and friendly an ally as we had every reason to consider Mukni, we of course felt perfect security and confidence in the future, and we remained in the firm hope and assurance that all these flattering professions would be fully realised on our arrival in the kingdom of Fezzan. In a few days after I reached Tripoli I was introduced by the British Consul to the Bashaw; but as it was a private audience only, I had no opportunity of witnessing the splendour of his court. As neither Mr. Ritchie nor myself were yet equipped in our Moorish costume, which we were particularly advised by the Bashaw to adopt, we did not appear much in public; but having procured the Consul’s permission to reside in a house once belonging to the Portuguese consulate, we removed there in order to prepare ourselves for our outfit. I furnished myself with a horse and the greater part of my equipments, Mr. Ritchie not possessing sufficient funds for that purpose.

When presented to the Bashaw, it was thought absolutely necessary, by way of adding consequence and respectability to the mission, that I should be styled captain. I was therefore introduced as a Rais, or commander of a ship of war. Had I been supposed to have held an inferior rank, my reception by the great man would not have been so flattering, there being no intermediate gradation known in that country.

On the 5th of December, 1818, having accepted an invitation to pass the evening at the house of the Sheikh el Bled, or Governor of the town, we sent for an old barber to shave our heads; and our beards (which we had suffered to grow, and which now made a respectable appearance), were put in order for the occasion.

Our costume was that of the better class of Tripolines, who have two kinds of dresses; the one long, and worn chiefly by elderly[6] men and persons of great consequence; the other short, and worn generally. For the information of future travellers, I shall enumerate the different articles of clothing.

Short Dress.

Sidrea.—A waistcoat fitting tight to the body, without any opening in front, having only holes for the neck and arms. It is pulled on in the same manner as the Guernsey frock used by seamen.

Farmela is a second waistcoat, open in front, and having broad gold lace and buttons, but no button-holes. It hangs over the sidrea.

Zibboon.—A jacket, the sleeves of which are embroidered. These first three dresses are confined round the waist by the band of the trowsers, which come outside them. A broad belt of silk or gold is then passed round the body. Over the jacket is an embroidered waistcoat without sleeves, called

Bidrïah.—All these dresses may be of different colours, the most brilliant and gaudy being chiefly in request. On walking out, a hooded cloak of very finely spun white wool is thrown over all, and on great occasions a cloth one of the same form, bordered with rich gold lace, is used. This cloak is called Bornouse. The trowsers are immense, and of silk or cloth, according to the pleasure of the wearer.

The Long Dress

Consists of the two under waistcoats: over them is worn a caftan, which is a long gown or robe, embroidered in front and at the sleeves. Over this is worn a

Beneish, which resembles a caftan in shape, but differs in the disposition of the ornaments.

Jerba is a caftan with short sleeves, and is often worn in lieu of the Beneish.

Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Costume of Tripoli.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

[7]Over these dresses woollen and cloth Bornouses are worn. The turbans are various, according to fancy: shawls of Cashmere, or imitations of those of Europe, are considered as the most splendid. Green turbans, it is well known, can be worn by none who are not shreefs, or descendants of the prophet. Blue, being the colour confined to the Jews, is of course not used in the turbans of the Mohammedans.

In riding out, boots of red, and sometimes yellow Morocco leather are worn, a pad being closely tied round each ankle before putting them on, in order to prevent the large stirrups from hurting the leg. When not riding, yellow slippers, with soles of the same kind as the upper leathers, are used, and are slipped into large solid ones of the same colour with thick soles when walking out. These last are always left at the door on entering a room. Red shoes are also worn by the middle class. The Jews are restricted to black. The trappings of the horse are gaudy, and as cumbrous as those of its rider. The saddles are high before and behind, much the same as those used in Spain. Under them, on the back of the horse, are five or six cloths of different colours, which are so arranged that the edges of each are shown. The saddles are frequently covered with highly embroidered velvet, or richly embossed gilt cases. Over the seat is thrown a saddle-cloth, bordered with gilt lace and embroidery. The stirrups are from a foot to twenty inches in length, and are generally gilt.

Having thus given a sketch of the costume of the Tripoli men, I conceive it necessary to mention that we fully adopted the dress and appearance of Moslems, using all our endeavours to become acquainted with their manners. Mr. Ritchie assumed the name of Yussuf el Ritchie, يوسف الريتشي Belford was called Ali, Dupont Mourad, and I was styled Said ben abd Allah سعيدبن عبدالله. We found no difficulty in procuring a fighi (or clerk) of one of the[8] mosques to visit us at stated periods to instruct us in reading. He also, at my particular request, gave me all the requisite information respecting the ceremonies used in prayer; and when I became perfect in them, I taught them to Mr. Ritchie.

Every thing now seemed to promise well, as far as our residence in Tripoli was concerned; but Mr. Ritchie felt much anxiety respecting a further allowance from government, as we had scarcely more than money sufficient to pay the hire of our camels to Mourzouk, and beyond that place we were uncertain how we could procure a fresh supply for the use of the mission. Mr. Ritchie had brought with him a good deal of merchandize; but, from what he learnt at Tripoli, it was likely to be of little service to us, as it consisted of few or none of the articles of trade most commonly used in the interior.

Sidi Mohammed d’Gheïs, formerly minister to the Bashaw, but who had retired some years since on account of total blindness, showed us every attention, and by his kind assistance afforded us most useful information. He had travelled much in Europe, and was well acquainted with our customs, so that he was perfectly qualified to caution us on many points which, had we remained in ignorance of them, would inevitably have betrayed us to be Christians to the people in the interior.

It would be useless to attempt giving any description of the city of Tripoli, as it has already been done by far more able pens than mine; but of any particular occurrences which attracted my attention during my residence there, I conceive I may be allowed to make mention. The most extraordinary characters are the Marāboots, مرابوت a set of people much spoken of in all Moslem countries; but it strikes me that the requisites necessary to constitute one of these saints are not every where the same. In the interior they consist in keeping up the outward show of sanctity,[9] in abstaining from proscribed liquors, in avoiding improper or profane expressions, in being faithful to the limited number of wives (namely four), and in not intriguing with the wives of other men; whilst in Tripoli such forbearance is by no means considered necessary. The Marāboots there, are of two classes: idiots, who are allowed to say and do whatever they please; and men possessed of all their senses, who, by juggling and performing many bold and disgusting tricks, establish to themselves the exclusive right of being the greatest rogues and nuisances to be met with. There are mosques in which these people assemble every Friday afternoon, and where they eat snakes, scorpions, &c. affecting to be inspired, and committing the greatest extravagancies.

On the 9th of January, 1819, their annual festival began, and continued for three days, with all its barbarous ceremonies. On, or rather before this day, the great Marāboot is supposed to inspire those who are to appear in the processions, and who, according to their abilities, are more or less mad and furious. The natural fools are always ready for the exhibition; and it is amusing to observe their looks of astonishment at being on that day, more than any other, brought into notice. During the time the Marāboots (who are guarded and attended by a great number of people) are allowed to parade the streets, no Christians or Jews can with any safety make their appearance, as they would, if once in the power of these wretches, be instantly torn to pieces; indeed, wherever they show themselves on their terraces or from windows, they are sure of a plentiful shower of stones from the boys who are in attendance.

As I was in the dress of the country, and very anxious to witness the whole of the ceremonies, I ventured to go out with our Dragoman, and to make my way to the mosque from[10] which the procession was to set out. I certainly felt that my situation was a very dangerous one; but being resolved on the attempt, and telling the man to follow me closely, I dashed in with the crowd, and succeeded in getting near the Saints, who, with dishevelled hair, were rapidly turning round, and working themselves into a most alarming state of frenzy. A band of barbarous music was playing to them, while several men were constantly employed in sprinkling them with rose-water. Had I been discovered, my life would have been in very great jeopardy; but fortunately I was able to keep my countenance, and to pass unnoticed; and when the performers were sufficiently inspired, sallied out with them, and followed through the streets. One had a large nail run through his face from one cheek to the other; and all had bitten their tongues in so violent a manner as to cause blood and saliva to flow copiously. They were half naked, at intervals uttering short groans and howls; and as they proceeded (sometimes three or four abreast leaning on each other,) they threw their heads backwards and forwards with a quick motion, which caused the blood to rise in their faces, and their eyes to project from the sockets to a frightful degree. Their long black hair, which grew from the crown of the head (the other parts being closely shaven), was continually waving to and fro, owing to the motion of the head. One or two, who were the most furious, and who continually attempted to run at the crowd, were held by a man on each side, by means of a rope, or a handkerchief tied round the middle. As we passed through one of the streets, a party of Maltese and other Christians were discovered on a terrace, and were instantly assailed by showers of stones. I observed that whenever the Marāboots passed the house of a Christian, they affected to be ungovernable, and endeavoured to get near it, pretending they made the discovery by smelling out Unbelievers. After following for an hour or[11] two, during which I witnessed the most horrible and revolting scenes, I returned home, when, to my great amusement, I learnt that a rumour prevailed of my having been attacked and very ill treated; and that I had, in defending myself, stabbed a Marāboot, and ran away, no one knew whither. I was happy to be enabled in person to contradict these reports, and to prove that I had escaped not only unhurt, but unobserved. There were two parties who traversed the town; but from their being of opposite sects, and at war with each other, it was so arranged that they should take different routes.

That which I did not see was the superior one, and took its departure from under the walls of the castle. It was headed by a man named Mohammed, who had been much at our house, going on errands, and attending our horses. I did not, until afterwards, know he was so celebrated a character. Before the time of the procession he was confined in a dungeon, in consequence of his becoming very furious. When all was in readiness for the ceremony, the Bashaw took his station in the balcony overlooking the Arsenal, and this man was set at liberty, when he rushed on an ass, and with one thrust pushed his hand into the animal’s side, from which he tore its bowels, and began to devour them. Many eat dogs, and other animals; and on that day a little Jew boy was killed in the street, either by the Marāboots or their followers.

As the power of taking up serpents and scorpions is supposed to constitute a Marāboot, I determined on acquiring that honorable title. Mr. Ritchie bought some snakes, which we all learnt to handle, and I soon found out an effectual way of taking up the largest scorpions without the slightest chance of being stung. However, in order to observe the ceremonies practised by these pretended saints, I sent a servant in search of one of the most celebrated, under pretence of wishing myself to become a Marāboot.[12] This fellow went through numberless prayers and ceremonies, spitting in my hands, taking rose-water in his mouth, and sprinkling my face with it, reciting occasional prayers, and then washing his own mouth and hands in rose-water. After bottling up this sacred fluid, he told me to drink it on a particular day, which he named, and I then should be as highly gifted as himself; thus concluding his instructions, which, of course, I did not think myself bound to observe.

There are two grand markets held weekly, one on the sands behind the town every Tuesday, and the other on Fridays, about four miles distance, amongst the gardens of the Meshea مشيه which form a stripe of about three or four miles in breadth, between the beach and the desert.

In the town are Bazaars, which are open every day. These are streets, covered in overhead. The shops of merchants are ranged on each side, and are very small. Slaves and goods are carried about before the traders by auctioneers, who keep up a continual din, each calling the price last bidden. The Jews have a quarter of the town expressly to themselves, where they have their shops, and in which they are shut up every evening at sunset. This place is called Zanga t’el Yahood زنقامتا اليحود. These people are much persecuted, yet they contrive to engross all the trade and places of profit. They are forbidden, as I before observed, to wear gaudy clothes, and are only allowed turbans of blue.

Several houses set apart for the reception of merchants and their goods are called Fondook, فندوك and answer to the description given of the Caravanseras of the East. There are a few schools at which reading and writing, though to no great extent, are taught in a very noisy manner. A knowledge of letters, however, is by no means necessary to constitute a great man, or to advance him to any post of trust: of this there exists an example[13] in the present minister, Sidi Hamet (who was formerly Rais el Marsa, or Captain of the port), and who can neither read nor write. We had often heard this circumstance, and one day put into his hands the Koran, with the wrong side uppermost, begging him to repeat to us a few lines of it. He evaded our request by pretending to read to himself for a short time, with the book still turned the wrong way; when assuming a very sagacious look, he returned it to us, observing, that “it was very well written,” and thus convincing us we had not been misinformed respecting his ignorance. The Sheikh el Bled, or Governor of the town, is considered a very good scholar, and ready accountant, though he was once a boatman in the harbour. The contrast between the rigidity of some Moslems, and the indifference of others respecting association with Christians, is curiously exemplified in this man. He had sent his son to learn Italian under a Roman Catholic priest, without at all disguising the circumstance.

Drunkenness is more common in Tripoli than even in most towns in England. There are public wine-houses, at the doors of which the Moors sit and drink without any scruple; and the Saldanah, or place of the guard, is seldom without a few drunkards. The greater part of the better sort of people also drink very hard; but their favourite beverage is Rosolia, an Italian cordial, and it is not uncommon for visitors, when making calls, to give unequivocal hints that a little rum would be well received. Prostitutes are in large numbers, and are obliged (if known to be such) to live in a particular part of the town (called Zanga t’el Ghaab زنقامت الغعب or quarter of the prostitutes), under a Chowse, or superintendent, appointed expressly for that purpose. These women are obliged daily to supply food for the Bashaw’s dogs which guard the Arsenal.

A kind of bad Italian is generally spoken by the Inhabitants of[14] the town; so that Christians have not much difficulty in transacting business.

I observed a singular custom to be prevalent amongst all Moors and Arabs, from the Bashaw down to the poorest camel-driver, which is that of eructation, and which they perform as often and as loudly as possible. Great men go through this ceremony with a solemnity and dignity altogether imposing; stroking their beards, and thanking God for the great relief they have obtained. Mukni was quite a professor in this way; and his little son Yussuf (a boy of about eight years of age,) promised fair to be equally accomplished. Both of the last mentioned personages had also a peculiar way of blowing their noses in the ends of their turbans.

Mamlukes (who are either renegades, or purchased slaves from Georgia or Circassia), enjoy the highest offices; and the Bashaw’s daughters are not permitted to marry any others. The Admiral of the fleet is a Mamluke, a Scotchman by birth, and now named Mourad Rais. He was in banishment during our stay at Tripoli; but we learnt from the Consul and chief people that he bore an excellent character.

The public Baths are of the same kind as those said to be used in Turkey and Egypt; although not so magnificent in point of ornament or size. The bather, on stripping, is girded round the middle with a linen cloth, and one also is thrown over the shoulders, which is taken off on entering the vapour chamber. This is a large circular room, having a dome, through which the light is admitted by many small holes well stopped with glass, and by which means the air is entirely excluded. The light is much obscured by the vapour, which constantly rises; lamps are therefore kept burning, those who first enter being for a time unable to see their way. Round the sides of the chamber are raised broad stone[15] benches, and a large square place of the same description is in the centre; under these are the fires which heat the bath, and it is necessary to lie down on them in order to become ready for the operations of the men whose business it is to rub and clean the bathers. Water is then thrown over the body, so as to induce a quicker perspiration. The heat is excessive, and we had no Thermometer highly enough graduated to ascertain the temperature. When a sufficient time has elapsed to produce languor and strong perspiration, an assistant approaches and rubs the skin with a glove of hair, in such a way as to cause the cuticle to peel off in large dark rolls, however clean and white the skin may have appeared previously to this operation. He then proceeds to shampooing (called Temerse تمرس). The operations having thus finished, some soap is brought to the bather, and he remains sitting under a spout of warm water as long as he pleases. Dry cloths are then brought to him, and being well wrapped up, he is conducted to an outer room, where pipes and coffee are placed before him, with incense to perfume the beard, after which he dresses and sallies out. The price for the bath alone, without soap, is about five pence; though it was always more expensive to us than to the natives. The men come in the morning, and the women in the afternoon.

When the Bashaw rides to the Messhia, or gardens behind the town, he is accompanied by his sons, and a large troop of horsemen, consisting of Mamlukes and the principal people of his court, well mounted and splendidly attired. They ride in a confused body round his person, and have no idea of regularity in their motions. A few occasionally leave the main troop at full speed, screaming and making flourishes with their muskets, which they discharge, and then return to their ranks. On re-entering the town, the whole party charge in groups of ten or twelve, each firing[16] while the horses are in full speed, which has an exceeding pretty effect. The horses (who are trained to the practice), as soon as they hear the explosion, turn suddenly round on their haunches, and canter back to the place from which they started. The beach being of hard sand, is admirably adapted for these manœuvres.

More than half of the guards are black, and as they are all dressed differently, their appearance is very curious. No uniformity is observed either in the shape or colour of their horses, whose bits are so severe, that they are seldom without raw and bleeding mouths. The stirrups (which act as spurs) are used so roughly as frequently to leave large gashes in the poor animal’s flanks. It is considered highly ornamental to brand the thighs of horses with lines and stars.

The mode of punishment at Tripoli (and, I believe, all other Mohammedan towns), is totally different from any of those practised by Europeans. Some crimes are considered capital by law; but many are rendered so by the whim of the Bashaw, in which case, hanging, decapitating, and strangling are used. The Moors are never employed as hangmen; but the first Jew who happens to be at hand has that office conferred upon him, and is obliged to accompany the culprit to the ramparts over the town gate, attended by the guards and mob, when he puts on the rope well or ill according to his ability, attaching it to a bolt fixed in the wall for that purpose. The unfortunate victim is then forced through an embrazure, and suspended by the side of the gateway, so as to be seen by all who enter or leave the town. When decapitation is the punishment, the head alone is exposed to public view.

Torture is not unfrequently made use of; but as all punishments of that kind are confined to the dungeons of the castle, no one can or dares give any description of the nature of it. Theft (as[17] presented by the Koran) is punished by cutting off a hand, and, if to a very great extent, a foot also; but repeated offences of this kind extend sometimes to an amputation of the other hand or foot, and I once saw a man, who, for a capital crime, had been mutilated in this manner. The operation is performed with a razor. The limb is first tied tight above the joint with a piece of cord, and the hand or foot is taken out of the socket of the wrist or ankle joint. The stump is then dipped into hot pitch, and the sufferer is permitted to go away with his friends; and it is astonishing how soon he recovers without any other dressing than the one which I have mentioned. Beating with a stick on the posteriors or soles of the feet is the general punishment for minor offences; although in some cases it is so severe as to occasion death. Four or five hundred lashes are frequently given; but fifty is about the general allowance. Some culprits, who, by bribery, or other means, are able to influence the persons employed to see the sentence executed, contrive to stuff their trowsers so as to escape without much suffering. This punishment is inflicted equally on all ranks, at the pleasure of the Bashaw; and should even his own sons, his Minister, or the Sheikh of the town, displease him, they would be obliged to submit to it, as well as the lowest of his subjects; nor would they consider themselves at all degraded, or their dignity in any degree lessened by it.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Tripoli Costume.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

We had resided some time in Tripoli before I had an opportunity of seeing any other costume of the women than their walking dress. This consists of a Barracan (or wrapper, like that which the Arabs wear, and which I shall describe when speaking of the costume of those people), so arranged as to envelope the body and head, and merely to show one eye; they also wear red boots, and yellow or red slippers when in their houses. The dress of the[18] women of the better class is magnificent; consisting of a silk shirt of many colours in stripes, a highly embroidered waistcoat, silk trowsers, and a Barracan also of silk or fine cotton of the most gaudy colours, which is so put on as to form a species of petticoat, as well as to hang gracefully over the head and shoulders. A cap of cloth of gold is worn with many rich ornaments on the head. The eyelids are stained with Antimony, which gives an enlarged appearance to the eye, and increases its brilliancy. The brows are plucked so as to be quite straight, and squared off at each end. Much rouge is used; and gold and silver ornaments of great weight are worn in the ears, and suspended from the head, as well as large bracelets and anklets of the same metals. The garb of the Jewish women varies but little from that of the Moslems; their full dress is exactly the same, but their walking dress, instead of showing one eye, exhibits both. They can wear only black or yellow slippers, and boots are prohibited.

The coin, which is now and has for some years been current in Tripoli, has only fourteen per cent. of silver in it, and is daily decreasing in value.

Near the sea gate are the remains of a fine square Roman building, which now has its arches filled up, and is used as a store-house[1].

The Tripoline Marriages are, I understand, (for no man is[19] allowed to see them,) conducted with great splendour; the night is the time chosen for the bride to be conveyed to the house of her husband, when she is attended by a large troop of women, who carry torches, and utter loud and repeated cries of joy.

Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by G. Harley.

Triumphal Arch, Tripoli.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

Their Burials have nothing remarkable; the body being merely put into a shell, which is covered with a cloth, having sentences of the Koran worked round the edges. The friends of the deceased follow in a hurried manner, singing verses and religious sentences. The grave of a man is as usual distinguished by a pillar of stone, having a turban carved on it, placed at the head. The funerals of women are in some cases far more interesting, and are conducted with a considerable degree of pomp and ceremony. One instance of this, I witnessed myself. It was the daughter of the Minister, and grand-daughter of the Bashaw, whom I saw carried to the grave. Her coffin was covered with a rich purple cloth, embroidered with gold, and having large golden characters from the Koran sewed on it. At the head was placed a large nosegay of the choicest and most beautiful flowers; the clothes and many costly ornaments of the deceased were laid on the coffin; and the accumulation of rich waistcoats, shirts, caps, &c. had a most splendid effect. The mourners carried bunches of flowers in their hands, and, in contrast to the shining decorations of the bier, were dressed in soiled and old clothes, without antimony on their eyelids, and, in fact, studiously avoiding the use of any ornaments. The Minister himself headed the procession, and although not in general considered a man of very acute feelings, appeared in this instance much affected. It is the custom at all funerals to liberate one or more slaves, who may at the time belong to the family of the departed; and it is equally a rule to distribute food amongst the poor, who, on these occasions, never fail to attend in great numbers. These offerings are of course regulated[20] by the comparative wealth or poverty of the donors; but those persons are considered as most meritorious who incur the greatest expense in honour of their deceased relative. There are women whose sole employment it is to attend the house of mourning, where they howl, lament, and tear their hair and faces in a barbarous manner. Their cries continue with very little intermission during three days, and the additional din occasioned by their repeatedly beating wooden boxes or pots is truly horrible. The customs and ceremonies used on these occasions, with many other interesting subjects relating to Tripoli, are so faithfully and pleasingly described in Tully’s narrative[2], that they render any further observations on my part unnecessary.

Mr. Ritchie, finding that Mukni still delayed his departure, and that some weeks might yet elapse before he commenced his journey, determined on employing the intermediate time in visiting Benioleed and the Gharian mountains. For this purpose he procured a Chowse, a person employed by the Bashaw to collect the revenues, and hired two camels to carry our provisions and baggage.

At this time M. Dupont thought fit to resign the office which he had pledged himself to fulfil, and abruptly left Mr. Ritchie, influenced, as we had reason to think, by the advice and suggestions of some of his supposed friends. Not wishing to revive a subject so little creditable to those who influenced the conduct of M. Dupont, I shall only observe, that the petty intrigues which were carried on in order to detract from the merits of the mission, and eventually to obstruct its progress, were most disgraceful.

[21]journey to the gharian mountains and benioleed.

Sunday, February 7th, 1819.—Leaving Belford in charge of our house, we quitted Tripoli at 10.5. A.M. and after passing through the gardens of the Meshea مشيه at eleven arrived on the desert to the southward of them, near the tomb of the Marāboot Seyd سعيد who is spoken of in the “Letters from Tripoli.” The sand here rises in irregular hills, and is totally barren, not the slightest traces of vegetation being perceptible. We continued travelling over this until five o’clock, when we came to small spots of grass and shrubs, on which flocks were feeding, and where a few Bedouins had pitched their tents. We waited here for our camels, having directed our course south south-west about fifteen miles, and on their coming up, pitched our tents near a well on the plain. The Chowse ordered us a supper, from the Sheikh of the Arabs, and we soon had a smoking bowl of Bazeen and lamb. All the young girls came to stare at us and our tents, as something quite new to them.

Monday, 8th February.—At eight we started, and travelled south-west by south over a country nearly desert, until ten, when we passed a few corn-fields, and a pretty plain covered with tents and flocks. Here we stopped to examine the ruins of the Castle of Mejnine مجنين. This was once used as a frontier post for the troops of the Bashaw, who kept the rebel Arab tribes in check; but having been built of mud and small stones, the rains have now washed it nearly away: part of the walls only and a gate are still standing. From this place we had a fine view of the Gharian mountains, and observed that several hills in the range were in a conical form. On leaving it, we proceeded until 1.30. P.M. when we stopped at a tent by the invitation of an Arab, who had ridden the preceding[22] day in our company. He gave us a hearty welcome, and set before us a large wooden bowl of dates, mashed up with hot oil, which we found very good; its appearance was not unlike soft soap. The women sat behind a carpet, and peeped at us through a small hole in it. After quitting our kind host, we crossed the broad bed of a water-course, when our road lay between two mountains, the right hand one being called Smeeran سميران and that on the left Batus بتس distant from each other about one mile and a half. Here the ground began to rise a little, and greater quantities of herbage appeared. We travelled on in hopes of finding a well until 4.30., but without success; we therefore pitched our tents on a little rising ground, near some Arabs, and after much trouble, succeeded in purchasing a skin or two of water for our horses. The Sheikh provided an excellent supper of Bazeen and stewed lamb for us; and we had a full tent of Arabs squatted on their heels, who came to look at us whilst we were eating. After our dinner we made a little coffee, which, as well as our European cups, excited much astonishment. We offered some to the Sheikh, who not knowing what it was, suspected some treachery, and at first refused to take it; however, by a little persuasion, we overcame his prejudice, and seeing that we ourselves drank some, he at length swallowed it with confidence. One of the party, on tasting some, spat it out in horror, calling loudly on the Prophet, “Ya Rassoul Illa يارسول الله Oh, Prophet of God!” A third was so much pleased with it, and became so great a connoisseur, that he absolutely refused a second cup, because it was too cold. A Kaleidoscope was handed round to the visitors, and excited general admiration and amazement; like children, they quarrelled for their turns to look through it, and if I might judge from the repeated laughter and exclamations made use of, many extraordinary observations[23] were made on the subject. The old Sheikh in particular would scarcely bear to have it taken out of his hand.

Jackals and hyænas are very numerous here; but the quantity of noisy dogs which attend the flocks keep them in awe, whilst they also kept us half the night awake.

Tuesday, 9th February.—At 7, A.M. we struck our tents, and went on for Gharian. The country here had quite changed its appearance. The paths, which in many places were covered with broken basalt, were uneven and difficult; and the ground became steep and irregular as we approached the foot of the mountains. At three we rode a little to the left of the track, and fastening our horses, climbed a small conical mountain of basalt, having very little earth at the top of it, and called El Kelb Assoud اكلب اسود or “the Black Dog.” Near this were two or three smaller hillocks, also entirely of basalt. Our road was through a barren, but beautiful and romantic valley, at the foot of the mountains. At ten we arrived at the foot of the Gharian Pass. This spot is encompassed on three sides by lofty mountains, and opens to the north-east. There are some scattered palms here, and a clear stream winds among them. Here a small Kafflé passed us, consisting of ten or twelve camels, and amongst them one or two Maherries, laden with Trona, or soda, الطرون from Fezzan. Their owners were brown, wild looking men, and appeared of a different cast from the Arabs of Tripoli. In this little valley, about ten years since, the Hasnadar, or Treasurer of the Bashaw, was murdered. He was on his way to collect tribute from the mountaineers (which, in those days, was rarely obtained but by force); and, as the Bashaw had newly made peace with them, he was but poorly attended. Whilst performing his ablutions and shaving his head, he was fired at and killed by some men stationed on the rocky pass, who again ascended their[24] mountain. His party returned to Tripoli, and war was immediately declared. The Bashaw caused a numerous army to be fitted out to quell the insurgents, who, being joined by other discontented tribes, prepared for a vigorous resistance. Owing to the bravery of these people, and the natural strength of their passes and fastnesses, the Bashaw’s army were some weeks before they could ascend the mountains, and during that period many of them were killed. When at last they succeeded in taking possession, they exercised on the poor wretches every species of cruelty, suffocating them in their subterraneous habitations, by throwing into them heaps of wood and straw, and then setting fire to them. Twelve camels, laden with heads to the amount of two thousand, were sent into Tripoli as a token of triumph. These mountaineers have since conducted themselves peaceably; though before their defeat they were so much dreaded, that all communication through their country to the interior was cut off, and few people would venture amongst them. We were an hour in ascending the pass, which was the most difficult and dangerous I ever saw. The rocks were worn so smooth as to render it necessary for us to bestow constant attention on our horses, which we were obliged to lead; one false step would otherwise, in some places, have precipitated them down the side of the mountain. The camels, however, with their persevering pace, arrived at the top as soon as we did. Near the place where we stopped was a Tower, with loopholes for musketry. This, with many others of the same description, was erected by the Bashaw on the conquest of the mountain, that his troops might be enabled to overawe the natives; but as he never stations any forces there, his purposes will only operate against himself, and enable the Arabs to defend their mountains with greater obstinacy, should they ever so far recover from their defeat as again to resist his unjust demands.[25] We stopped at a nest, I cannot call it village, where all the habitations are under-ground. The Sheikh, on hearing we were under the protection of the Bashaw, came to welcome us, and gave us the only hut the place afforded, in which we placed our people and camel loads. As for ourselves, we preferred clearing part of the farm yard, and pitching our tent in it, surrounded by our horses and camels. This place is called Beni abbās بني ابّعس. As the natives live, as I have observed, under-ground, a person unacquainted with the circumstance might cross the mountain without once suspecting that it was inhabited. All the dwelling-places being formed in the same manner, a description of the Sheikh’s may suffice for the rest. The upper soil is sandy earth, of about four feet in depth; under this sand, and in some places limestone, a large hole is dug, to the depth of twenty-five or thirty feet, and its breadth in every direction is about the same, being as nearly as can be made, a perfect square. The rock is then smoothed so as to form perpendicular sides to this space, in which doors are cut through, and arched chambers excavated, so as to receive their light from the doors. These rooms are sometimes three or four of a side, in others a whole side composes one; the arrangements depending on the number of the inhabitants. In the open court is generally a well, water being found at about ten or twelve feet below the base of the square. The entrance to the house is at about thirty-six yards from the pit, and opens above ground. It is arched overhead; is generally cut in a winding direction, and is perfectly dark. Some of these passages are sufficiently large to admit a loaded camel. The entrance has a strong wall built over it, something resembling an ice-house. This is covered overhead, and has a very strong heavy door, which is shut at night, or in cases of danger. At about ten yards from the bottom is another door, equally strong, so that it is almost impossible to enter[26] these houses, should the inhabitants determine to resist. Few Arab attacks last long enough to end in a siege. All their sheep and poultry being confined in the house at night, the Bashaw’s army, when here, had recourse to suffocating the inmates, being unable to starve them out.

The mountain top spreads from this village on to a fine plain, of a mile or two in length, which is in the highest state of cultivation. Corn and saffron fields covered with venerable olive trees yield a delightful and novel prospect, to which the wildness of the surrounding mountains contributes its share. The elevated situation of these mountains prevents the cultivation of palms. Apple and almond trees were planted in such little ledges of the rocks as were too narrow for grain, and were at this time covered with blossoms. From a crag above the pass we had a most extensive view of the country over which we had travelled in coming from Tripoli. The Kelb Assoud, or Black Dog, lay north-east of us, about six miles on the plain below. All the remarkable places which we had traversed were quite distinguishable, and even a part of the sandy desert behind Tripoli; but the sea, which the natives said was often discernible, was hidden from us by the vapour arising from the sands.

The young men of the Douar, or village, took great delight in doing the honours of their beautiful country, jumping from rock to rock like goats, and appearing a most active, hardy set of people. My very limited knowledge of the language was a source of continual regret to me; and I believe the trip to these mountains caused me afterwards to apply with more assiduity to improve myself in it.

We returned with a keen appetite to our dinner, which consisted of bazeen, hard eggs, and mutton, and at which the Sheikh waited on us. The Chowse and our servant impudently volunteered their company, and became our messmates for the rest of the journey. The mutton and eggs being despatched, the[27] broth, seasoned with plenty of red pepper, was poured scalding over the bazeen, and every one fell to work with extraordinary activity.

It is a point of great politeness with the Arabs to tear the meat for a stranger, as well as to squeeze up the bazeen with the sauce for him; and as this is sometimes done with rather unsavoury fingers, hunger becomes an absolute requisite to induce a novice to touch an Arab meal.

Our tent was in the evening filled by visitors, who squatted down, and were much delighted with what few wonders we had to exhibit to them. The principal of these was a loadstone, which drew a penknife out of its case, and which was consequently a subject of much speculation and whispering.

The Sheikh, who really appeared a superior kind of man, was all attention and kindness; but whether from fear of the Bashaw’s Chowse, or a real wish to be of service to us, I know not. I rather suspect the former motive, since dread of their masters, and love of presents, operate equally on the mind of Arabs. We had for our supper a kind of paste called Hatria, which resembles macaroni, and is considered a dish of honour.

In the evening we were joined by a fine, bold, soldier-looking man, who was on a visit, and who was Sheikh of Battus, (a mountain, mentioned in a former page), inhabited during a few months in the year by shepherds, and those who go there to gather in their harvest. This person and myself became great friends, and from our conversation being chiefly in pantomime, we afforded no little amusement to the rest of the party. He invited us to go and hunt on his mountain, promising me a truly Arab present, viz. a young wolf and fox. He told us that a thousand years ago the Christians established themselves on his mountain, but were unable to remain there more than forty days; an evident proof of their inferiority to his tribe, which was commanded by[28] one of his ancestors, and which then lived on Battus, though they have since become wanderers. My new acquaintance was elegantly armed, having an embroidered belt, silver scabbarded sword, and well mounted pistols. He had received a wound in his arm in the mountain wars (when his tribe resisted the Bashaw), and imagined this to be the cause of a cough which at times troubled him. He was not well pleased with our laughing at his way of accounting for his complaint.

All the dogs here being white, the liver-coloured pointers which had followed us from the Consulate caused the women and children to fly on their approach, from the idea that they were wolves.

There are many Jews living in these mountains, whose dwellings are much cleaner and better excavated than those of the Arabs, and are also neatly whitewashed. These people, as in Tripoli, are the only handicraftsmen, and seem here to be rather better treated than elsewhere.

It rained very hard this night, and was very cold; but under shelter of our tent we kept ourselves warm and dry. From the village we had observed a mountain called Tekoot طكوت, to bear south 23° west.

Wednesday, February 10th.—At 7.10. A.M. we left Beni abbās, and went on for the Castle of Gharian, or Gusser Turk قسرطيرك. After having proceeded over the plain, and reached the mountains that rise from it, we climbed a steep peak, and making our way along a sharp ledge on its top, again ascended to the mountain of Tekoot, the principal of the range. From this point we took the bearings of the following remarkable objects: Beni abbās, north 33° east. Gusser Turk, south 35° west. A mountain called Meroobi, south 55° east, and another mountain, west 5° south, distant about twenty-five miles, inhabited at this time by a rebel tribe under a chief called Kalēefa. Owing to the[29] height of the spot on which we stood, we found it difficult to distinguish many objects, which from the plain had appeared very conspicuous. Unfortunately, before we ascended this mountain we had broken our Barometer, and were thence unable to ascertain its precise elevation. Here is the tomb of a Marāboot, whose sanctity is the subject of many extraordinary stories.

It was from hence that the Arabs, when they declared war against the Bashaw (which formerly happened very frequently), announced their rising to their allies and neighbouring tribes, by signals of a fire at night, and a smoke by day. Three poor Arabs followed us up the mountain, pointing out to us the most remarkable surrounding objects: they gathered for us some small black berries from a low thorny tree, with yellow flowers, which they called Dummagh ظمّاح or “brains,” and which had an astringent taste, somewhat resembling that of a ripe sloe, but the fruit was much smaller. They told us that the Arabs of Gharian always spoke with gratitude of the English Consul, who had once persuaded the Bashaw not to increase their tribute, as he intended.

At noon we arrived at a cluster of nests called El Guasem القاسو about six miles from Beni abbās: all the habitations of this place are of the same kind as those already described; we, however, found a small uninhabited shed above ground, situated at the foot of a little turret, where we deposited our goods, and determined on passing the night. From the inscriptions which we found in this building, it must be about 150 years old. The present Bashaw, his father, grand and great grandfather, had all slept in the smoky corner, of which we now took possession. The turret itself is constructed in a mode common to many others in these mountains. At about half way down one of the subterranean passages, a hole is cut upwards in an awkward way through the rock into the first floor of the turret, which is even with the ground, and perfectly[30] dark, except where here and there a small stone is pushed out to make way for the muzzle of a musket. From this floor is an ascent to one, two, or three stories, by means of pieces of stick placed in the walls. Each floor consists of branches of trees, most alarmingly elastic, and the door of entrance from one to the other is a small hole, through which a person has to force himself upwards. All these military buildings manifest a noble contempt of architectural skill, or neatness. On the side of a small hill near the village are caves of some magnitude, from which good millstones are procured. At this place we fared as we did the evening before, though the Chowse had a most vociferous conversation with the Sheikh before he could get any barley for the horses. We were well sheltered, and sufficiently warm, for we had a good fire in the centre of the hut, and slept at one end of it, while our people and the Chowse’s mare occupied the other. It rained very hard all night.

Thursday, February 11th.—At 7 A.M. we started, after making the Sheikh a present, and wound along amongst the mountains in the direction of the castle. Tekoot, bearing north three miles, we discovered a Roman building in the form of a tomb, or perhaps a very large altar; it was about twelve feet square, standing on two or three broad steps, which seem to have had a neat cornice. From the present appearance of the ruins, the original building must have been ten or twelve feet in height. We could discern no inscription. Our road hence was once more over very difficult passes, from which we expected to have had a delightful view, but the mountains, to our great regret, became obscured by a thick mist.

These mountains separated into a deep romantic valley, which appeared to run immediately down to the desert. The tops were in a very superior state of cultivation; figs, olives, and vines flourishing on every spot which had sufficient earth to nourish[31] them. We observed many of the trees ornamented with the skulls of horses, camels, or sheep, to protect the tree and its fruit from being blasted by the “Evil Eye.” At two we came to the castle, an immense ill-constructed building of rough stones, having a turret at each corner, an open court, and stalls for horses, embrasures for cannon (closed up with mud), and here and there a loophole for musketry. There are five or six six-pounders upset, and honeycombed, to make a show; but I conceive the Bashaw would find no one daring enough to fire them. The key of the castle (which is never used but by the Kaid when he comes to collect tribute for the Bey, to whom Gharian belongs), is kept by a neighbouring Sheikh. Our Chowse was here of great importance, for being in the service of the Bey, all the Arabs came to kiss his hands, and bring him presents, and he consequently assumed a very dignified and solemn demeanour. At night one of our camel boys, who had the office of porter assigned to him, brought the key of the gate to the Chowse, and reported all right. We were informed very seriously, that the room in which we slept was haunted by a Ghole, and several devils, in consequence of some prisoners having had their throats cut there a short time before.

Friday, February 12th.—Our porter had been so very careful over night, that we were half an hour unlocking, unbarring, and unbolting, before we could get out. Mr. Ritchie and myself then sallied forth, he to botanize, and I with my gun in search of animals called Gundy قندي. After lying down flat in the rain for three or four hours, I was fortunate enough to shoot three, which I prepared, in order that they might be sent to the British Museum, and I believe they will be the first of the species known in Europe. These animals resemble very much a Guinea pig in form, but are of a light-brown mouse colour. The fur is longer than that of a rat, and is very silky; the eyes are black, large, and prominent;[32] the orifices of the ears (which are quite flat against the side of the head) are also black, and free from hair; the tail, or rather a little stump resembling one, is just perceptible to the touch, and from it grows a bunch or tuft of long black hair. The body is very round and fat, and particularly broad at the shoulders. These animals burrow amongst the rocks. They are eaten with great relish by the Arabs, and no doubt are very good, as the flesh is exceedingly white and fat, and resembles that of a rabbit.

At about half a mile from the castle is a place called Tghrasat تغراسات at which a Bazaar is held weekly, and whither all the mountaineers resort. At two we passed this place, and went about four miles south to a village called Tegerinna طجرنّه, where the inhabitants live above as well as under ground. We pitched our tents in a saffron field, and had our horses shod by a Jew blacksmith. He afterwards prepared in his house a fine lamb, and very white bread, for our dinners, of which the Chowse pocketed all we did not eat. We made the poor man a present, to his great astonishment; for no one, if he can avoid it, performs any act of kindness to these persecuted people. In the evening we had many visitors, amongst others the Sheikh, who was all curiosity, and ready for as many presents as we chose to make him.

From this place, three other above-ground villages bore south by west two miles. They were called Usadena. The inhabitants, male and female, had all been murdered on the Bashaw’s conquering the country, and the buildings were entirely ruined.

Gharian is famed for the excellence of its oil, the richness of its saffron, which is produced in great quantities, and the goodness of its corn. The people are fine, well made men, and have an air of freedom, which their change of circumstances has not been able to conquer. In collecting the tribute for the Bey, each man pays[33] in kind a certain portion of his harvest. The Jews are employed to weigh and prepare the Bey’s share, and are well paid by the Arabs, in order that they may give short measure; for although using false weights is by the law of Mohammed a heinous crime, yet they fancy the sin is not incurred if the Jews defraud for them.

Of the dress, food, &c. of the Arabs, I shall treat more fully in a future page.

Saturday, 13th February.—At seven A.M. we left this delightful spot for Benioleed. Our road was through very difficult passes in the mountains, where we found some rain water, with which we filled our gerbas, or water-skins, with a sufficient supply for three days.

Our road the latter part of this day lay over a barren, stony plain; and having proceeded south 40° east twenty-five miles, we encamped at sunset in a small valley amongst some bushes. Our fellow travellers, after prefacing their stories by boasting of their own courage and expertness in fighting, gave us most frightful accounts of the banditti who were said to frequent this track; but how these rogues, or any one else, could manage to exist at all in such a place, was a riddle which our friends could not explain. Muskets and pistols were laid at the Chowse’s head, and two bottles of wine were drank to fortify his stomach, so that he slept undisturbed through the night.

Sunday, 14th.—The country onward presented one unvaried scene of desolation: not a living creature appeared during the day; but at night the jackals kept up a continual howling. At noon, we passed a deep ravine, for about eight miles, of basalt, which appeared as if it had been rent open by some convulsion of nature. At five, we crossed a dry water-course, and stopped on its bank[34] for the night amongst some stunted bushes. We made this day, south 40° east, thirty miles.

Monday, 15th February.—At four A.M. made on for Benioleed. We passed occasionally over mountains and gravelly plains, generally coming again to the side of a large Wadey, or ravine, in which there was some appearance of verdure. Many coveys of red-legged partridges flew by us. After winding along a Wadey for an hour or two, we arrived at Benioleed بنيوليد, at two P.M., ourselves and animals much fatigued: we had made, south 50° east, twenty-five miles. We took up our quarters in the house, or rather in the stable of the house, of the Sheikh. Here we paid our guide, who came with us from Gharian, and who was a feeble man in appearance, but a most persevering walker. He never would sleep in our tent, but preferred lying in the open air, though the Thermometer was generally at the freezing point, with no other covering than his Barracan, not even a shirt.

Tuesday, 16th February.—We walked out to see the houses, which are built on each side of the Wadey of rough stones: none are above eight feet in height; they have no windows, but receive their light through the doors; and all look like heaps of ruins. The inhabitants are Arabs of the tribe Orfilly الفلّي, and are a fine handsome race of people. The young girls are really beautiful.

These poor Arabs are dreadfully oppressed by the Bashaw, who has reduced them all to a most miserable state of poverty. Those who remain in the country are in rags; the others who let their camels out to hire, and accompany traders to the interior, are somewhat better off. They were once a brave daring set of men, who defied the government of Tripoli; and, during the youth of the present Bashaw, fully protected him from his father’s troops. Their services to him have, however, been but ill requited; for he persecutes[35] them more than any others of his subjects. They have (and I believe not without deserving it) the character of being the greatest robbers and rogues in the neighbourhood of Tripoli.

The Wadey produces but little corn, as the crops are all sown in the desert to the eastward; and in harvest time the owners go in bodies to bring in the grain. Much oil is made here, and the palms and olive-trees are very flourishing. We observed that of the latter there were no young trees, and learnt that the Bashaw taxed them, wherever found, as large ones,—a system, which, if pursued, will in a few years more destroy all the olive groves in his dominions.

The water here is excellent; the wells are of great depth, many being 100 feet, and others above 200 feet: in fact, the labour requisite in drawing water, makes it a scarce article. This is the most southerly town in the Bashaw’s dominions on the road to Fezzan, to which it is nearer than the other routes.

I took a drawing of the valley, which very much amazed the Arabs, and collected round me an immense crowd. We here discovered that our living amongst these people had not contributed much to our cleanliness, and that one of Pharaoh’s curses was but too evidently upon us.

Wednesday, 17th.—We removed from our stable to a building dignified by the name of a castle, in which the Kaid resides during his too frequent visits to these parts. We had a dozen negroes turned out to make way for us, the only good room being occupied by a Chowse, who in the Kaid’s name was collecting money. He was all day surrounded by poor wretches, entreating that his master would spare them, and that something might be left to assist in supporting their families. It was really melancholy to witness the misery which prevailed amongst them; for they were called upon to answer the exactions of three masters, none of whom would leave them even a sheep, if their extortions were not complied[36] with. Thus it is: the Bashaw demands a certain sum of money, and sends a Kaid to collect it. This man doubles the requisition, in order to enrich himself; and it not unfrequently happens that he goes away, and leaves a Chowse to act for him, who in his turn drains them still more and more; and thus their victims are reduced to utter ruin. There were in the castle slaves, camels, sheep, goats, and grain in quantities, which had all been lately extorted from these unhappy people. Eight poor prisoners were confined under-ground, and had not been fed during the time we were there; and finally, the Chowse had an order to cut their throats, which we understood was executed the day after we left the castle. A market is held here weekly, to which the necessaries of life are brought with fear and trembling, lest any one should appear too rich.

Thursday, 18th February.—This being market day, a few sheep and goats were brought on the plain before the gate. There were also dates, corn, and gunpowder, but in small quantities. We bought a sheep and some dates. It rained the whole of this day; but at night it cleared up. The Sheikh came to see us, and brought us a bowl of Bazeen, in return for which we gave him some powder. The Population amounts to about 2000, as near as I could judge; but the habitations are so scattered along the sides of the Wadey, that no very just estimate can be given.

Mr. Ritchie was requested to obtain the pardon of the prisoners in the castle, who had been guilty of resisting an attempt to drive off their flocks for the service of the Bashaw, and he promised to intercede for them; but we were overtaken, when on our return to Tripoli, by a man, who informed us that they had all been killed.

Mr. Ritchie, by two observations, made the latitude of Benioleed, 31°. 45′ north.

Friday, 19th February.—Having somewhat refreshed ourselves[37] and cattle, we left this place at eight A.M.; and, ascending the side of the Wadey, proceeded during the whole day over a rocky flat, perfectly barren, until six P.M., when we stopped, having made, north 20° west, thirty miles. We saw this day two large vultures, but scarcely within shot of us.

Saturday, 20th February.—Our road this day improved, and we went through several fertile Wadeys, and over plains of fine grass. We passed also several herds of female camels, with their young, and many flocks of sheep. At three, our road began to rise, and we saw many tents of the Arabs of Terhoona ترحونه, who were attending their flocks: some of them were changing their quarters, and we were much amused by different parties, who were travelling on the same road as ourselves. Women and children were riding the camels, which were also laden with their tents and furniture. At seven, we came amongst the mountains, and arrived at the wells of Melghrā ملغرا, which have excellent water. There are several little streams from the sides of the hills, which run through the valley; and there is much game here, principally partridges and snipes.

Sunday, 21st February.—At eight A.M., we left the wells, and passed through winding defiles at the foot of the mountains until noon, when we cleared them, and opened on a sandy plain, covered in some places with verdure, and having great quantities of the Khandal حندل or Colycynth. On passing some Arab tents, the children brought us small roots, of the shape of young potatoes; but resembling mushrooms in taste, smell, and tenderness. They grow in the sand, and the Arabs call them Terfaas ترفاس. We here drank some camel’s milk for the first time. It is much less rich than that of a cow, and saltish to the taste. We also procured a skin full of sour butter-milk, which is much esteemed by the Arabs, who call it Libban لبّان. It is never drank in a[38] sweet state; but is allowed, after the butter is made, to stand until it tastes and smells very sour.

In the afternoon, the country over which we passed had many bushes; and at five, we came to a well, near a Marāboot’s tomb, having made, north 43° west, twenty-four miles. The well, near which we were, was 288 feet in depth, and the water brackish. In the evening a man came to request Mr. Ritchie to take an Arab under his protection to Tripoli, and endeavour to procure for him the Bashaw’s pardon, he being the only one remaining of a rebel tribe, which had been destroyed. The offender was in the Marāboots’ tombs, which was considered a sanctuary; but, on our mounting our horses in the morning, he was to follow us at full speed, and claim the protection of the British flag.

Monday, 22d.—We waited some time for this man, and at last were obliged to proceed to Tripoli without him. Our road was over very steep and irregular sand hills. At three P.M. we arrived, having made, north-west, twenty miles. As I now had many opportunities of seeing the Arabs amongst their own tribes, and had greatly familiarised myself with them, I obtained some knowledge of their manners and customs, which I will endeavour to describe in giving an account of this extraordinary race of people.

OF THE ARABS.

The Arabs are, generally speaking, tall, straight, and well formed, and inclined, from their manner of living, to be thin and muscular. Their countenances are expressive and handsome, their form of face oval, and their noses aquiline. Although naturally white, their complexion becomes dark from continual exposure to[39] the sun, and from not being very particular in their ablutions. They are active; capable of undergoing great fatigue and abstinence from food; lively in their manners; daring, and possessed of much cunning: though generous, they are great beggars; revengeful and unforgiving. The general costume of the men is a large loose shirt and trowsers of cotton, sandals, or tight half boots of red leather, which lace in front, fit close round the ankle, and rise as high as the calf of the leg. On their heads they wear a red cap, which is long enough to hang a little down on one side; from the top of it falls a tassel of blue silk. A wrapper of woollen (from about twenty to twenty-five feet in length, and five or six in breadth), woven rather more compactly than flannel, is thrown round the body in folds, part being placed over the head in the manner of a hood, while the end is thrown over the left shoulder, and hangs down behind the back. This article of dress has several names, according to its texture. The most coarse and heavy is called Aba. That between this and the finest (called Jereed) is named Kholi; but in Tripoli, all three are known under the appellation of Barracan. A large cloak, having a hood, and no sleeves, and composed of closely and well-woven wool without a seam, is used in rainy or cold weather over the Barracan, and is called Bornouse. The dress of the females differs but little from that of the men in materials, but they put it on in a different manner. The poorest class wear only the Barracan, which is passed over the head and fastened at the waist; others have a shirt in addition to this. Young women wear their hair in tresses, to which they attach beads, pieces of coral, silver, or any other gaudy thing which they can procure; and they have one or two large silver ornaments in the form of crescents, fastened on the right side of the head, on which they also frequently wear a large woollen turban of blue, wrapped carelessly round. From their ears are suspended a multitude of[40] silver rings, and round their necks they hang rows of beads of various colours. The old women frizzle their hair over the forehead, so as to make it project to some distance; and they dye it of a dull red, with the leaves of a plant called Henna, which gives it the appearance of red wool. All the females have a practice of tattooing their chins, the tips of their noses, and between the eyebrows. Their necks and arms are also frequently marked. The favourite figure is that of a hand, which is intended to avert the “Evil Eye.” They wear red lacing boots, in the same manner as the men. When young (that is to say, fifteen or sixteen), they have fine figures, and are exceedingly handsome; but they soon lose their good looks and pleasing form, and become as ugly as they were before beautiful. Their eyes are black and large; their noses straight and well proportioned; they have small lips, and their teeth are exquisitely white. Nothing, in fact, can exceed in prettiness an Arab girl; but the old women are, without exception, the most disgusting and hideous creatures I ever beheld. Both sexes blacken their eyelids with Kohol, or lead ore powdered, which adds much to the brilliancy of the eye, and makes it appear larger than it really is. They all wear an immense quantity of Agebs عجب, or Charms, against disorders and misfortunes.

The arms of the Arabs are the same as those of the natives of Tripoli, viz. guns, pistols, swords, and daggers. They are good shots, when able to rest their guns; but otherwise cannot easily manage them. The gun is slung over the shoulders, and the pistols are worn in a belt, which is hung round the body, and which contains the ammunition. They are constantly armed with both these weapons; but the sword is seldom carried, unless when they ride on horseback; it is then suspended by the side of the saddle, in such a way as to remain under the left leg, with the[41] hilt near the pommel. They generally procure their powder and lead from Tripoli, though some possess the art of making a kind of inferior powder amongst themselves.

In the Tripoline dominions, and in Fezzan also, there are two kinds of Arabs, one wanderers, the other fixed residents in towns; those in towns (as Benioleed for example) travel much about the country, but always return to what they consider as their home. The wanderers have no permanent place of abode, but remove their tents as pasturage or circumstances require. These tents are made of woollen, coarsely woven in long pieces and sewn together. They spread to a great breadth, but are not high; the entrance being about six feet, and the top sloping gradually down till it is fastened to the ground. They are so divided by means of mats or carpets, that the women have a separate place from the men, and can be hidden from the gaze of strangers: they, however, so manage it, as to see without being themselves observed. These dwellings of the Arabs are called by their inhabitants, Beit el Shar, بيت الشار, or “hair houses,” and Nejja also. By means of bushes, almost every tent has an inclosure adjoining it, for securing sheep or goats at night; and stakes are driven in the ground, to which the horses are fastened, though sometimes these animals are allowed a portion of the tents of their masters. The Arabs are generous to their own kinsmen; and should a stranger come amongst them, they never deny him the rights of hospitality, provided they are themselves eating; but should that not be the case, they make no attempt to prepare food expressly for him: an acquaintance, however, is always sure of a good reception.

The Bedouins of Barbary are not to be compared with those of Egypt, either for enterprise, ingenuity, or good qualities; since whatever they may have been, they are now, by the tyranny of their masters, fallen from their once high character, and are not in[42] any respect better than slaves. One or two tribes are yet independent, but are likely soon to fall. Each tribe, or even set of tents, is governed by a Sheikh, who, being an old man, or one appointed by the Bashaw, is looked up to as a superior; though his business is chiefly to collect the requisite sums of money from his people. Some years back, these Sheikhs commanded their tribes in the wars of plunder, or in defence of their liberties, and were then chosen by the voice of the people, for their courage and military skill; but all offensive or defensive wars being now at an end, in consequence of their repeated and bloody overthrows by the Bashaw, the name of Sheikh has no honour attached to it. In some cases, indeed, individuals refuse to undertake the office, lest the Bashaw should make them responsible for any faults committed by their followers.

In their Religion, the Arabs are great bigots, very superstitious, and easily alarmed about the enchantments and wiles of Iblis (or the devil), to whom they attribute many of their misfortunes and illnesses. To the prayers enjoined by the Koran they are very attentive, and, unless in travelling, never omit repeating them at the appointed periods. Of the name and attributes of God they never speak without reverence; and they have a profound respect for Idiots, whom they consider as people beloved of Heaven, and totally unable to think of the things of this world.

Marriages are contracted in most instances without either party having seen the other, the agreement being entirely on the part of the parents of the bride, and the bridegroom, the consent of the females never being asked. There are certain marriage presents which are always given by the husband to the relations of his wife, so that he may be said to purchase her of them. Though four wives are allowed to all Mohammedans, the Arabs very rarely possess so many, few having more than two, and some only one.[43] It is not their custom to have Negresses living with them, which may be accounted for by their dislike to being considered as the fathers of children of colour. The settled Arabs are not so scrupulous; but are, notwithstanding, more so than the Moors. The ceremony observed in conducting a bride to her husband is very singular; and having myself been an eye-witness of it, I made a drawing representing the camel used on such occasions, with its gay trappings.

A frame being fixed on the back of the animal, the bride is placed in it, and, while thus sitting, is housed over with carpets, shawls, and ostrich feathers. In travelling from place to place, or in searching for pasture ground, the people make use of these frames; but they are in such cases generally uncovered, and have baskets, or other frame-work, attached to their sides, in which the young children are placed. An Arab family on its march presents a very extraordinary appearance, the camels being laden with tents, cooking utensils, women, and children. The men walk, driving their flocks before them, or ride their horses, frequently without bridle or saddle. Should the journey exceed one day, a temporary tent is erected at night; and at the dawn of morning, all is again placed on the camels. The operation of erecting or taking down one of their hair houses does not occupy much time, as the women always assist the men on these occasions. The dogs guard the flocks during the night, and are very fierce. In colour they are white, resembling wolves in form, and having long bushy tails. They howl rather than bark, and with great apparent courage attack every stranger who approaches them, though when threatened with a stick or stone, they run yelping away. It frequently happens, that the spot fixed on as a temporary residence is far distant from any well, sometimes even three days of the ordinary march of flocks; yet this does not dishearten[44] the persevering Arab, who, notwithstanding, drives his sheep once a week to drink. They feed as they go and come, and therefore do not suffer much on their long journey. The wants of the people are easily supplied; a few skins of water being brought at stated times by a camel, and economised with great care. I have remarked, that not only the Arabs and their camels, but all animals in this country have the power of remaining a great length of time without water. Sheep, (provided they have tolerable herbage), will pass even a month without drinking. Antelopes and buffaloes, I should conceive, in some cases never taste water, none being found on the surface of the desert, and they are unable to obtain that which is in the wells. On the other hand, wolves, hyænas, foxes, and jackals, are less capable of enduring thirst. They descend such wells (or more properly pits) as are not deep; and the vicinity of one of these places is frequently ascertained from observing the tracks of animals, which, during the night, go there to drink.

The Bedouins sow their scanty stock of corn, after turning up the earth with a rude plough, or more generally with a hoe. These cultivated spots are respected by other wanderers, and the corn is rarely stolen; should the Bashaw, indeed, be at war with the Arabs, he never fails to destroy their crops. When a sufficient time has elapsed to allow of the grain being in a state of maturity, those to whom it belongs come and gather in their harvest (sometimes before it is perfectly ripe), lest the Bashaw should be informed of the circumstance, and deprive them of a larger portion than they can afford; emissaries, indeed, are never wanting, who make it their business to ascertain the exact time when the corn is to be cut, and then pounce on the poor Arabs for the Bashaw’s share of it. To avoid such taxes, therefore, they sometimes gather it so prematurely, that it will not serve as seed for the ensuing year. When[45] the date season commences, many families come and pitch their tents in the Meshea of Tripoli, in order to purchase dates for their future subsistence; these they deprive of the stones, and when kneaded together, keep them in skins, so as to preserve them from insects or wet: these form their chief support, assisted by the milk of their sheep and camels. That of the camel, as I have before noticed, is thin, of a bluish colour (resembling cow’s milk mixed with water), and rather salt to the taste; it throws up no cream, but soon coagulates like new curds. The ewe milk is excellent, but is never drank fresh, the Arabs preferring it sour, or, more properly, as butter-milk. The flocks are milked morning and night into large bowls, and when a sufficient quantity is thus collected, it is poured into skins, without much attention being paid to its cleanliness, when by shaking and rolling it about, butter is procured, and generally attaches itself to the side of the skin; the milk being then strained from it into other vessels, is allowed to grow sour, and a quantity of butter being produced, it is boiled with a little salt until it becomes like oil, and is then poured into goat-skins, and is fit for use or market.

Cheese is procured by turning the milk with a certain herb (the name of which I have forgotten), and the curds, being salted, are spread out to dry in the sun, when they resemble little crums, and are very pleasant to the taste. I did not see any other kind of cheese than the one I have mentioned, and this is rather scarce, and used as a luxury in many of their little messes. Sometimes it is toasted, and has a very agreeable flavour. It is called Jibn, جبن.

A great article of commerce is the fat which the shepherds procure from the sheep they kill. They cut it from every part of the body, salt it, and lay it by until a large quantity is collected, when, whether putrid or not, they boil it, until it bear some resemblance to the grease used by tallow-chandlers; it is then poured into[46] skins, and is fit for use. In the interior it sells at about a shilling a pound; but at Tripoli it is much cheaper. It is put into almost every article of food by the Arabs, and though not very savoury, we soon became accustomed to its taste. It is called Shahm شحامر.

From the wool of their sheep, the women make strong barracans, carpets, shirts, turbans, and many ornaments. Their tents too are made of wool and goats’ hair, as are also sacks, which are used to carry corn and merchandize on the camels. Mats and ornaments of palm leaves or grass are neatly made. Their dyes are generally brilliant; black, blue, red, and orange; in fact, every colour excepting green, which they find much difficulty in producing; though at Tripoli the dyers succeed very well in it. The looms of the Arab women are on the ground; they have no shuttles, but with much trouble pass the threads through with their fingers, generally lightening their labour with songs. The men seldom work while in their tents, and their time seems to hang much heavier on their hands than that of the women, who with cooking and other domestic employments are generally pretty well occupied. No woman eats in the presence of a man, and wives always wait on their husbands.

The domestic animals consist of poultry, sheep, goats, camels, horses, and dogs: they all live under the same canopy as their masters, and are on good terms amongst themselves. The horses are perfectly quiet, being brought up with the children of the family. They would be a fine race, but that the want of good food prevents their acquiring a handsome appearance; add to which, the ambition of possessing well fed and comely animals does not now exist; for should any of the Bashaw’s people wish to appropriate a fine horse, the owner dares not refuse to sell him, at whatever low price may be offered. Still, however, many of the Arabs breed them expressly for the market, bringing them while[47] foals for sale. I have seen some of them brought in this way, which, when taken care of, became remarkably handsome, and unlike the generality belonging to the Bedouins. In the bazaars at Tripoli I have sometimes observed very fine ones, which were brought from the Desert, and sold for forty or fifty dollars (about eleven or twelve pounds sterling) a piece. All have long tails, and are entire; a great defect is, however, almost general amongst them, in consequence of their being mounted when too young; which is, that their backs are very hollow, and their hind quarters appear higher than their fore. Colts of twelve months are frequently seen, staggering beneath the weight of a heavy man, his arms, water skin, and food. The Arabs consider a large belly as very handsome; and some horses, from the nature of their food, acquire such rotundity in this respect, that they appear like mares in foal.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by D. Dighton.

Arabs exercising.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

A light mane and tail on a chesnut horse is considered unlucky; the colour, though common, is not much admired, and the feet of such animals are accounted soft and tender. Bay is the favourite colour next to light grey, which is much in request, the Bashaw generally riding horses of this description.

Much importance is attached to the manner in which the legs are coloured, stockinged horses being in the extremes of good or bad luck, according to the disposition of the white. If both forelegs are marked, it is good; if one hind and one fore leg are marked on the same side, it is very unlucky; or if one alone is white, it is equally unfortunate; but if opposite legs (off fore and near hind) are light, nothing can be more admired. Ridiculous as these fancies may appear, they nevertheless influence the price of horses, sometimes to even a sixth of their value.

In sandy parts of the desert shoeing is never used; but where the animals are to pass over mountains, it is absolutely necessary.[48] The Arab shoes are thus formed, turning up behind; and are, in general, so badly put on, that there are few horses to be found which have not been injured in their feet. The Arab’s forge is simple, and almost every man is his own blacksmith. A small mud or clay wall is built to the height of a foot or eighteen inches; a hole is then made even with the ground, and an iron pipe introduced. To this are attached two skins, which open at the upper end by means of two sticks, having a small leather handle on each: the thumb is passed through one of these, and the fingers through the other; so that the hand easily opens and shuts the skin. The mouth being closed, the skin is pressed down, and throws a strong blast through the pipe. It is again opened and lifted up, when it is once more ready. Thus, alternately with each hand, the current of air is kept up to the fire which lies over the pipe. Camel’s dung is used when charcoal cannot be procured, and gives a very strong heat. The anvil is a small square-ended piece of iron, which is sunk in a log of wood, and partly buried in the sand. An ordinary hammer, and a pair or two of pincers, complete the apparatus.

The mill is equally simple, being composed of two circular stones, one of which lies flat on the other, and is turned by a small handle placed on it; this is fixed by a pivot from the lower one, and has a hole in the centre, through which it is supplied with grain.

The messes made with flour are few, and may be thus enumerated: Cusscussou, Bazeen, Dweeda, Atila, Mogatta, Zūmeita, Bread, Fetaat. Cusscussou being a dish very generally mentioned in all books of travels, I shall attempt to describe the manner in which it is made; and I trust I may be allowed, however trifling the subject, to mention in the same manner the other articles of food, as I believe they are at present only known by name.

[49]The corn for Cusscussou is ground expressly to the state which is called Semolina in Italy, and used also under that name in England. The hand being clean washed, and a large wooden bowl prepared, a portion of semolina is thrown into it with the right hand; it is turned quickly round under the palm, while from the left, water is occasionally sprinkled upon the mass, together with dry semolina. In a short time, by turning it constantly the same way, the flour adheres in little granules, like bread crums; and by a dexterous motion of the hand, is prevented from forming into large lumps. When finished, the grains resemble small shot in size, and stick closely together, without danger of again falling into flour on being dried. They will keep good in this state nearly as long as corn. When Cusscussou is to be prepared for eating, it is put in a basket, or tin vessel having holes in the bottom, and steamed over meat, or boiling water, care being taken to stir it occasionally, so as to prevent its caking. When sufficiently done, meat is poured on with its gravy, or a little butter or grease mixed with it; should meat be wanting, a good quantity of red pepper and salt are frequently all its auxiliaries.

Bazeen (which in Fezzan is called Aseēda) is the most common food, as being the easiest prepared. It is made of the flour of any grain (Bishna and Barley are mostly used near Tripoli) in the following manner. A large pot, of copper or iron, is placed on the fire, with a little water in it, which is suffered to boil. Flour is then thrown in, until it acquires the consistency of dough, when it is stirred well about with a large stick (water being occasionally added, if necessary,) until it is quite thick, and begins to assume the appearance of a pudding, when it is taken out, and placed in a bowl. After being beat into a circular shape, and having a hole made in the centre, gravy, oil, butter, or grease, is poured on it, and it is then ready for eating, which is done by pinching pieces[50] out with the right hand, and kneading them with the grease until they assume the appearance of thick paste. Should there be no gravy or grease to be procured, a little flour mixed with hot water is used instead of it. It requires much strength of arm to make bazeen properly, as the stick is wielded by both hands, and the pot is confined on the fire by having a forked piece of wood placed against it, on which the woman kneels while preparing the mess.

Dweeda is moulded in the shape of little seeds, not quite so large as the grains of rice; but oblong, and much resembling them. A stiff dough being prepared, the women very expeditiously pinch it out between their fingers and thumbs into this form. It is then allowed to dry; and is considered a great dainty when boiled, and a little butter poured over it.

Atila is composed much in the same way; but is longer, and much resembles small macaroni broken in pieces. It is also boiled in the same manner as Dweeda.

Mogatta is made of paste, by being beaten and turned between the hands, until it is as thin as a pancake; it is then laid in the sun to harden a little. When it becomes sufficiently crisp to break, it is crumbled in pieces, and boiled until it resembles thick porridge, the larger pieces always remaining entire. A sufficient quantity of fat and pepper completes it.

Zumeeta is made of barley, which has been a little malted; it is then ground into flour, and sometimes dates are pounded with it. In this state it remains until it is to be used; when a little cold water being mixed with it until it becomes like dough, it is fit for eating. Oil is much used with it, by dipping the Zumeeta in it when formed into mouthfuls for eating. This is almost the only stock which Arabs provide on going a journey, as it is easily prepared, and very nourishing.

Bread is made as in Europe. It is leavened with flour, or a[51] preparation of dates, moulded into little cakes shaped like buns. The ovens are generally formed in the ground: a hole is made about two feet in depth, and in the shape of a large jar, contracted at the mouth; it is then encrusted inside with clay. Wood is thrown in and burnt, until a thick layer of glowing ashes is collected at the bottom, and the oven is thoroughly heated; the loaves are then put in by a woman, who bares and wets her arm, and sticks them against the side with great dexterity: when done enough, if not speedily taken off, they fall into the embers. Sometimes meat is dressed in these ovens; a kind of crumpet, also, called Fetaat, made in the same way as Mogatta, but without leaven, is slightly baked in them; one of these crumpets is then placed in a bowl, and soup and vegetables are poured over it; another is then put in, and soup added as before, and so on in successive layers, until the bowl is full. All these messes are eaten with the fingers.

There is great variety in the manner of dressing meat, which is stewed, boiled, or baked; but for journeys the Arabs have a very good way of preserving it, by cutting it into thin slices, drying it in the sun, and afterwards stewing it in fat. I have often observed them eating small grasses, which they found as they pursued their journey; and to my inquiries how they knew them to be innoxious, the general reply was, that whatever an animal which chewed its cud could eat with safety, must be food for man. There is a species of dandelion, very bitter, and exuding a white juice, which is much liked by the sheep as well as their masters. The taste at first is very unpleasant; but I soon became accustomed to it. The Colocynth apple grows in great quantities in some parts of the Desert, and is almost the only medicine used by the Arabs. Burning is always had recourse to, and many of them are in consequence[52] covered with scars; it is also occasionally used to show the force of love; and both sexes practise it when they wish to give proof of very strong affection.

Wolves, young dogs, cats, and hedgehogs, though forbidden animals, are not unfrequently eaten by sick persons, from a belief that their flesh is medicinal, or, as they express it, “Doua.” Charms are much worn, and are procured from such as are considered Marāboots amongst themselves, or from the Scribes of Tripoli. It is not enough that the man should be defended by these little prayers sewed up in leather, and attached to his arms or body; but his horse, gun, sword, and red cap must be equally protected with himself. The “Evil Eye” is of all other mischiefs most dreaded, and for a stranger to express particular admiration of a child, a horse, or any other valuable, is to bring on it or its possessor certain misfortune; this may, however, be averted by passing over the object a finger wetted with saliva, or by the equally efficacious charm of an open hand, either attached to the clothes as an ornament, or tattooed on the skin. It is remarkable that no Arab will take a knife or scissars from the hands of any one, as (from some superstitious prejudice) such an action is considered highly unfortunate; but they require that the instrument should be first laid on the ground, whence they readily take it up without fear.

The Arabs have but few amusements beyond Dancing and a Game called Helga, which resembles draughts, and is played with camels’ dung or date stones, in holes made in the sand. The noise uttered by these people at their festivals, or on any joyful occasion, is most extraordinary; and being very shrill, it may be heard at a great distance, particularly if several persons join in chorus: it is a piercing cry from the throat (the mouth being quite open),[53] to which a tremulous sound is given by a rapid motion of the tongue from side to side; it is very enlivening, and when it becomes familiar to the ear, far from disagreeable.

The manner of salutation used amongst the Arabs is particularly striking, and certainly not ungraceful. Friends on meeting, seize each the right hand of the other, then loosen and apply the tips of their fingers to their mouths, afterwards laying the open hand on the heart, they press it and gently incline the head at the same time. Very intimate acquaintances mutually lift their joined right hands in such a manner that each kisses the back of the other’s hand, repeating with the greatest rapidity, “How are you? well, how are you? Thank God, how are you? God bless you, how are you?” which compliments in a well bred man never last less than ten minutes; and whatever may be the conversation afterwards, it is a mark of great good breeding occasionally to interrupt it, bowing solemnly and asking, “How are you?” though an answer to the question is by no means considered necessary, as he who asks it is perhaps looking another way, and thinking of something else. I must not omit to mention a particular instance of good breeding which I met with amongst these people: a man begged me one day to reach him a piece of straw which lay near me, that he might take out of a cup of water a bird which had fallen into it. I perceived, however, that it was only a Fly; and was afterwards informed that they consider it disrespectful to make use of the word Fly in presence of a superior.

The questions asked and observations made by some of the inland Arabs respecting our country were very curious; amongst other extraordinary fancies, they have an idea, originating in the name given to the Atlantic, Bahr el blem, باحرالظلا, sea of darkness, that we have no Sun or Moon in the countries which are in the sea,[54] and in consequence, they imagine that our ships sail about with great lanterns attached to them. They also believe that Christians use the milk of pigs as a beverage, and in fact, that it forms their chief subsistence. That we have horses, cows, and sheep, is not at all credited by them; and that our country should be destitute of dates excites their greatest commiseration. They cannot at all conceive how we avoid falling off our islands and rolling into the sea, or how, being surrounded by water, we have sufficient room for animals to graze. There are some on the other hand who think highly of our wealth and dignity, until they are told that our country is an Island, when their admiration decreases considerably. Buonaparte, or as the Arabs call him, Bono barto, is in great estimation amongst them, not on account of his military achievements; but because they have heard that he has 200,000 dollars an hour, and that he sits on a golden throne.

The Arabs are good and bold horsemen, and though in general but poorly provided with food for their horses, they make them perform very long journeys. The inducement to all exertion, however, is now nearly at an end, their wars having ceased; but in the time of the Waled Suliman, اولاد سوليمان who infested the road from Tripoli to Fezzan, and committed every excess, journeys were made and difficulties overcome which equalled any of the stories of the Arabs of old. This once powerful tribe had formerly possession of every pass from Tripoli to the interior, and were so much dreaded, that few traders would venture amongst them, even when they were at peace with the Bashaw. These are the people whom Lucas mentions as having declared war against Tripoli, and prevented the Kafflé, to which he was attached, from proceeding from Mesurāta to Fezzan; but they are now completely destroyed. About eight years[55] since the Bashaw in the regency of Tripoli, and Mukni, in the kingdom of Fezzan, commenced so hot an attack upon them that they were scattered, and being in small parties, easily fell a prey to the troops employed against them. It was the custom during this war (as in all previous wars) to give no quarter; all prisoners therefore had their throats cut on being taken, and every species of cruelty was practised on them. Two hundred and fifty, who were seized in a town in the Wadey Shiati of Fezzan, were butchered in cold blood, even though they had surrendered on condition of having their lives spared. This tribe perhaps would still have flourished in Fezzan, but that not expecting any attack from Mukni, they quitted for a time their own territory and proceeded to Egypt, in order to wage war on some other tribes who had offended them: this circumstance was taken immediate advantage of by Mukni, who contrived before their return to gain possession of Morzouk, which he could not otherwise have done. They, however, besieged him there with great activity; but leaving in the meantime their frontiers undefended, the Bashaw poured his army into the country, and thus completely effected their destruction as a tribe. The small number who escaped became wanderers for a time, and were occasionally met with and killed, until at last the remaining few incorporated themselves with other tribes. That of the Waled Suliman, which does not now exist, is celebrated in all the Arab stories; and there are few places in this part of Africa which have not had ample occasion to remember them.

Wherever they removed, their families and immense flocks accompanied them; and they were commanded by one or two Sheikhs of known courage and experience. A friend of ours, who in the first wars had spared the life of one of their chiefs, was, a[56] few months after, coming from Fezzan, in company with a large kafflé of merchants, bringing slaves, when, in a part of the mountains, in which they conceived there was no chance of encountering these people, they, to their great dismay, were seized and conducted to the chief, in full conviction that they should be murdered, and their slaves and goods distributed amongst the captors; when, fortunately, one of the party stepped forward, and suddenly recognised his deliverer. The scene was immediately changed: eighteen sheep, as many goats, and some cows were killed, and the whole kafflé feasted for three days; their goods and their slaves were returned to them, and they were suffered to depart.

On our return to Tripoli, we understood that it was not the intention of the Bashaw to send, as he at first had given out, a force with Mukni, into the interior. The latter was to be attended only by his own followers; and we were desired to hold ourselves in readiness to accompany him in a few days. In consequence of this, Mr. Ritchie caused a variety of food, appropriate for a journey on the Desert, to be provided. He bought Gerbas, or water skins; and in fact, made every necessary preparation. Owing to the lowness of his funds, he wrote to Lord Bathurst, soliciting a further supply; and I drew money, on my own account, which I gave him for our general use. For some articles which Mr. Ritchie procured for Mukni, from Malta, he became our debtor to the amount of 300 dollars, which were to be paid us on his arrival in Fezzan. On this small sum, and not knowing when or how we were to procure more, was our journey to be undertaken. Our camels were[57] paid for in advance; but other expenses, which were unavoidable, would, we had no doubt, extend far beyond our narrow limits.

The allowance of £2000, which was made to Mr. Ritchie, had already been expended, in buying Merchandize, Instruments, Arms, &c. and otherwise making provision for the welfare of the Mission; but the merchandize was selected in England, and unfortunately was such as could be of little utility in the interior, of which circumstance we were not aware until too late; for, with the exception of cutlery, we had, in fact, nothing which would sell. We had Beads and looking-glasses in abundance; but neither of these articles were of the kind most in request amongst the Negroes, who, we learnt, were as much wedded to fashion, as the inhabitants of more civilized countries. Such was the inauspicious state of our affairs, when we entered on our hazardous journey, determined at all events, that, however unpromising in its commencement, its failure should not be attributed to our want of zeal in the service we had undertaken.

On the 18th March, the Bashaw held a public audience; and Mukni, in presence of the British consul, as well as ourselves, pledged himself to assist us in all our difficulties.

[58]CHAPTER II.
JOURNEY FROM TRIPOLI TO MORZOUK.

Preparations for their departure, in company with Mohammed el Mukni — Encampment in the Mountains of Terhoona, and at the Wells of Melghra — Arrival at Benioleed — Interview with the Wife of the Sheikh, of the Kafflé — Their Christian Friends return to Tripoli — Punishment of an Arab for Theft — Journey over the Desert — Remains of a Roman Castle — Continuation of the Journey, until their Arrival at Sockna — Entry into that City — Description of it — Manner of raising the Tribute Money — Accompany the Sultan’s Son to Hoon and Wadan, to receive the Taxes — Account of those Places — Return to Sockna — Leave Sockna — Singular Custom imposed on Travellers in passing the Soudah Mountains — Arrival at Nufdai — Clear the Soudah Mountains — And travel over the gravelly Plain, through the Pass of Kenair, to the Well of Om el Abeed — Visit the Towns of Zeighan and Samnoo, famed for their Marāboots — Encamp at Temenhint — Arrival at Sebha, where the Black Population commences — Pass on to Ghroodwa — Entry to Morzouk, the Capital of Fezzan.

On the 22d March, 1819, after repeated delays, every thing being at length in readiness for our departure, the camels, twenty-two in number, arrived, and carried our goods to the Desert beyond the Meshea, where Mr. Ritchie preferring to remain in the town, Belford, and myself, pitched our tent, in order to keep watch over the goods. Our Kafflé increased much this day; many Negroes, who had obtained their freedom, and were returning to their native countries, fixed their little triangles of sticks, and a mat or carpet, close to us, whilst I amused myself in marking our[59] goods, so that each camel-man might be enabled to know his own charge, and thus avoid mistakes or confusion.

23d March.—I went back into the town, and found that Mukni was not to join us until the morrow; by which delay, we obtained time to furnish ourselves with many necessaries, which we had before forgotten to provide.

24th March.—Mukni did not arrive this day; but his two Negresses and household slaves came out and pitched their tents. These women were mounted on camels, in a kind of litter, called Shiblia شبليه which is a light frame of wood, covered with scarlet cloth, so arranged, as to prevent the person in the inside from being seen. One of them had been twice to the Niger with Mukni, and was named Zaitoon زيتون or olive tree; the other was the mother of his youngest child, and was called Zeman Donya, زمان دونيه time of the world. All was confusion this day; and the varied heaps of goods, camels, saddles, and animals, which were scattered about, presented a very lively scene. As I sat in our tent, writing a letter, some Arabs came in, and seemed to find much amusement in seeing me write from left to right; but, when I told them my letter was addressed to a Female, their astonishment knew no bounds; and they laughed heartily at the idea, that it was possible for a woman to be capable of reading. Colonel Warrington’s eldest son came to spend the evening with us.

March 25th.—I went into the town, and took leave of all my Christian friends. At eight A.M. the kafflé, consisting of about two hundred men, and the same number of camels, set off. We followed them, and pitched our tents, to rest for the night, on the desert, near a well and a few palm trees. After dark, Mr. Ritchie, accompanied by our friends, Dr. Dickson, and Messrs. Carstensen, arrived. We amused ourselves in visiting little parties of the[60] liberated Blacks, who were all joyful at the idea of returning once more to their native land; though their means of support were very slender, and many of them, with their young children, had to walk a distance of above two thousand miles, before they could reach their own country.

March 26th.—At 8 A.M. we again moved on over a sandy, irregular desert, all in high spirits at having commenced our journey, after so many and apparently unnecessary delays. Having travelled south-east twelve miles, we encamped near a very deep well, which I have before mentioned, where we were to wait for Mukni. Our kind friend, Dr. Dickson, here left us, the Bashaw requiring his attendance at the Castle. After dark we observed several flashes of muskets, which were fired by Mukni’s attendants, in order to discover the position of the Kafflé; we fired others in return, and soon heard the shrill pipes of the musicians announcing his approach. A beautiful scene now presented itself when he entered the camp, attended by about fifty horsemen, dressed in their gayest apparel, preceded by wild music, and three stand of silk colours. As we had coffee prepared for ourselves, Mukni, who was very fond of it, visited us in our tent, and partook of it with his son Yussuf, a mulatto boy of about eight years of age. They were splendidly dressed, and had ridden from the town at full speed, the little boy being a most excellent horseman.

March 27th.—Early in the morning we went on, and discovered that in the night another Shiblia had joined us, containing a very fat and beautiful woman, the wife of Sheikh Barood, who was director of the Kafflé, and manager of Mukni’s affairs. Our road lay over a fine country, with corn, many flocks, and a few Arab tents scattered here and there. In the afternoon, having passed through several low hills, we arrived at some corn, and encamped[61] near a well; the Sultan’s people turning their horses amongst the corn, without any pity or consideration for the poor wretches who owned it.

March 28th.—Entered the mountains of Terhoona, which we passed through on our return from Benioleed, and encamped, at four P.M. near the wells of Melghra.

March 29th.—We proceeded this day over a fine country, and through a Wadey, having wells in it, called Mader, مادر; we filled our gerbas, and then entered on a rough uncultivated plain, where the paths were very difficult for our camels.

March 30th.—Having travelled this day also over a stony desert, we arrived at Benioleed, from which place to Tripoli I have, in a former part of my journal, given the bearings. Mukni’s horsemen preceded him to the castle, firing and shouting, as the people of Tripoli do in honour of the Bashaw.

March 31st.—As this was market day, we remained here in order to refresh ourselves, pitching our tents very pleasantly and securely amongst some Olives in the Wadey. Mukni had warned us, on coming here, to avoid encamping on the low ground, as, during the rains, it frequently became entirely flooded, and was therefore very dangerous. He told us of the Wadey being sometimes so completely covered with water, as to hide the highest olive trees from the view; the depth must therefore have been at least thirty feet. Many natives confirmed this account, adding, that men and animals had often been drowned in the night, before they could have time to escape; the torrents from the hill sides which form the Wadey, rushing down with such impetuosity that an hour or two is sufficient to inundate the whole country. We bought a fine sheep in the market, and killed it to feast our guests.

A boy who accompanied us from Tripoli came to me, full of the[62] praises of Lilla Fatma, the fat wife of Sheikh Barood, a white woman, who, he said, was the most beautiful creature he had ever seen, and so fat that she could scarcely walk: “her arm (t’barek Allah, تْبارك اله, God’s blessing on it!) is as big as my body,” continued he, “and she says she should like to see you and Sidi Yussuf.” Such a hint was not to be rejected, and I therefore immediately paid her a visit, the boy acting as my Interpreter. On my entrance she so veiled herself as to exhibit to advantage her arm, with all its gay ornaments; and on my requesting to be favoured with a view of her face, she, with very little reluctance, gratified me. Her chin, the tip of her nose, and the space between her eyebrows, were marked with black lines; she was much rouged; her neck, arms, and legs, were covered with tattooed flowers, open hands, circles, the names of God, and of her numerous male friends. She had a multitude of gold ear-rings and ornaments, set with very bad and counterfeit jewels, and weighing all together, I should think, two or three pounds. Her shirt was of striped silk; and she had a rich purple silk barracan, or mantle, gracefully thrown round her, and fastened at the breast by a gold pin, with ornaments of the same metal suspended from it: all the other articles of finery which she possessed were displayed round the tent, whilst a multitude of poor thin wretches, resembling witches, sat round her in astonishment, never having in their lives seen such a paragon of perfection. Like all other Arabs, they touched whatever pleased them most, one admiring this object, another something near it, so that our poor belle was sometimes poked by a dozen fingers at once; all, however, agreeing on one point, that she was beautifully and excessively fat, and I must say I never before beheld such a monstrous mass of human flesh. One of her legs, of enormous size, was uncovered as high as the calf, and every one pressed it, admiring its solidity, and praising God for blessing them with such a sight. I was received[63] most graciously, and invited to sit close to her, when one of the first questions she asked me was, if in my country the ladies were as fat and handsome as herself? For the plumpness of my countrywomen, I owned, with shame, that I never had seen one possessed of half such an admirable rotundity, which she took as a great compliment; but I did not attempt to carry the comparison farther, though she was really very handsome in face and features. She amused herself while speaking with playing on a kind of drum, made of clay, called Derbooka, دربوكه, by beating with one hand, and playing with the fingers of the other; and perceiving that I was amused by it, she ordered an old man to get up and dance. The females sang and clapped their hands in good time, and the dancer went through a variety of figures, all equally indelicate. A woman then succeeded him, and in this respect quite threw him in the shade; but as I knew it to be the general mode of dancing in this part of Barbary, I of course applauded it. Lilla Fatma herself then thought proper to honour us with a few graceful attitudes in the same style; but Mr. Ritchie’s entrance into the tent soon put a stop to the exhibition, and the ceremony of veiling took place in the same manner as before. Fatma soon discovered a likeness between her late husband and Mr. Ritchie, from their being both very slender; but unfortunately the resemblance failed in all other points, her former spouse being, at the time she was obliged to leave him by an order of the Bashaw, fifty years old, with a grey beard; while, on the other hand, Mr. Ritchie was but twenty-seven, and of a very fair complexion. She was at all events determined to be pleased with us; and having sprinkled us with rose-water, allowed us to take our leave. On returning to our tent, we sent her some coffee, and a few lumps of sugar.

We found here much difficulty in obtaining water for our horses, owing to the great depth of the wells, and the people being employed in filling the skins for the morrow. In the evening, we[64] visited Mukni, at the castle; and finding him surrounded by eatables, were invited to partake of them: but we discovered, that all his people, whilst it was his pleasure to remain, were fed by the natives, cost free. We laid in a sufficient stock of barley to supply our four horses, until we should arrive at Morzouk.

April 2nd.—We took water for three days, on the camels, and passed along the Wadey, at 7,15, A.M. Our friends here quitted us, in order to return to Tripoli, and we were now left to ourselves, amongst a strange people; our hearts were heavy, and we conversed but little during the remainder of the day. The country, on rising from the Wadey, was a stony desert until noon, when we passed over plains capable of cultivation, but having no water.

At 4,50, entered another Wadey, in which we saw a large herd of Gazelles; and, passing through it until 5,20, we encamped. Made S.E. by S. thirty miles. The horses were turned out to graze on a large field of barley, belonging to the Orfilly. This place was called Gairi, قيري or Sofagie. A mountain, south three miles, named Glla قله, and a distant range in the same direction, called Souarit سواريت. Much good herbage. On the camels being unloaded, we found that an old Bornou black had died on the one which he rode. A melancholy howling was set up by the women, and the corpse was carried to a distance, and immediately buried. An Arab, who was prowling about this evening, stole a gun belonging to one of the Sultan’s followers; but was detected, and bastinadoed in a most barbarous manner, by two men on each side, with green date sticks. After this part of his punishment was ended, a man mounted a horse, and started at full gallop, leading, or rather dragging this poor wretch after him. His wrists were tied together behind him, and the end of the cord which secured them was attached to the horse’s saddle. Had he fallen when thus dragged along, his shoulders must inevitably have been dislocated.

[65]April 3rd.—We journeyed all this day over a stony plain, without the least sign of vegetation, and covered with small stones, of about the size and form of lumps of sugar; their surfaces appeared vitrified, and shone very much. In the evening, we got into a wadey where we found a well, and several talhh trees, so that we had abundance of fuel. We heard, during the night, repeated cries of jackals and hyænas. Made this day, S.E. twenty-eight miles.

April 4th.—At seven A.M. went on over a barren plain, having no water; but were enabled to collect a few bushes for our night’s cooking. At sunset secured our baggage, and lay in a gravelly flat. Jackals very noisy. Proceeded S.E. twenty-eight miles.

April 5th.—Barren plain as before. At two P.M. ascended a steep hill, from which, in every direction, the country appeared quite desolate;—found a few bushes on the top. On descending, at sunset, we pitched our tents, having travelled thirty-five miles, S.E.

April 6th.—At six A.M. we started, and passed over the wadeys Hait حيت, and Zemzem زمزم; each having a few prickly bushes, on which our camels fed. The latter is of great length, and runs to the sea, in the Gulf of Syrtis.

At 1,30, having passed a plain, where we found gypsum, and in some places, cockle-shells, we reached some sand hills to the well of Bonjem بنجم; the water of which resembles, both in taste and smell, bilge water from a ship. It lies in a stratum of black clay, about five feet below the sand. At the distance of half a mile from the well, is a Roman castle, situated amongst some high sand hills: it is of an oblong form, having in the centre of each of the walls, which are towards the cardinal points, a large arched gateway, between two strong towers. Each of the former, with its flanking towers, is in a different style of architecture: only one remains quite perfect; the others have fallen, or are partially buried in the sand. The stones of which these buildings are composed, are of[66] the magnitude common to all Roman structures, and are of a kind of dark granite. In the enclosed space are several immense stones, standing upright, and so placed as to give the appearance of having once supported a large building: some are ten feet in height, independent of the part embedded in the sand. The mouth of a well is visible, still bearing the marks of the cords used in drawing the water; it is now entirely choked up with sand. The walls from east to west, are above two hundred paces in length; I should rather say, the tops of the walls, for in some places, they are buried in the sand; and from north to south, about one hundred and fifty. The Arabs, probably in the time of the Khalifs, appear to have used the northern towers; as remains of their rude masonry still surmount the original buildings. Over each gateway there had been an inscription, of which the northern one is most perfect. We found, by comparing them, that all were thus worded.

Under each had once been a large eagle, carved in basso relievo; but they are now so mutilated, as to bear very little resemblance to that bird.

This place is the northern boundary of Fezzan. All slaves of Mukni’s, going from Fezzan to Tripoli on account of the Bashaw, belong to the former until Bonjem is past; should any die afterwards, the Bashaw is the loser. The same risk attends the latter when he sends horses or goods to Mukni; all losses being made[67] good by him north of the boundary, and by Mukni south of it. All camels found straying on the desert are appropriated to the respective kingdoms.

Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by G. Harley.

The Castle of Bonjem.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

Bonjem, according to Mr. Ritchie, is in latitude 30°. 35′. 32″. N. A few Arabs passed us with three camels and twelve female slaves, from Morzouk. We expected, on leaving Tripoli, to be much troubled about the established prayers, which should be repeated by the natives five times a day, though by travellers only thrice; but our present companions certainly were not very scrupulous in their religious duties; no one, or at most only two or three of them, ever praying at all; and, as for Mukni and his followers, they seemed to give themselves very little trouble about it. The only devout person amongst them, was one of our camel-men, who roared out all day, as loud as he was able, verses from the Koran, and charms against the devil; yet, in spite of all his sanctity, he was the greatest rascal in the kafflé. This fellow, in speaking of us, contemptuously called us Romees, or Christians; which coming to Mukni’s knowledge, he threatened him with a good thrashing, if he ever again called us any thing but Mamlukes, as the Sultan himself did.

The people of the kafflé having, by this time, become better acquainted with us, soon discovered Mr. Ritchie’s medical talents, and accordingly gave him no little trouble with their real and fancied complaints. They were all very anxious to be bled, and to take physic. One or two who were the most troublesome, and who had only imaginary ailments, were consigned to my management; for these I prepared, with an air of affected gravity, a mixture of coffee, salt, vinegar, and red pepper, giving to each a spoonful, with many serious instructions, how they were to eat, drink, and sleep; and I found, next morning, to my great satisfaction, that my patients had spread a report all over the kafflé, of the excellent effects of my[68] wonderful medicine. During the night we heard a few jackals, whose tracks absolutely covered the sand hills round the castle.

April 7th.—The camels, which had been out on the plain to feed on the bushes, were brought in; and having waited till 1.30. P.M. to rest the people, we loaded, and went on our way. Abd Allah el Bendag, an old Arab, was despatched to Morzouk on a Maherry, to announce the approach of the Sultan. Our camels were loaded with four days’ water; a strong south wind covered us with sand, and the day was uncommonly sultry. Our road lay over a barren desert called Klïa, قليه. The surface, where clear of sand, was of gypsum. At 5 P.M. we passed a remarkable mound of limestone and sand; which, until a very near approach, resembled a white turret, and is called Bazeen, برزين. This name is also applied to the country immediately surrounding it. Our view was bounded on every side by distant yellow hills, appearing to be perfectly destitute of every kind of vegetation. At 11.40. P.M. rested for the night in a sandy wadey, called Boonaja, ابوناجه (or the ewe’s father), having made twenty-two miles south-south-east. This evening, as we rode along, the horsemen amused themselves in skirmishing before Mukni; and the Negroes danced and sang as well as their fatigue would allow them. The Sultan himself took my gun, and rode among his people at full speed, firing at their horses’ feet. All this parade was in consequence of our now being in the kingdom of Fezzan.

April 8th.—At 6 A.M. we left the wadey, and at 7 went through a pass, called Hormut Emhalla, خرموت المخالّه (or the pass of the army.) At 9.20. we passed a range of table mountains, running north-east and south-west, called Elood, الود. The desert here became stony and very uneven; a range of mountains to the southward, two or three miles, running east and west, and forming a crescent to the east of our path: they are called Guatela, قواتله.[69] The westward was an uneven yellow range, distant five or six miles. At 10.5. A.M. we passed the west point of Guatela, our road lying close under the foot of the mountains. At 11 A.M. we turned to the southward and eastward. At 1.15. P.M. passed a conical hill standing apart from the neighbouring mountains, and resembling a tent, called El Khayma, الخيمه. At 5 P.M. entered a pass called Hormut Tuzzēt, حرموت طزّيت. At 6 cleared the pass, and opened on a plain; table mountains bearing south-east, called Matta Imhammed, مته امحمّد. At 6.30. encamped: one of our camels died this day, and three others were, from fatigue, unable to come up; indeed all the camels in the Kafflé were much distressed, not having for several days tasted any kind of food, and our marches were in general long.

April 9th.—At 6.15. A.M. started over a flat, which had no break to the view, except very distant mountains. Two hours and a half from the time of our setting off there is a solitary tree, which is considered as one day’s journey from water. Slaves, in coming from this water, are not allowed to drink until they reach the tree in question, which is one of the longest stages in the journey from Fezzan. The distant mountains had the appellation of Khod el Khādem, خدالخادم (or “take the negress.”) The plain was called El Grarat Arab Hoon, الغرارت عرب حون. At 7 P.M. we entered a pass called Hormut taad atar, خرموت طعداتر. And after passing through a winding wadey, closely hemmed in by the mountains, at 9 we stopped near a well of very brackish, stinking water, situated in a small plain, which here opens out in a circular form. Still no fodder for our camels. A man joined us with some stewed meat for the Sultan, and a load of water, from Sockna; and we procured a bowl of the latter, which afforded us no small treat. The well here, in hot seasons, is dry, and even at this period was very[70] low. The horses, with great avidity, sucked up the mud which was thrown out of it. Strong sand wind from the southward.

April 10th.—At 6.10. A.M. set off. At 7 cleared the pass, and proceeded to a small wadey, where, in spite of a strong Siroc, we succeeded in pitching our tents. The sand, however, flew about in such quantities, that we were unable to prepare any food, and we could not even see thirty yards from us. Mukni took shelter with us, and advised that we should strip to our shirts, as the lightest way of withstanding the sand showers. Mr. Ritchie here presented him with one of our tents, it being much superior to his own. In the afternoon, the wind having a little subsided, we cleared away the heaps of sand which had collected round our goods, and allowed the camels to graze on the small bushes until 3 o’clock. We found, on examining some of our stores, that a large organ had been burst by the heat, and excessive dryness of the wind; a discovery by no means welcome to us. At 3.15. P.M. struck our tent, and again made our way over the plain until 7, when we stopped amongst some palms, which were thickly planted in a range of sand hills. There were two wells of tolerably fresh water at this place, which is called Hammam, حامام. From hence we could easily have made our way to Sockna; but as the Sultan preferred entering in the morning, we were content to stop, and get our heads shaved, as well as to enjoy a good washing, which was very requisite, as we were not over clean. The Sultan’s people were also employed in preparing themselves; and a large convoy of drummers, bag-pipers, and others, joined us in the night, mounted on asses, in order to precede his majesty to his city of Sockna.

April 11th.—At 7 A.M. proceeded with the Sultan and his escort, but found we were sadly in the back-ground with respect to outward appearance. Unfortunately we had not thought it necessary[71] to put on any of our embroidered clothes, having no idea that so much finery was to be displayed; and whilst all the slaves of the Sultan sported their gayest apparel, we were simply habited as Arabs. Mukni was not well pleased at this omission on our part; for as we had the honour of riding on each side of him, and were considered as great men, he wished us to have been as fine and solemn as himself. On coming in sight of the town, the soldiers commenced firing and racing in front of the Sultan, and the musicians struck up such a noise as nearly stunned us. We were shortly joined by another party, who even outdid the first in sound. A number of dancing women then appeared, who, in most fantastic dresses, threw themselves into extraordinary attitudes, crying in their usual shrill manner, and calling down blessings on the Sultan and his family. The armed people who came from the town amounted to about six or seven hundred, not including lookers-on, of at least the same number. The Sultan’s horses, in golden trappings, and led by well dressed slaves, advanced in front, under three silk Tripolitan flags, striped red and yellow horizontally. A curious interruption took place during our progress, in consequence of a man’s horse requiring to stale, when the whole procession, following the example of the Sultan, stopped for him; and we again proceeded with much solemnity. Only two other stoppages took place during the day; once when a band of slaves came and prostrated themselves before Mukni, and at another time when his majesty halted to regale himself with a fresh quid of tobacco. Amongst many laughable incidents which occurred, an unfortunate black drummer was tilted with his drum over the head of the donkey he rode, which ludicrous disaster occasioned much mirth, and even caused Mukni’s state frown to relax. The town’s people, on joining us, advanced in a straight line, until within about a hundred yards, when, firing their muskets, and setting up a loud yell,[72] they rushed forward, and surrounded the Sultan, to kiss his hands. After these ceremonies, they divided themselves into small parties, and expended a great deal of powder in sham fights.

Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by D. Dighton.

A sand wind on the Desert.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

We arrived at 10 in the town of Sockna, سكنا, and were directed to the house which had been prepared for us. In the evening our camels also arrived; and now we arrayed ourselves in our most costly dresses, and went to pay our respects to the Sultan. We found him surrounded by some hundred Arabs, all talking at once, and disputing about money matters, while Mukni appeared to listen to them with extraordinary patience. We now had become better acquainted with Arabic, and I profited much by teaching the Sultan’s little son Yussuf to speak English.

Sockna stands on an immense plain of gravel; bounded to the south by the Soudah mountains, at about fifteen miles; by the mountains of Wadan about thirty miles to the eastward; a distant range to the west; and those I have already mentioned on passing through to the north. The town is walled, and may contain 2000 persons; more than half the people we saw this day were from Hoon and Wadan. There are small projections from the walls, having loop-holes for musketry. It has seven gates, only one of which will admit a loaded camel. The streets are very narrow, and the houses are built of mud and small stones mixed, many of them having a story above the ground floor. A small court is open in the centre; and the windows, or more properly the doors, which open from this area, give the only light which the rooms receive. The water of Sockna is almost all brackish or bitter. There are 200,000 date trees in the immediate neighbourhood of the town, which pay duty; also an equal number, not yet come into bearing, which are exempt. These dates grow in a belt of sand, at about two or three miles distant from the town, and are of a quality far superior to any produced in the north of Africa. Owing to their[73] excellence, they are sold at a very high price at Tripoli. The adjoining country is entirely destitute of shrubs, or any kind of food for camels, which are therefore sent to graze about five miles off; while in the town all animals are fed on dates. Sheep are brought here from Benioleed, and are, in consequence of coming from such a distance, very dear. In the gardens, which are about three miles from the town, barley, maize, and gussob, قصب, are cultivated, as well as a few onions, turnips, and peppers. The quantity of flies here is immense, and all the people carry little flappers, made of bunches of wild bulls’ hair, tied to a short stick, in order to keep these pests at a distance. The dates all being deposited in store-houses in the town, may account, in some degree, for the multitude of these insects; which, in a few minutes, fill every dish or bowl containing any liquid. The duties paid by this place amount to 2000 dollars annually, exclusive of a tax of one dollar on each two hundred date trees. All the people attached to the Sultan, and ourselves also, received food twice a day from the Sheikh, who collected it from the inhabitants; our horses likewise got a daily portion of dates.

The costume here is the same as that of the Bedouins, consisting generally of a shirt and barracan, a red cap, and sandals: a few, whose circumstances allow of it, dress in the costume of Tripoli. The neat appearance of the men, in general, is very striking, compared with that of the Arabs about the coast. The women are considered exceedingly handsome; indeed, one or two whom I saw at Fatma’s were really so, and as fair as Europeans; but they are noted for their profligacy and love of intrigue.

When the kingdom of Fezzan was governed by a native Prince, this town and the two neighbouring ones were, in a manner, independent; the distance from their own capital, as well as from Tripoli, securing them from surprise. All discontented or disaffected[74] people, from either country, took refuge here, and the population was, at that time, more than double what it now is. The people of Sockna speak a language peculiar to themselves and to the Tuarick of the Great Desert; it is called Ertāna, and is, I believe, the original Breber tongue. In another part of this work, I have given a short vocabulary of it. Mukni receives all his tribute in person, and is, from daylight until dark, sitting in the midst of the Arabs. As soon as the business of one party is settled, a prayer is recited, and room is left for another equally noisy set, who, though they dispute and make all sort of difficulty about paying their money, are never suffered by Mukni to gain their point: at the very moment indeed when they appear most confident of having their complaints attended to, some one of Mukni’s men cries out “The Fattha!” (or first chapter of the Koran), every one joining in that prayer. This is the signal for the poor creatures to retire, and they are then obliged to consider their claims as settled.

The Sheikh is in continual apprehensions of losing his life; his predecessor having, the year before, been found one night with his throat cut, and no one was allowed to inquire who committed the deed. The inhabitants were obliged to pay a fine or penalty of 2000 dollars to Mukni (who alone was supposed guilty), in consequence of the murder having been perpetrated in the town.

It being necessary for the Sultan to employ persons of trust to receive his taxes at Hoon and Wadan, as well as from the neighbouring Arabs, he proposed sending with them his young son Yussuf, allowing Mr. Ritchie and myself also to accompany them, in order to afford us a safe opportunity of seeing those places. A troop of about thirty horsemen being prepared, on the 14th of June we set out. Little Yussuf was placed under the charge of a man named Ibrahim, who had also orders to attend to and supply all our wants.

After passing over the plain, and through the palms, east by[75] south ten miles, we arrived at Hoon, حون. It is a smaller town than Sockna, but walled, and built in the same manner: its palms and gardens are close to the walls. It has three gates, three mosques, and a large building which is dignified with the name of a castle, although it does not appear even to have a loophole for musketry. The inhabitants, having about three hundred muskets, came out to welcome Yussuf, and we met with the same boisterous reception as was given a few days before to the Sultan. A number of dancing women performed in the court of the house in which we were assembled, the greatest part of the day; and in the evening the slaves joined the concert with their cymbals. The whole was so completely to the taste of Mukni’s men, and continued so long, that the performers were literally tired out. When they came to request corn or money from the spectators, it was to us they first applied, as considering us the greatest personages; but we were so poor, in despite of our fine garments, that we actually had nothing to give, which disappointed and astonished them much.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Piper and Dancer. Tripoli.

Dancing Woman. Sockna.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

In the burying-grounds near the town we observed that nearly all the graves were ornamented with one or more ostrich eggs, as were the doors and angles of the mosques, and their enclosures. We entered the tomb of a Marāboot, and standing near the grave, recited the “Fatha” aloud. In the evening we visited the gardens, which are close to the town, the latter being completely hidden from the view by the thick palms which surround it. The soil is sand, but the grain was in the most luxuriant state of forwardness, owing to its being constantly refreshed by little channels from the wells, the water of which is brackish.

The people of the town having been told what sum of money they were required to collect before we returned from Wadan, we proceeded on the 15th April to that place, passing over a barren stony flat east by north twelve or thirteen miles. The town is not[76] walled, and appears very inferior to the other two in point of neatness, comfort, and convenience, though its aspect is much more pleasing, as it is built on a conical hill, on the top of which are some enclosed houses, called the Castle. Here there is a well of great depth, cut through the solid rock, and evidently not the work of the Bedouins. One of the Shreefs took us into a mosque, that we might examine a curious stone, bearing an Arabic inscription in raised letters, and, from its date, it must have been above six hundred years old. It was let into the mud wall, but no one knew where it had been found. Mr. Ritchie did not attempt to copy it, as we were not yet enough acquainted with the customs of the Arabs to know if it would be permitted. The tombs and mosques, as at Hoon, were ornamented with quantities of ostrich eggs.

The natives of Wadan are Arabs of the tribe Moajer مواجر, who chiefly spend their time in attending their flocks at the Syrtis الصرت, and resident shreefs, or descendants of the Prophet; the latter forming the greater part of the population. There is a chain of mountains, a few miles east of the town, called also Wadan, on account of the immense number of buffaloes to be found there, and which are of three species; viz. the Wadan, an animal of the size of an ass, having very large horns, short reddish hide, and large bunches of hair hanging from each shoulder, to the length of eighteen inches or two feet: they have very large heads, and are very fierce. The Bogra el Weish البقرّالويش, which is a red buffalo, slow in its motions, having large horns, and being of the size of an ordinary cow; and the white buffalo of a lighter and more active make, very shy and swift, and not easily procured. The calving time of these animals is in April or May. There are also in these mountains great quantities of ostriches, by hunting which many of the natives subsist. All the Arabs here agree respecting the manner in which these birds sit on their eggs, and which I was not before aware of.[77] They are not left to be hatched by the warmth of the sun, but the parent bird forms a rough nest, in which she covers from fourteen to eighteen eggs, and regularly sits on them in the same manner as the common fowl does on her chickens; the male occasionally relieving the female. It is during the breeding season that the greatest numbers are procured, the Arabs shooting the old ones while on their nests. At all the three towns, Sockna, Hoon, and Wadan, it is the custom to keep tame ostriches in a stable, and in two years, to take three cuttings of their feathers. I imagine, from what I have seen of the skins of ostriches brought for sale, that all the fine feathers sent to Europe are from tame birds; the wild ones being generally so ragged and torn, that not above half a dozen good perfect ones can be found. The white feathers are what I allude to; the black, being shorter and more flexible, are generally good. All the camels belonging to these people are sent to the Syrtis, to pasture; a distance of about five days’ journey. It sometimes occurs, that after a great deal of rain has fallen, the plains beyond the Wadan mountains acquire sufficient verdure to feed the cattle for a few weeks.

On this evening we had some juice of the palm-tree, called Lackbi, brought us, together with some milk; and the dancing women remained until midnight. The tribute was all paid at the evening prayer.

April 16th.—Returned to Hoon, where we were received as before. It being Friday, we saw every one preparing to go to the assembly at the Mosque. Mr. Ritchie declined attending; but I was determined to make my debut, and to see how I could go through the necessary formalities. I therefore prepared myself, by endeavouring to appear quite unconcerned, and readily accompanied the Sultan’s chief followers, who seemed pleased at my joining them. There were about 200 people present, and additional prayers were recited in honour of the Sultan (Mukni) and[78] his family. I found I acquitted myself very well, although one or two of the old people, as I thought, viewed me with an eye of suspicion, well aware that I had but very little knowledge of Arabic. The tribute-money was brought this day by the Sheikh, a great crowd attending him. A little boy who was amongst them made himself known to us, as having come in the same kafflé with us from Tripoli. We recollected, and made use of him to show us round the town, which he did readily, occasionally running before us, and calling to all the girls of his acquaintance, to come out and look at the new Mamlukes. This they did in crowds, and with their faces uncovered: some of them were rather pretty, and appeared to take pleasure in conversing with us, laughing much at the mistakes we made, in consequence of our slight knowledge of Arabic. The boy asked us many amusing questions about our future intentions, and was particularly anxious to know where we were going, and whether for the purpose of collecting slaves, as he suspected. We, of course, disclaimed any such intention, adding, that in our own country we looked on slavery with horror. At this he expressed great contempt of us, exclaiming, “D——n their fathers, the asses!” a common oath amongst these people, “what are they made for, but to serve us? go then and take them, for they are Kaffirs, and we cannot do without them.” I mention this as a specimen of all the Arabs, who believe most religiously, that the Negroes were only created for their service. The natives of Hoon are of the tribe Fateima فتيمه, and are of good character.

17th April.—We returned to Sockna. On this day I made an attempt to prove how far it was possible to exercise authority over the Arabs, and Mr. Ritchie not wishing to interfere, left me to act as I thought proper. The case was this: during our journey from Tripoli I had observed a poor slave, of about fifty years of age, belonging to the owner of some of our camels, so fatigued as to be[79] scarcely able to follow us. His frame was quite emaciated, and his feet and legs much swelled. His inhuman master, notwithstanding the deplorable state in which he was, invariably sent him out all night to attend the camels, and he only brought them back to commence another sad day’s journey, during which he was frequently beaten. On arriving at Sockna he was sent on to the desert with the animals, and returned to the town this day in a high fever, and in a most miserable condition. His master, according to custom, beat him severely with a stick, and finding the poor black unable to cry out, actually took stones and beat him on the head with them, another Arab assisting in the cruel task. So much unnecessary barbarity induced me to endeavour to defend the poor sufferer; but my interference was greeted with no very polite expressions, and my endeavouring to prove that the poor black was a human creature as well as his master, exposed me to much laughter and contempt. I pursued my point, however, and immediately went to Mukni’s chief black, swearing by the Sultan’s head, that he should instantly punish the master of the slave. To my great satisfaction he immediately complied, giving the wretch a very severe bastinado, as hard as two men could lay it on. When I returned to our house, the other Arab laughed at and taunted me to such a degree, that I was obliged (to his great astonishment) to give him a good thrashing, not a little apprehensive, I must own, lest some revenge should be taken on me in consequence; but I soon found I had nothing to dread, for these very men never after omitted coming daily to kiss my hand; and, while I was in sight, always caressed the poor slave, who from that time became a kind of pensioner on us.

The Arabs of Sockna are of the tribe Riahh رياه. There are also some wanderers from Tripoli and the Syrtis, who frequent these towns on the soofra جوفره, or frontier. They are of the tribes Waled[80] boo Saif اولاد ابو سيف, Waled ben Miriam اولاد بن مريم and Sohhoob سحوب, and change their residence as they find pasture. Their little moveable tents are their only habitations; for even in the neighbourhood of towns they make a small encampment while they remain.

All our business being settled, we prepared to leave this place. Mr. Ritchie presented the Sheikh with some powder and cutlery ware, which, as I discovered some time after, was taken away from him by the covetous Sultan for his own use.

Lilla Fatema was at this time very ill, and as Mr. Ritchie declined visiting her, I became her doctor, and by means of some compounds of my own invention, quite cured her. Amongst the little secrets of her illness, I found out that she indulged herself in pretty large potions of Lackbi, which no doubt occasioned the head-aches she complained of.

Mr. Ritchie made several attempts with Gambay’s dipping needle, the results of which are with his papers, and we each brought Sockna’s latitude to 29° 5′ 36″ north, by observation of Spica Virginis.

On 22d of April left Sockna in company with the Sultan. At 11.30. we were attended clear of the town by a great multitude of people, and a prayer being recited, the horsemen all stopped, holding their open hands with the palms towards heaven. After this, each one kissed the Sultan’s hand, and returned home. At one we passed a small spring, the only one in the country, of about two feet in diameter, in which the water was pretty good. The Sultan here told us, with an air of firm belief, that a Marāboot once travelling this way, was overcome by thirst, and that by striking the ground with his stick (in the name of God), this water arose. At 3.30. we entered a wadey in the Soudah mountains, called Octooffa اكطوفه, bearing from Sockna south by west, and at six encamped near a well of tolerably good water, called Gutfa قتفا. Our[81] place of encampment was a small plain, without any other vegetation than a few prickly bushes of talhh. This spot was surrounded on every side by high mountains of basalt, which gave it the appearance of being in the crater of a volcano. We here presented our Bouzaferr بوزفرّ, which is a kind of footing paid by all travellers on entering Fezzan, and is attended with ceremonies something similar to those observed on crossing the line. Should any person refuse the necessary distribution of food, the Arabs dig a grave, telling him that it is made expressly for him, and howling as for a dead person, with many other ridiculous pranks, which generally produce the wished-for feast. We took with us, for this purpose, two sheep, and a quantity of meal, and distributed portions to all the tents, much to the satisfaction of our fellow travellers. Lilla Fatma also paid her footing, as did one or two others, who had never before passed these mountains. We this day had advanced south 10° west eighteen miles.

April 25th.—Having filled five days water for ourselves and horses, we left the well at 6.40. A.M. The camels took a circuitous route along a deep valley, owing to a very steep mountain called Nufdai نوفدي, lying in front of us. The horse and footmen ascended it at 9.40. by a most difficult path of large irregular masses of basalt. The horses, however, were sure-footed, and at 10.40. we again descended to a wadey, called Zgar, where the camels joined us, after having been four hours winding round the foot of the mountain, which we had crossed in one. At 11.35. ascended from the wadey to a flat, called Dahr t’Moumen دحارتمومين (or the believer’s back). The basalt here was in less quantities, and often in small broken pieces, resembling gravel. At 1.10. we descended to a wadey, called Emzairaat مزيرعت, when we saw a few antelopes.

Here, while I was resting under a tree, a man came and told[82] me that he had observed a snake of the most venomous species, called Effa الفّا, coiled up under a bush. I instantly armed myself with a ramrod, and having discovered the reptile, pinned it to the ground by a stab through the lower jaw. Belford just then came up, and fancying it was of a harmless kind, took it by the tail: as he was on the opposite side of me, I did not perceive him, and having pressed another stick on the creature’s head, I withdrew the ramrod, in order to get a better hold of it. At this moment Belford again pulled, and extricated the snake, which turned upon and attempted to bite him; its tail, however, luckily broke, and it fell back into the bush, where I immediately despatched it. Had it wounded Belford, as it was on the point of doing, his death would have been inevitable, as we had no instrument at hand for cutting out the venom, or any fire with which to burn it, as is done with effect by the Arabs. On examining the snake, I found it was of the same species as some I had seen at Tripoli; those, however, did not exceed six inches in length, whereas this was about two feet long, and very bulky. Their colour is generally a dull reddish-brown, with black spots; the belly yellow, and aspect particularly disagreeable and malignant.

The movements of this snake are very peculiar: it does not propel itself in the same way as other serpents, but in a lateral manner, advances its right side, and then draws forward its head at each motion, while, in the act of gliding on, it forms a figure resembling the letter S.

Our road lay through several gloomy wadeys, when, at three, we stopped in one called Tingareer طنقارير. At 4.15. the camels came up, and as the place afforded some few bushes, we encamped there for the purpose of refreshing them.

April 24th.—Camels started at 5.45. At ten, a distant mountain north-west, called El Kohol (from its blackness). At twelve,[83] after passing a stony track, came to a wadey Mesheil مشيل. At two P.M. cleared the mountainous part of the Soudah, and descended to a plain, El Maitba Soudah الميتباسوده, from its being covered with small pieces of basalt. At 2.45. came to a spot called El Maitba Baida بيدا, having not the slightest trace of basalt, and being covered with a very small white gravel.

We did not see, any where, the least appearance of vegetation; but observed many skeletons of animals, which had died of fatigue on the Desert, and occasionally the grave of some human being. All these bodies were so dried by the extreme heat of the sun, that putrefaction did not appear to have taken place after death. In recently expired animals I could not perceive the slightest offensive smell; and in those long dead, the skin, with the hair on it, remained unbroken and perfect, although so brittle as to break with a slight blow. The sand-winds never cause these carcasses to change their places, as in a short time a slight mound is formed round them, and they become stationary.

At 5.50. we passed low table-topped hills east and west of us, called El Gaaf القعف. This desert was named Sbir ben Afeen زبيربن عفين. At seven we encamped. The plain round us presented so perfect a horizon, that an astronomical observation might have been taken as at sea. From the excessive dryness of the air, our blankets and barracans emitted electric sparks, and crackled distinctly on being rubbed. The horses’ tails, also, in beating off the flies, had the same effect. Our whole Kafflé were much fatigued. This day we had advanced south-south-west, thirty-five miles.

April 25th.—At four, A.M. the camels set out; 8.15. we passed some sand-hills, called el Ramle Kebeer الرامل كبير, or large sands. At nine we came again on the plain, which was covered with a white encrusted clay; at three, P.M. passed el Ramle Shraya, or small sands, and at 4.45. descended by some precipitous[84] rocks to a sandy, irregular plain, very difficult and dangerous, until we had crossed the sand-hills. At about half a mile to the eastward of the pass, which, as well as the plain, is called Koneir كنير, is a singular rock in a conical form, surmounted by another resembling a turret, called Amaymet Saad اميمت سعد. Hills over the watering place were pointed out to us in the distance, south-south-west. At nine we entered a wadey, called Om el Abeed ام العبيد (the Mother of the Slaves), and at eleven arrived at a well of the same name, situated amongst the mountains, and having a quantity of bushes growing about it.

We found here two large flocks of sheep and goats on the way to Morzouk from Benioleed. We had supposed some flocks were ahead of us, five or six sheep having been picked up by the Kafflé, while still alive, but unable to walk, and had, therefore, been left to perish. At twelve the camels arrived, having travelled twenty hours, or above forty-eight miles, south-south-west. The wind was south during the whole day, bringing with it such showers of burning sand, as almost to smother us. We frequently lost our track, and were unable to distinguish objects at the distance even of a few yards. The flatness of the country offering no opposition to the wind, we were exposed to all its fury. The little children of the liberated negroes walked all this day, suffering most severely, their heads being shaved, and constantly exposed to the burning heat of the sun. One of the poor women was taken in labour in the afternoon, and we were obliged to tie her on a camel to prevent her falling off, and being left on the road to perish. We had arrived at this place so late at night as to be unable to prepare any thing to eat.

April 26th.—Started at seven, A.M. leaving the camels to rest, and the horsemen rode on for Zeighan زيغن, which place we reached at ten, having passed over a rocky country. The village is walled,[85] and surrounded by a large forest of palms. We had here a most ample quantity of provisions served up to us, and did great honour to our meal. The camels arrived in the evening. Latitude of Zeighan, 27° 26′ north.

April 27th.—Moved on at 6 A.M. from Zeighan, passing over a barren plain, having small basaltic hillocks; after travelling south 23° west eight miles, arrived at Samnoo, سمنو, a village of the same description, although larger, and rather more neatly walled than the others. It has three tolerably built white-washed minarets, rising to some height above the houses, which produce a very pleasing appearance. These were the only minarets we had seen since we left Tripoli. The houses are very neatly built, and the rooms are washed with a yellow mud, instead of white-wash, which has a very pretty effect. This town, as well as Zeighan, is famed for the number and sanctity of its Marāboots; and I can vouch for their being the best Arab cooks we had as yet met with. Palms encircle the town, and the gardens are considered very good.

April 28th.—We left Samnoo at 7 P.M. riding, in the dark, over a barren plain of gravel; and at midnight arrived at Temenhiut, تمنحينت, where we found our tents ready pitched outside the palms surrounding the town, which is but an inconsiderable one. Made twenty miles south 75° west: Mukni told us he had never entered the town, although he had encamped near it above twenty times.

April 29th.—We left this place at 4.30. P.M. and at 8 encamped on a small plain.

April 30th.—Broke up our encampment at 7 A.M. and proceeded for two hours over the hills, whence we descended a fine pass to a plain, on which stands the town of Sebha; the singular appearance of which, from the heights, was very picturesque. It is surrounded by groves of palms, while the rest of the plain is a[86] dreary desert. At 10 we arrived at the town, which rises like a little amphitheatre: it is mud walled, and has a high square white-washed minaret to its principal Mosque. All the male population came out to salute the Sultan; and I observed that at this place the change of colour began, the people here being Mulattoes. I remarked too, that the greater part of their muskets had match-locks, and that not above one in five went off. The houses appear in neat order, but very low; and the walls are built in an irregular, but strong manner, of mud. Mr. Ritchie made the latitude of Sebha 27° 3′ 8″ north.

May 1st.—The Sultan, after many disputes respecting money matters, set off with us at 5.50. P.M. the camels having departed some hours sooner. Our road, after passing the palms, was still, as it had lately been, over a gravelly plain, having at intervals large black detached stones lying on it. At midnight the horsemen stopped, and at 1 A.M. the camels came up. We lay this night on a low plain, amongst some small sand hills, which were quite barren. As the camels arrived so late, there was great confusion in unloading them; and the men were too much occupied to pay any attention to the ladies in the Shiblias. Fatma, finding no helping hand near to assist her, boldly attempted to uncoach herself; but the exertion, owing to her excessive fat, caused her to fall, or rather roll off the camel, to the great amusement of the Arabs.

May 2nd.—At 6.45. proceeded on our way, and at 12 came into a wadey, having many palm bushes thickly growing about. A heavy sand wind was blowing, and the sun was quite obscured by it. My horse, taking fright at some object which he saw but indistinctly, reared up, and fell back with me under him. Happily, I only received a severe contusion on the arm. At 1.30. P.M. we arrived at Ghroodwa, غرودوه, a miserable collection of mud[87] huts, containing about fifty people, who appeared a ragged drunken set, as the immense number of tapped palm trees testified. From the ruins of some large mud edifices, this place seems to have once been of more importance. The palms, which extend for ten or fifteen miles east and west, are the property of the Sultan, and appear in worse condition than any we have seen.

May 3rd.—At 6.30. A.M. we left Ghroodwa, and again entered on a barren stony plain; at 12 passed a small wadey called Wad el nimmel, وادالنمّل, (or the valley of ants), from the immense number of those insects, of a beautiful pink colour, which are found there. At 6.40. P.M. we cleared this dreary waste, and entered on a sandy plain, which was in many places thickly encrusted with salt. A few scattered palms, and some ill built and ruined huts, appeared at intervals, betokening the greatest wretchedness. At 8 reached a few buildings of this description, called Dgleim, ظليمر. At 11 the camels arrived. The inhabitants from all the neighbouring villages had assembled here; and I really believe more powder was expended at this place, than at any other we had passed through, although their muskets could not have amounted altogether to more than fifty. The Sultan repeatedly called out, “Enough, Enough!” but the natives only answered by fresh discharges, and exclaiming, “We have plenty of powder.” As I was walking across the little space in which they were exercising, one of the shooters, to do me honour, fired his piece at my legs, which being bare, received above a dozen coarse grains, like small shot. I bled a little, which quite frightened the man, lest he should be discovered. I, however, made light of it, and rubbed myself with salt and water.

The dancing ladies were indefatigable; and when I went to sleep at midnight, were making as much noise, and were as active as ever. Mr. Ritchie’s horse had for the last four or five days[88] entirely failed him, and was unable even to keep pace with the camels: he did not come up with us until a little after midnight. As we were only at the distance of three hours from Morzouk, many of the people were occupied during the night in preparations for their entry into the capital.

May 4th.—At 7 A.M. having shaved, washed, and adorned ourselves in the finest clothes which we had at hand, we started. Mukni, however, unwilling that his new Mamlukes should be less fine than his own people, sent for two splendid bornouses, which he lent to Mr. Ritchie and myself for this grand occasion, making us ride on the right and left of him. Travelling over a desert plain, until 9.30. A.M. west by south, we entered the palm groves and gardens of Morzouk; we then saw a large body of horse and foot advancing, with three silk flags. When the horsemen came within five hundred yards of us, they set off at full speed, and on joining our party, threw themselves from their horses, and ran to kiss the Sultan’s hand. His eldest son, Sidi Aleiwa, سيدي عليوه, headed them; and after he had performed the same salutation, they all remounted and joined in the procession. On approaching the town we were joined by the dancers, drummers, and pipers. Two men stationed themselves on each side of the Sultan, bearing fans of ostrich feathers, with which they beat off the flies which incommoded him. We entered the town at 10.30. A.M. preceded by the led horses, and six silk flags. The horsemen having formed in two lines, in which I joined them, skirmished until we came to the gate.

[89]CHAPTER III.
ARRIVAL AT MORZOUK.

Mode of travelling across the Desert — Interview with the Sultan — Description of Morzouk — Population — Castle of the Sultan — Illness and severe Distress of the Author and his Companions — Arrival of a Kafflé of Tuarick — Fast of Rhamadan — Departure of an Expedition to obtain Slaves from the Country of Borgoo — Diseases of the Inhabitants, and the Native Methods of Cure — Feast of Aidel Shraya — Observations on the Tuarick — Their Religion, Dress, Customs, and Language — Ghraat — Its Government, Laws, and Trade — Market there — Arrival of a Kafflé from Bornou with Slaves — Information respecting Bornou and the surrounding Countries, as collected from the Traders — Of Kashna and Soudan, in general — Account of Hornemann and his Death — Tembuctoo — General Remarks on the Geography of the Interior, and probable Course of the Niger — Vocabulary of the Fellātta Language — Conjectures on the Fate of Park.

On our entry into the town, the soldiers raced up a very broad street, firing and shouting, whilst the women uttered their shrill cry; and the scene was altogether highly interesting. On passing a large open space, before we reached the castle and walls surrounding it, we were saluted from two six-pounders. We did not enter the castle itself, but were conducted to a large house within its outward boundary, which had been prepared for our reception. An old Mamluke, Hadje Mahmoud حاج محمود took charge of us, and having passed our threshold “in the name of God,” brought us a hot mess and a large mat. We waited until the afternoon, and[90] were then conducted to pay our respects to the Sultan, and to be introduced to his son, a boy of about thirteen years of age, born of a slave of Soudan. We, in our turn, were visited by a great number of people; who had, in the space of a few hours, informed themselves, very sagaciously, that we were great men, and had brought 30,000 dollars with us; when, in truth, we had only 300 (which were in Mukni’s hands), and knew not where to procure more. Our horses, which were much fatigued and very thin, were fed from the castle.

We had been thirty-nine days in coming from Tripoli; the road, with the exception of the immediate vicinity of the towns, was a dreary desert, having but few wells, and those of salt water. Nothing could have been more fortunate than our travelling with the Sultan; our difficulties must otherwise have been very great. Mukni, to do him justice, showed us every attention; and we always partook of his meals when in the towns. I was his constant companion, and being of a less sedate disposition than Mr. Ritchie, he always invited me to ride by him, generally treating me with some cakes or dainties, which he carried with him. In return, I allowed him a draught from my water-skin. He spoke a little Italian, and amused himself much by asking questions about my country, of the wealth and grandeur of which he had formed very exalted ideas; particularly respecting the funds, or banco, as he called it. He certainly evinced a great desire to lodge some of his property, in this manner, in England, provided he could arrange it privately; it being against the Mahommedan religion to receive interest.

When I told him that English women were allowed to have money in their own power, and that some of them had immense fortunes, he seemed scarcely to credit me. He was much astonished at being told, that young men often did not marry until they had[91] arrived at 25 or 30 years of age: this he considered as highly improper; but in some degree reconciled it to his way of thinking, by supposing that they must, in that case, have a great number of concubines, and that they only married those who brought them children. He did not find fault with our customs in that respect, as he had, himself, only one wife; but he had 50 Negresses, which was considered a very moderate allowance for a Sultan of Fezzan. He frequently asked me how natural children were disposed of, when it was requisite to conceal their birth from the parents of the offending parties. His pointed manner of questioning me on this subject led me to some suspicion of his motives for the inquiry; and I afterwards discovered, from several of his people, that he invariably caused to be strangled all babes born of his Negresses by other men, and that it was the general custom at Tripoli, to poison illegitimate infants in the womb. The mother of little Yussuf, his son, had a child about a year since, perfectly black. Mukni being satisfied it could not be his, sent for the suspected father, and made him strangle the infant: the mother was allowed to return to her own country, which was considered a great piece of lenity, death being usually the punishment for such an offence.

Our travelling pace was a walk of the horses, which generally got considerably in advance of the camels. At noon, or about that time, if we could find a tree, we stopped under it; if not, we sat under the shadow of our horses. The Sultan was grand victualler, and generally produced a bag of bread or dates, or the remains of his dinner of the day before. Each one then had a portion, not sufficient to be called a dinner, but to break his fast; and after eating, and drinking a few mouthfuls of water, stretched himself out, and slept until the camels came up: the party then mounted and rode on. These rests were very refreshing to the men and horses; but the loaded camels never made any[92] stop, neither did the poor Negroes, who, with their wives and even little children, plodded on the whole day, over a burning soil, sometimes for twenty, and often for sixteen hours, whenever want of water made a forced march necessary. Several of the smallest of the black children, though probably not more than four or five years of age, walked for many hours with great strength in the early part of the day, having but a few rags to cover them, and when unable to proceed further, were put on the camels for the remainder of the day. One of our party, a poor old man, totally blind, arrived safe at Morzouk from Tripoli. He had walked all the way over the rocks and plains, led by his wife, and was kept alive by the hope of once more hearing the voices of his countrymen.

When we stopped for the night, it was generally so contrived that we should lie in some spot where bushes might be found for the camels to browse upon; but even though there might be no wood or herbage, a wadey was always preferred, as more sheltered. Our tents were pitched, if the ground was sufficiently soft to admit the pegs, and our bales and chests so placed, as to form a shelter for those who had no tents; affording a bulwark against the wind and sand. The little resistance offered by any intervening objects to the winds of the desert, renders them very powerful, and the stillness of the night, in blowing weather, is particularly awful. The tents are no sooner pitched, than the camels are turned out to feed on the thin and scattered bushes, and parties go to collect wood; the horses are hobbled, watered from the skins, and then fed. Should there be no wood, camels’ dung is an excellent substitute, as it burns like peat, and forms a very glowing fire. A hole is dug in the ground, and three stones so placed, as to support the little copper pot. Cusscussou or Bazeen is then prepared. The Sultanesses are no contemptible cooks, and they made every[93] evening an excellent supper for their master. When no fire is to be had, Zumeeta is prepared with water and oil, and so eaten. We usually managed, in an evening, to make a little coffee, of which Mukni always came and partook; and as soon as he left the tent, his slaves and people generally succeeded him, wishing also to taste some. If we had time, we occasionally drank a cup of it in the morning fasting, which we found, in the most sultry weather, prevented thirst. I observed, that we never required water if we abstained from eating in the early part of the day, and I thus account for the Arabs drinking so little: on the contrary, if any quantity of water is taken on an empty stomach, the person who indulges in it suffers great thirst for the remainder of the day. When hot, it is much better to drink from the palm of the hand, which prevents the possibility of taking too great a draught at once. It is very refreshing after a long day’s journey, to be well oiled all over; and a wet cloth applied to the back of the neck relieves the fulness of the head, after being many hours exposed to the sun.—Horses should not be brought near the wells until it is their turn to drink; if they are kept in sight of the water, without being able to reach it, they frequently become furious, and many of them greedily devour the mud.

The water is generally carried on camels set apart for that purpose, and having no other loads. The usual quantity is six gerbas, or water-skins, three on each side, one slung above the other. Each of these skins is about fifty pounds in weight when full. Should the Kafflé expect to be four or six days without finding water, every camel which carries goods, has, in addition to its load, a skin on each side. In fact, horses generally occasion more trouble to a caravan than any thing else. The immense quantity of water necessary to be taken for them is always averaged at one camel for each horse, not including other loads of corn or dates for their food.

[94]Nothing can be more overpowering than the south wind, El Gibli قبلي, or the east, El Shirghi الشرقي; each of which is equally to be dreaded. In addition to the excessive heat and dryness of these winds, they are so impregnated with sand, that the air is darkened by it, the sky appears of a dusky yellow, and the sun is barely perceptible. The eyes become red, swelled, and inflamed; the lips and skin parched and chopped; while severe pain in the chest is very generally felt, in consequence of the quantities of sand unavoidably inhaled. Nothing, indeed, is able to resist the unwholesome effects of this wind. On opening our boxes, we found that many little articles, and some of our instruments, which had been carefully packed, were entirely split and destroyed. Gales of the kind here described generally continue ten or twelve hours, yet when a change takes place, the air seems so fresh and delightful, that the miseries of the sand-wind are soon forgotten. We sometimes met people on our road, who invariably at parting recited the Fatha, each one religiously stroking his beard as soon as he had concluded this prayer.

Being now settled for a time in Morzouk, we went about, in order to become better acquainted with the people. Mr. Ritchie made magnificent presents to the Sultan and his sons, and every thing seemed to promise well, except that we had but little money, and were obliged to live in a most economical manner on corn, and seldom able to afford meat; having not only ourselves but our black servant and four horses to feed.

We had now acquired some little knowledge of the language, when, on the first Friday after our arrival, Mukni sent to tell us that he intended going to the Mosque at the Asr عسر, or afternoon prayers, and that he expected to see us there. As this was to be Mr. Ritchie’s first appearance in a Mosque, we had no sooner dressed ourselves in our best clothes than we practised the necessary[95] prostrations, until we heard the crier call to prayers, when our old Mamluke came to conduct us to the church. We found a large assembly sitting in rows on mats, our places being in front. The Sultan soon after entered with his guards, and the Mosque was instantly filled with a strong smell of attar of roses, which his Majesty used in large quantities. Mr. Ritchie and myself got through our part very well, and after the service was over, waited at the door to see the Sultan mount and return to the Castle.

His horse, richly caparisoned, was led to an earthen seat, from which he mounted, three led horses preceding him. He was surrounded by his armed slaves, and fanned by men with ostrich feathers; and thus proceeded, slowly, and amidst an immense crowd, to the Castle, a distance of about five hundred yards. When arrived there, he remained for a few minutes in the court-yard, seated in his state chair, and receiving the homage of his subjects, leaning on two of his principal people; he then ascended into the Castle, where we followed him, and were allowed to sit on the same carpet as himself. He here paid to Mr. Ritchie the three hundred dollars which he owed him, and at the same time made most flattering promises about assisting us at any future period in money matters. We implicitly believed his professions, and left the Castle much delighted at possessing such a friend in one, who, had he been ill-disposed, had so much power to injure us.

At our return home, on examining our stock of eatables, we found that we had been robbed of a large sack of rice, another of flour, and a great quantity of cusscussou. From our hardware we missed one pistol, both locks of a double-barrelled gun, and several bags of shot. We made instant complaint to Mukni, who promised that every inquiry should be made for the stolen articles, and that they should, if found, be faithfully returned to us. We laid in a[96] stock of dates for our horses, and commenced keeping house on our own account.

Our habitation was a very good one, and as all the large houses are built on nearly the same plan, I may, by describing this, give an idea of all the rest. A large door, sufficiently high to admit a camel, opened into a broad passage, or Skeefa سكيفه; on one side of which was a tolerable stable for five horses; and close to it a small room for the slaves, whose duty it might be to attend the house. A door opposite to that of the stable opened into the Kowdi كودي, or large square room, the roof of which, at the height of eighteen feet, was supported by four palm-trees as pillars. In the centre of the roofing was a large open space, about twelve feet by nine; from this the house and rooms receive light (not to mention dust), and excessive heat in the afternoon. At the end of the room, facing the door, a large seat of mud was raised, about eighteen inches high, and twelve feet in length. Heaps of this description, though higher, are found at the doors of most houses, and are covered with loungers in the cool of the morning and evening. Our large room was fifty feet by thirty-nine. From the sides, doors opened into smaller ones, which might be used as sleeping or store-rooms, but were generally preferred for their coolness. Their only light was received from the door. Ascending a few steps, there was a kind of gallery over the side rooms, and in it were two small apartments, but so very hot as to be almost useless. From the large room was a passage leading to a yard, having also small houses attached to it in the same manner, and a well of comparatively good water. The floors were of sand, and the walls of mud roughly plastered, and showing every where the marks of the only trowel used in the country—the fingers of the right hand. There are no windows to any of the houses; but some rooms have a small hole in the ceiling, or high up in the wall.

[97]Morzouk is a walled town, containing about 2500 inhabitants, who are blacks, and who do not, like the Arabs, change their residence. The walls are of mud, having round buttresses, with loopholes for musketry, rudely built, but sufficiently strong to guard against attack: they are about fifteen feet in height, and at the bottom eight feet in thickness, tapering, as all walls in this country do, towards the top. The town has seven gates, four of which are built up in order to prevent the people escaping when they are required to pay their duties. A man is appointed by the Sultan to attend each of these gates, day and night, lest any slaves or merchandize should be smuggled into the town. The people, in building the walls and houses, fabricate a good substitute for stones, (which are not to be found in these parts), by forming clay into balls, which they dry in the sun, and use with mud as mortar: the walls are thus made very strong; and, as rain is unknown, durable also. The houses, with very few exceptions, are of one story, and those of the poorer sort receive all their light from the doors: these are so low, as to require stooping nearly double to enter them; but the large houses have a capacious outer door; which is sufficiently well contrived, considering the bad quality of the wood that composes them. Thick palm planks, of four or five inches in breadth, (for the size and manner of cutting a tree will not afford more) have a square hole punched through them at the top and bottom, by which they are firmly wedged together, with thick palm sticks; wet thongs of camels’ hide are then tied tightly over them, which, on drying, draw the planks more strongly and securely together. There are no hinges to the doors; but they turn on a pivot, formed on the last plank near the wall, which is always the largest on that account. The locks and keys are very large and heavy, and of curious construction. The houses are generally built in little[98] narrow streets; but there are many open spaces, entirely void of buildings, and covered with sand, on which the camels of the traders remain. Many palms grow in the town, and some houses have small square enclosures, in which are cultivated a few red peppers and onions. The street of entrance is a broad space of at least a hundred yards, leading to the wall that surrounds the castle, and is extremely pretty: here the horsemen have full scope to display their abilities when they skirmish before the Sultan. The castle itself is an immense mud building, rising to the height of eighty or ninety feet, with little battlements on the walls (a fancy of the present Sultan’s); and at a distance really looks warlike. Like all the other buildings, it has no pretensions to regularity: the lower walls are fifty or sixty feet in thickness; the upper taper off to about four or five feet. In consequence of the immense mass of wall, the apartments are very small, and few in number. The rooms occupied by the Sultan are of the best quality, (that is to say, comparatively), for the walls are tolerably smooth, and white-washed, and have ornamental daubs of red paint in blotches, by way of effect. His couch is spread on the ground, and his visitors squat down on the sandy floor at a respectful distance; we, however, were always honoured by having a corner of the carpet offered to us. The best and most airy part of the castle is occupied by the women, who have small rooms round a large court, in which they take exercise, grind corn, cook, and perform other domestic offices. The number called Kibere, or great ladies, seldom exceeds six. This dignified title is generally given to the mothers of the Sultan’s children, or to those, who, having once been great favourites, are appointed governesses to the rest. There are, on the whole, about fifty young women, all black and very comely; and from what stolen glances we could obtain, they appeared extremely[99] well dressed. They are guarded by five eunuchs, who keep up their authority by occasionally beating them. The Sultan has three sons and two daughters, who live with him in this cage, the doors of which are locked at night, and the keys brought to him, so that he remains free from any fear of attack. The castle is entered by a long winding passage in the wall, quite dark and very steep. At the door is a large shed, looking on a square space, capable of containing three or four hundred men closely huddled together. Under this shed is a great chair of state (once finely gilt and ornamented), with a patchwork quilt thrown over it; and behind it are the remains of two large looking-glasses. In this chair the Sultan receives homage every Friday, before he ascends the castle, after returning from the Mosque. This place is the Mejlees, مبولبس, and was the scene of all the cruelties practised by Mukni when he first took possession of the country.

Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by D. Dighton.

The Castle of Morzouk.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

There are several pools of stagnant salt water in the town, which, I conceive, in a great measure, promote the advance of the summer fevers and agues. The burying-places are outside the walls, and are of considerable extent. In lieu of stones, small mud embankments are formed round the graves, which are ornamented with shreds of cloth tied to small sticks, with broken pots, and sometimes ostrich eggs. One of the burying-places is for slaves, who are laid very little below the surface; and in some parts the sand has been so carried away by the wind, as to expose their skeletons to view. Owing to the want of wood, no coffins are used; the bodies are merely wrapped in a mat, or linen cloth, and covered with palm branches, over which the earth is thrown. When the branches decay, the earth falls in; and the graves are easily known by being concave instead of convex. The place where the former Sultans are buried is a plain near the town; their graves are only distinguished from those of other people by having a larger[100] proportion of broken pots scattered about them. It is a custom for the relations of the deceased to visit, and occasionally to recite a prayer over the grave, or to repeat a verse of the Koran. Children never pass within sight of the tombs of their parents without stopping to pay this grateful tribute of respect to their memory. Animals are never buried, but thrown on mounds outside the walls, and there left. The excessive heat soon dries up all their moisture, and prevents their becoming offensive; and the hair remains on them, so that they appear like preserved skins.

May 15th.—I was attacked with severe dysentery, which confined me to my bed during twenty-two days, and reduced me to the last extremity. Our little party was at this time miserably poor, for we had only money sufficient for the purchase of corn to keep us alive, and never tasted meat, unless fortunate enough to kill a pigeon in the gardens. My illness was the first break up in our little community, and from that time it rarely happened that one or two of us were not confined to our beds. The extreme saltness of the water, the poor quality of our food, together with the excessive heat and dryness of the climate, long retarded my recovery; and when it did take place, it was looked on as a miracle by those who had seen me in my worst state, and who thought it impossible for me to survive. I was no sooner convalescent, than Mr. Ritchie fell ill, and was confined to his bed with an attack of bilious fever, accompanied with delirium, and great pain in his back and kidneys, for which he required repeated cupping. When a little recovered, he got up for two days, but his disorder soon returned with redoubled and alarming violence. He rejected every thing but water; and, excepting about three hours in the afternoon, remained either constantly asleep, or in a delirious state. Even had he been capable of taking food, we had not the power of purchasing any which could nourish or refresh[101] him. Our money was now all expended, and the Sultan’s treacherous plans to distress us, which daily became too apparent, were so well arranged, that we could not find any one to buy our goods. For six entire weeks we were without animal food, subsisting on a very scanty portion of corn and dates. Our horses were mere skeletons, added to which, Belford became totally deaf, and so emaciated as to be unable to walk.

My situation was now such as to create the most gloomy apprehensions; for I reflected that, if my two companions were to die, which there was every reason to apprehend, I had no money with which to bury them, or to support myself; and must in that case have actually perished from want, in a land of comparative plenty. My naturally sanguine mind, however, and above all, my firm reliance in that Power which had so mercifully protected me on so many trying occasions, prevented my giving way to despondency; and, Belford beginning soon to rally a little, we united, and took turns in nursing and attending on our poor companion. At this time, having no servant, we performed for Mr. Ritchie and for ourselves the most menial offices, Mr. Ritchie being wholly unable to assist himself.

Two young men, brothers, whom we had treated with great kindness, and whom we had engaged to attend on us, so far from commiserating our forlorn situation, forsook us in our distress, and even carried off our little store of rice and cusscussou, laughing at our complaints, and well knowing that our poverty prevented the redress which we should otherwise have sought and obtained.

During the period of Mr. Ritchie’s illness, a Kafflé of Tuarick arrived, on their way to Mecca; they had with them a Marāboot of most extraordinary talent and sagacity, about fifteen years old. This young saint was said never to look up, but to have his eyes either fixed on the Koran, or on the ground. I managed to ride[102] out to visit this exalted personage, and found him a fat silly boy with sore eyes, very dirty and ragged, and surrounded by Hadge Mahmoud and a few others, with about the same share of intellect as himself, who were listening with great admiration to his remarks.

The Sultan, on the arrival of this Kafflé, rode out in state to see them, and supplied them with provisions during their stay. They were about one hundred and fifty in number, and with the exception of two tents of canvas, all the rest were of leather, supported by sticks and the people’s baggage.

I shall speak at a future period of the Tuarick, their dress, language, &c.

Rhamadan (the month in which Mohammed is said to have had his first communication with the angel Gabriel) was announced on the 23d of June, when the new moon appeared. The strictest fast was immediately commenced before day, about three o’clock, until sunset at seven P.M., sixteen hours; during this time no one drinks or eats, smokes or chews tobacco, and even smelling perfume is considered as wicked, as is swallowing the saliva.

The excessive heat which raged at this period (see Meteorological register at the end of the volume) was the occasion of many very serious illnesses amongst our friends and neighbours. Mr. Ritchie being very unwell and in bed, was, in a manner, privileged to take food or drink; but as Belford and myself were now much recovered, we were obliged to be very cautious, only eating by stealth, and when no one was likely to interrupt us. We had at this time a servant, who was a very inquisitive fellow; and our artifices to get him out of the way on these occasions would, by any but a blockhead like himself, have been soon discovered: however, we not only got safely through, but were fortunate enough to obtain credit for keeping the fast with great[103] strictness, and without exciting the slightest suspicions of our stolen meals.

Hadje Mahmoud, a most religious old man, became very troublesome to me, and was continually begging that I would call in some Marāboot to pray over, and write prayers on Mr. Ritchie’s head and hands: his delirium he attributed to the devil, and foretold that it would not cease until we had put a sword, or some implement of iron, under his head, Iblis being much alarmed at that metal. All these plans I resisted as well as I could; but found much difficulty in overcoming a strong desire he had to bring a plate with the names of God written on it, which were to be washed off, and the inky water given to the invalid to drink. Our poor patient, meanwhile, regardless of what was passing, longed and asked only for a little milk, which unhappily we were not able to procure; the Sultan, although he had fifty goats, made so many excuses and difficulties about affording us any, that we were obliged to give up all hopes of gratifying him.

Great preparations were now making all over the kingdom, to forward an expedition which the Sultan intended to send against the tribe of the Tibboo Borgo, a country about a month S.E. Bodies of Arabs arrived from Sockna, and the towns in that direction; a party of horse also came from Benioleed, and Morzouk was all confusion. Sidi Aleiwa, the Sultan’s eldest son, was to take the command. All the men assembled to accompany him were quartered on the town’s-people, who were obliged to feed them and their cattle twice a day.

I shall here mention the names of certain persons who came to see us, and were really friendly towards us, in order to distinguish them from numberless other visitors, who, at first, were very regular in their attendance, but who vanished as soon as our sugar and[104] coffee were expended. Mohammed El Lizari حمداليزهاري and Yussuf his brother were our two principal and real friends, and were the sons of a Mamluke long since dead.

On Mukni’s coming to this country, he reduced them from a state of affluence to complete poverty, leaving them their palms, the only possessions of which he could not deprive them. The friendship which these good men evinced for us was perfectly disinterested; and when we were poor and nearly starving, they most humanely and considerately conferred on us many acts of real kindness. Mohammed, the elder brother, was obliged to prepare himself to go on the slave hunt, much against his inclination, and was appointed to take charge of the young Aleiwa.

Old Hadje Mahmoud, whom I have before mentioned, was another of our friends, but rather less disinterested than the two former: he was credulous, superstitious, and rather time-serving; but being our neighbour, did us now and then a good office. His kindness, however, certainly slackened after our poverty became but too apparent.

Mohammed ben Abd Alla was, for a length of time, our most constant visitor. He was a Mamluke, born at Naples, and apostatised when about ten years old. He remained some time at Tripoli; and, when about eighteen years of age, was sent by the Bashaw as a present to the former Sultan. He recollected but little of his native language; was shrewd and lively, and was certainly employed by the Sultan as a spy upon our actions. Having fully ascertained this circumstance, we employed many tricks to deceive him, in which we completely succeeded. One of his great points was, to discover for what reason we came so far into the country, and whether we really were very great men, as we were reported to be.

[105]A report had been circulated that Mr. Ritchie was married to the King of England’s daughter, and that I recently had married his Majesty’s niece. As Mohammed affected to be acquainted with all our affairs, we always denied our high connexions in such a manner as to confirm, rather than to contradict, the reports. Our wealth he imagined to be very considerable, until he found we ceased to eat meat, and then his suspicions of our real situation were awakened. As he became excessively importunate in his questions, I at last undertook to frighten him, and after one or two preparatory conversations, got him out on the sand one night when there was no moon. I began talking of King Solomon and his seal, and related to him as many horrible stories of ghosts as I could conjure up. I told him that Mr. Ritchie and myself were Freemasons, and that we understood the writing which was on our Lord Solomon’s seal. On this subject I also invented tales, to convince him that Freemasons were acquainted with every thing. I took him home with me, and (Mr. Ritchie being on that evening pretty well) desired him to mention some words to me, which I would, with his hand over my mouth, convey across the room. I accordingly spelt the words with my fingers, and Mr. Ritchie, to Mohammed’s great astonishment, repeated them aloud. A few repetitions of this plan made a sensible alteration in our inquisitive friend, who, from that time, gradually ceased to intrude on us. Mohammed was particularly proud of his high blood (being a Mamluke), boasting that his father (though an unbeliever) was a very great man, and much in the confidence of the King of Naples, whose revenues he collected, and had a large army under his orders. He also recollected his having fine laced clothes, and riding a horse. We were often much puzzled to guess who this great personage could be, when one evening, by way of surprising and delighting[106] us, he, with great gravity, informed us that his father was a caporale, or, in plain English, a corporal!

On the 12th of July, the army all being in readiness, amounting to about 300 horse and 800 foot, with nearly 2000 camels, set out for Gutrone, from whence they were to make their final departure. Mukni accompanied them; and the town was left in a state of quiet we had never before observed. The charge of the castle was committed to old Hadge Mahmoud, who locked the females up every evening at sunset. Mukni, who was not considered to be a very religious person, was much blamed for setting out during the fast of Rhamadan; and some, who knew we should not betray their opinions, said, that his only reason for choosing such a time was, that he might have an excuse for eating, which is allowed by the Koran to travellers and sick persons; provided they make amends when they are able, by fasting in some other month.

Many people came to us to beg for medicines; and Mr. Ritchie being unable to attend to their wants, I became their physician, having a medical book constantly at hand to refer to in difficult cases. My medicines sometimes succeeded, and I must say, that where I could not afford relief, I never attempted any experiments which could injure my patients. I shall here state the most prevalent disorders, with the method of cure employed by the inhabitants:

I saw one instance of elephantiasis. The man afflicted with it was a native of Morzouk. His right leg was very much swoln, and he said it had been in that state for more than a year, and was still increasing in size. He said it gave him no pain, but much incommoded him in working. His complexion appeared sallow and shrivelled; but his leg was red, and the skin shining.

I was now considered as a doctor, and my character, in consequence, became established; although my knowledge was certainly confined within a very narrow compass, and extended no farther than bleeding, blistering, and preparing a simple dose of physic.

On the 22nd of July Mukni returned, having seen his son safe on his way. Rhamadan’s sun was now set; and on the 23rd instant, early in the morning, the moon was visible. It would be impossible to describe the joy which this sight occasioned, after thirty days’ fasting. Every body was in motion, screaming, dancing, firing guns, eating and drinking.

Mr. Ritchie was now beginning to recover, and was able to sit up a little, after having been confined fifty-eight days to his bed. At noon, having ornamented myself and my poor lean horse as well as I could, I joined the procession which was to ride round the town. The Sultan and his two youngest sons, covered with rich clothes, rode first, with flags, led horses, and music. All the people, who remained behind from the army, were dressed in their finest habits; and we thus proceeded to a small building near the tombs[108] of the former Sultans. On arriving there we dismounted, and I entered with the Sultan and one or two more. The Kadi stood in a niche, from which he could be seen by all the people on the plain, and recited the usual prayers; after which he read many passages from the Koran, expressly relating to Rhamadan. All the prayers being finished, every one embraced his neighbour, and congratulated him on the happy termination of the fast. Such kissing I never before witnessed. All who were capable of crowding into this house kissed the hand of Mukni, and welcomed him with the word of joy, Mabrook el Aïd! “Welcome the feast!” I was allowed to salute his shoulder, perhaps because he knew I would not pay that compliment to his hand. We then remounted, and rode round the town in great state, leaving the Kadi to kill a fat sheep as a sacrifice. I was much amused at sight of the little boys, all dressed in their fathers’ clothes, which trailed along the ground as they walked, and had a most ludicrous appearance. Some had only a rich jacket on, which hung on them like a great coat; and all wore turbans over their usual red caps. Every donkey was in requisition, and those which had the longest backs bore the greatest quantity of elegant riders. The joy depicted on every countenance, the fineness of the weather, and the novelty of the scene, was really very striking. Clothes were worn on this day which had never been used but on similar occasions; and many a Kaftan revisited the light, which had belonged to the great grandfather of the wearer. This feast is the Bairam of the Turks, and lasts three days; during which, the people, in their finest garments, receive and pay visits of ceremony. Every afternoon the Sultan rides out in state. Even the most needy manage on this grand occasion to get a little camels’ flesh, and sometimes mutton.

The great people (as commanded by their religion) give food to the poor, who take care to come in immense crowds to demand it. We were obliged to expend two of our remaining dollars, and to[109] distribute camels’ flesh. However, it really was appropriated to those who most wanted it; as I sent for the negroes who accompanied our Kafflé from Tripoli, and who were without friends or money, and divided it amongst them. One necessary attendant on charity is, that the person who bestows it should go and boast of his good deeds to all the world. I was found much fault with by our neighbour for not sitting outside the door to distribute the flesh, (Mr. Ritchie being too weak to attend for that purpose), so that every one should see me—a piece of ostentation which our neighbour did not omit; and in only giving pieces about the size of a walnut to each applicant, of whom there were great numbers, he certainly extended his charity farther than we did.

Many parties of Tuarick came with their slaves and goods, during the last month, (July), from Kashna, Aghades, and Ghraat. They are the finest race of men I ever saw; tall, straight, and handsome, with a certain air of independence and pride, which is very imposing. They are generally white, that is to say, comparatively so; the dark brown of their complexions only being occasioned by the heat of the climate. Their arms or bodies, (where constantly covered), are as white as those of many Europeans. Their costume is very remarkable, and they cover their faces as high as the eyes, in the manner of women on the sea-coast. Their original motive for so doing is now forgotten; but they say it must be right, as it was the fashion of their forefathers. This covering extends as high as half way up the bridge of the nose, from whence it hangs down below the chin on the breast, much in the same way (but longer) as crape or lace is hung to a lady’s half mask. This cloth is generally of blue glazed cotton; but yellow, red, white, and many other colours are worn according to taste, or the ability of the wearer to purchase them. The beard is kept close clipped, so as not to interfere with the covering which is tied behind; their red caps are generally very high, but some wear[110] yellow or green ones, fitted close to the head: others have no caps at all, but leave their hair to grow, and plait it in long tresses. All wear turbans, which are never of any fixed colour: blue is the most common and cheap; but gaudy hues are preferred. A large loose shirt (having the sleeves the same size as the body), called Tobe, is the common dress; it is of cotton, generally blue, or blue and white, and is of their own manufacture, although some wear those of Soudan, which are considered the best that are made. The merchants generally dress very gaudily while in the towns, wearing kaftans of bright red cloth, or very gay silk and cotton striped, which they procure from the Tripoline traders. A leather kaftan is also much worn, of their own manufacture, as are leather shirts of the skins of antelopes, very neatly sewed, and well prepared. Their trowsers are not made so full as those of the Moors, as they would in that case be much encumbered in riding their maherries: they rather resemble those called Cossack trowsers, and are made of cotton stuff, dark blue being the most common. Their sandals are the most elegant part of their dress, being made of black leather, with scarlet thongs to brace them to the feet. The ornamental needle-work on the inside of the sole is really admirable. They all wear a whip, hanging from a belt passed over the left shoulder by the right side. Their swords are straight and of great length, and they wield them with much ease and dexterity. From the left wrist is suspended a dagger, with the hilt towards the hand; it has a broad leather ring attached to the scabbard, and through this the hand is passed. No Tuarick is ever seen without this appendage, and a light elegant spear, sometimes entirely of iron, inlaid with brass; others are of wood, but are also highly ornamented. These weapons are about six feet in length, and are thrown to a great distance. In making war, they have three longer and heavier spears, and a strong lance, which are fastened behind the saddle. A long gun is also generally carried; and these[111] people are considered sure marksmen. They are, if possible, more superstitious than the natives of Fezzan; some of them being literally covered with charms against disorders and accidents, which they wear round their arms, legs, necks, across the breast, and in fact wherever they can find a place for them. Their spears and guns have also their due allowance, and in the folds of the turbans are always hidden a number of holy writings. Some wear large silver cases tied round the head, containing charms against the devil. Their language is the Breber, or original African tongue, still spoken in the mountains behind Tunis, in some parts of Morocco, and at Sockna, where it is called Ertana. On a future occasion I shall give a small vocabulary of it. They are very proud of the antiquity of their language, which some have told me was spoken by Noah, in preference to any other. They never kiss the hand as other Mohammedans do, not even that of the Sultan himself, but advance, and, taking the hand, shake it, and then retire, standing erect, and looking him full in the face—a striking contrast of manners to that of the natives of Fezzan. No people have more aversion to washing than the Tuarick generally have; some, after having equipped themselves in a new suit of blue, become so stained for a time as to appear of the same complexion as their garments. Even in performing their necessary purifications, which require that a man should wash in a particular way before his prayers, they avoid water, and make use of sand. Many attempts were made by us to discover the reason why they kept themselves in such a dirty state; but to all our inquiries we obtained nearly the same answers: “God never intended that man should injure his health, if he could avoid it: water having been given to man to drink, and cook with, it does not agree with the skin of a Tuarick, who always falls sick after much washing.” There are some, however, who do wash, and ridicule the dirty ones; but these are[112] comparatively few. They are Moslem, and their prayers are in Arabic, of which language many do not understand a syllable; those who do pray (and there are many who do not) only repeat their belief, viz. “There is no God but God, and Mohammed is his prophet,” and know very little besides of their religion. They inhabit that immense tract of country, known in maps under the name of Sahara, or the Great Desert, and are of numerous tribes, some of whom have no settled habitations, but wander like the Arabs, and subsist by plunder. They are not cruel on these occasions, provided they meet with no resistance; but should the party attacked attempt to defend themselves, their death is certain.

Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Tuarick in a shirt of Leather.

Tuarick of Aghades.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

The Tuarick, or more properly tribes of them, are always at war with the Soudan states, and carry off from them incalculable numbers of slaves. They are so completely masters of their weapons, and so very courageous, that they are much dreaded, which enables them to traverse unmolested, and in very small bodies, countries full of armed people. Each tribe has some peculiarity in its dress, or manner of riding and making war. The nearest Tuarick to Fezzan are at Ghraat, which is ten days from Morzouk, and from Oubari, the most western village in the Wadey Shiati. Near Sebha (see map) it is seven days west by south.

Ghraat, غرعت is a walled town, having houses in streets, and built of stone and mud, in the same manner as Morzouk. It is twenty days from Tuat, طوات and five days from Ganat, which place is not, as has been generally supposed, a town, but merely a country producing dates, and having a few scattered huts and gardens, the wells of which are salt.

Ghadams, غدامس is twenty days north-west of Ghraat. At about the distance of five or six miles from the latter, is a town called El Berkaat, البركعت famous for the quantity and fineness of the grapes produced there. It is also a walled town, but rather[113] smaller than its neighbour, which may be about the size of Sockna.

Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Tuaricks of Ghraat.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

Ghraat is built partly on a plain, and partly on a steep hill side. It is closely surrounded by high mountains, which are perfectly barren: the plains are not sandy, but gravel. The Sheikh is there called Sultan, and his name is Bel Gassem. He receives but a precarious revenue, and that only from the settled inhabitants, who are called Ghratïa. The Tuarick show no respect to him, and pay no duties. They are generally wanderers, leaving only a few of each tribe in the country; but they never settle any where else. They are of the tribes Heggār, حقار, Booghrasāten, بوغراساتن, Menghrāata, منغرعت, and Haïoon, حيون; which last people are famed for sanctity, and there are but few of them who have not performed the pilgrimage to the Holy House. They are settled in the country, and seldom go to the negro kingdoms to trade. The Sultan has not the power of life and death; cannot alter or make laws; and is directed by an assembly of the elders of the people, who always try offences of a criminal nature, and then submit their sentence to him for his approval. He cannot even resolve on any measure of importance without first obtaining the permission of those elders. Neither in his dress, mode of living, or habitation, is he distinguished from the common people; and he walks about and trades by himself without attracting any notice. The Sultanship is hereditary, and not being a very desirable office, occasions no wars for the succession.

The Ghrātïa allow strangers to sit and converse with their wives and daughters, who seldom are known to abuse the liberty allowed them. They are said to be fine looking women, and inclined to corpulency. These people are reputed to be rich, from their constant trade with Soudan, and from having no one to deprive them of their gains. Provisions of all kinds are exorbitantly dear. The dates are[114] not plentiful, and of a very inferior quality. They grow but little corn, and procure more from Morzouk in exchange for slaves, gold, or other merchandize.

The Tuarick of the tribes frequenting Ghraat are insatiable and unwearied beggars, generally securing possession, and then begging the thing taken as a present.

There is annually in the spring a great market, to which dealers from all the neighbouring countries resort in great numbers. The Ghadamsines bring swords, guns, powder, flints, lead and iron ware, also a few articles of clothing. The Soudan traders bring slaves, cotton cloths, skins, gold, civet, shears, daggers, water skins, Goroo nuts, &c.: the Fezzan merchants a mixed cargo of such goods as they procure from Tripoli or Egypt. Slaves and camels, dates and corn, are always the principal articles of commerce, and in great abundance. All traders have a tribute exacted from them by the Tuarick of the country. Clothing, some powder, or any small article, franks a Kafflé; and if a single trader goes, the same is expected from him: friends only being allowed to pass free. This tribute is called “safety money,” and once paid, the merchants are exempt from farther demand. The Mamlukes of Morzouk, or people sent by them, do not pay any thing, it being the interest of the Tuarick, who constantly come to the capital, to keep on terms with them.

The manner of riding amongst these people is very singular. They have swift, tall camels, called Maherry (the Herie of travellers), with which they perform extraordinary journeys. The saddle is placed on the withers, and confined by a band under the belly. It is very small, and difficult to sit, which is done by balancing with the feet against the neck of the animal, and holding a tight rein to steady the head. They manage these creatures with great dexterity, fighting when mounted on them, and firing at marks[115] while at full speed, which is a long trot, in which, the maherry can continue at about nine miles an hour for many hours together. They do not much esteem horses, and never buy them but for the purpose of exchanging them for slaves in Soudan.

We had many visits from these extraordinary people, who came to see us as curiosities, and minutely examined every thing we would allow them to handle. The report which they had heard of our great knowledge, and of our being able to look steadfastly at the sun, or in other words, to take celestial observations, brought large parties to our habitation, on whom we not unfrequently played a few tricks. Phosphorus astonished them beyond all measure; kaleidoscopes, and the camera obscura, also excited great amazement; but the compass was quite beyond their comprehension, so much so, that they generally were afraid to touch it. Our arms were more suited to their taste, and they took much pleasure in handling them. The pistols with stop locks were looked upon with great reverence, and a sword which I had, with a pistol in the handle, was considered so valuable, that I might have purchased with it a couple of Negresses. Our having a stock of medicines was a sufficient inducement for all our visitors to find themselves very ill, and to imagine not one, but every disorder of the country. One man had bad eyes; if he succeeded in getting something to relieve them, the whole party all began immediately to blink, and affect to be half blind, hoping also to get some medicine. Another had a liver complaint; the rest then were all so ill as to be unable to walk or to speak without a great many ejaculatory oh’s; and so on, until they had exhausted the whole chapter of ailments. We at first gave them medicine, but soon discovered it was a preconcerted plan to impose on us, and that when one set had obtained what they wanted, another brought forward a friend or two, who were exactly in the same miserable[116] and suffering state as themselves, and equally disposed to deceive us. One begged a little physic to keep in store, another some sugar just to taste, a small piece for their wives as a curiosity, and a few lumps into the bargain for their children: a little writing paper for charms, a handful of tobacco, one of our nice knives, or a pair of scissars, or a little powder to show when they got home, with many other et cæteras, until our patience being completely exhausted, we were obliged, very unceremoniously, and much to their astonishment, to push the whole party out of the house. Many amusing incidents occurred on the score of medical knowledge, which showed the implicit confidence reposed in us.

During Mr. Ritchie’s illness, an old man, aged eighty, came to consult us about his back, which was very much bent, and had been so for many years: he had seen us give a liniment to a person who had sprained his ankle, which got well in a few days; and his request was, that some of the same medicine might be given him to strengthen his back, which, he said, was becoming very inconvenient to him. One of the Tuarick, who had taken a very strong dose of salts, brought a friend to interpret for him, as he understood but little Arabic, and begged to be told what he was to do to stop the effects of the dose, lest, not rightly understanding me, he might be in danger of dying on the road. A Negress of the Sultan’s chief man being sick, sent her armlet to Mr. Ritchie, by which he was to discover her disorder, and to send her the requisite medicine. The Sultan’s own women were continually sending little bottles for something to cause them to bear children, and their emissaries sometimes whispered whether it was a boy or girl that was desired. Mr. Ritchie prescribed for the whole of the Sultan’s establishment, which, with the males and females, might amount to at least a hundred. Numbers came or sent daily with such an air of authority, as led us to suppose that Mukni had spread a report of his[117] paying liberally for Mr. Ritchie’s attentions, which was not the case; on the contrary, we were all day weighing out doses for the slaves, who never even thanked us for our trouble; and when we were poor and destitute of every comfort, Mukni never gave us the slightest assistance: if, however, any of his family required charms for their disorders, the writers were liberally rewarded, and the effect of the medicines always attributed to those charms. When I commanded at the laboratory, I took good care to give such doses as were not easily forgotten, and, in consequence, none of his household ever after sent for medicine, unless really ill. Many of the women required a great deal of explanation, as to how any thing taken into the stomach could relieve a head-ache. Purgatives were always despised in comparison with emetics. The allowance which would suffice for a strong European took no effect with them; but when a double dose was given, it pleased so much, that many requests were made for “Just such another dose as was given to such a one, which made him so sick that he almost died.” The prevalent disorder when a man wanted medicine for novelty’s sake was, being “ill all over.”

By the 20th August, Mr. Ritchie had tolerably recovered. Mukni had several times, during his illness, talked publicly of his great friendship for us, declaring, that if we were in want even of a thousand dollars, he would immediately lend them: but his conduct was in direct contradiction to his professions; for although he visited Mr. Ritchie during his illness, he never offered him the least assistance, or even bestowed such trifling articles of nourishment as I requested. Once, and once only, when rice was not to be bought, he, with great parade, sent a quart, on which the poor invalid dined for eight days.

It became indeed but too apparent that he expected and wished us all to die, in which case he would have seized on, and appropriated[118] all our effects and merchandise to his own use: of the latter, we had a great quantity, which Mr. Ritchie would not allow me to dispose of, lest it should lower us in the eyes of the natives; but I thought it could be of little consequence when compared with our lives, which were so perpetually endangered by want and privation. We had in vain tried to dispose of our horses; they were so lean, (and we had no money with which to buy any provision to fatten them) that no one would even look at them.

I had managed to keep my own in rather better case than the others, by giving him our travelling baskets, and occasionally stealing a little food for him, but still he was not sale-worthy. In this situation were our affairs, when in one of our visits to the Sultan, Mr. Ritchie ventured to ask from him the loan of some money: his answer, though a negative, was couched in very plausible and friendly terms; and he assured us, by the name of God, that we were welcome to all he had in the world, but that the Bashaw had lately exacted so much from him, that he had not a single dollar remaining. It happened, however, that on the preceding day, he had, to our certain knowledge, received 4000, which were deposited in the very chest against which he leant, whilst he uttered these falsehoods. Finding that nothing was to be gained at this visit, we retired in utter disappointment, not knowing where else to apply.

Belford, at this time, was attacked with giddiness and deafness, and fell into a very weak state. Our situation was daily becoming more deplorable in all respects; our rate of living was reduced to one saa, or quart of corn per diem, with occasionally a few dates, amongst four of us. Mukni’s spy, about this time, came and made some very mean offers, (but which Mr. Ritchie thought proper to reject) about purchasing our cloth and gunpowder, and we plainly perceived he was negotiating for the Sultan. We had endeavoured, indeed, to sell some of our merchandise, by offering it somewhat[119] cheaper than the people of the country; but no one would actually buy, or even propose for it, and we then became convinced, that Mukni was the cause of all our distresses; he, however, still continued to call on us, proffering kindness which he never intended to fulfil.

Being now reduced to the last extremity, and Mr. Ritchie not thinking it right to draw for money on the Treasury, I drew a bill on my own private account, for £20, with which we proceeded immediately to the Sultan, hoping it would have the desired effect: Mr. Ritchie having at the former interview explained to them, that if he accommodated us with 80 dollars, and sent the draft to his (the Sultan’s) wife, who was then resident in Tripoli, she would instantly receive the amount from the British consul. He still, however, refused to assist us; when on a sudden, artfully pretending to mistake 8 for 80, he exclaimed, “Well! I did not think it necessary to draw a written agreement for so small a sum; I will, however, advance you the eight dollars you require, and you may return them when convenient.” Farther explanation to a man determined not to understand was wholly useless, and our poverty not allowing us to refuse the sum, however small, we accepted it; and immediately employed part of our newly acquired riches in treating ourselves with a little meat.

Though we knew not where to procure farther pecuniary aid, we were, for the moment, happy, and soon after had reason to be more so. We had, on coming to Morzouk, lent to our neighbour, Hadje Mahmoud, 20 dollars, of which he paid us 10; and now, in the moment of need, brought us the remainder. At this critical period, it acquired tenfold value, and was of course received with thankfulness and delight.

In this unexpected improvement of our circumstances, we determined to fatten our horses for sale, and to purchase some fowls and[120] a milch ewe, as a resource against future illness. We frequently rode out to the gardens near the town, and Mr. Ritchie became again tolerably well, though I observed, with much regret, that his late and frequent disorders appeared to have very materially depressed his spirits, insomuch, that he almost constantly remained secluded in his own apartment, silent, unoccupied, and averse to every kind of society.

At the end of this month, a large Kafflé of Arabs, Tripolines, and Tibboo, arrived from Bornou, bringing with them 1400 slaves of both sexes and of all ages, the greater part being females. Several smaller parties had preceded them, many of whom also brought slaves. We rode out to meet the great kafflé, and to see them enter the town—it was indeed a piteous spectacle! These poor oppressed beings were, many of them, so exhausted as to be scarcely able to walk; their legs and feet were much swelled, and by their enormous size, formed a striking contrast with their emaciated bodies. They were all borne down with loads of fire-wood; and even poor little children, worn to skeletons by fatigue and hardships, were obliged to bear their burthen, while many of their inhuman masters rode on camels, with the dreaded whip suspended from their wrists, with which they, from time to time, enforced obedience from these wretched captives. Care was taken, however, that the hair of the females should be arranged in nice order, and that their bodies should be well oiled, whilst the males were closely shaven, to give them a good appearance on entering the town. Their dresses were simply the usual cotton wrappers, and even these, in many instances, were so torn, as scarcely to cover them. We observed one girl (of what country I know not) who had her back and shoulders burned in little sprigs, in a very curious manner, so as to resemble figured silk; it had a very pretty appearance, and must have been done when she was quite an infant. Some of the women[121] carried little children on their backs, some of whom were so small, that they must have been born on the road.

The Tibboo, who bring the slaves from Bornou, are of the tribes on the road; and some are from Fezzan. They never trade to Soudan, on account of the distance; but prefer exchanging their slaves for horses, which they sell to great advantage in the interior: for though there are horses in Bornou, they are not much esteemed; but those of Tripoli are greatly valued. The Tibboo ride on saddles, resembling in some respects our English ones; but they are smaller, and have a high peak in front: their stirrups resemble ours, but they do not put the whole foot in them, only the four small toes, the great one remaining out; their shoes are all contrived for this purpose, by having a separate division for a great toe, and are made in the same manner as childrens’ mittens. Their bridles are also in our style, being much lighter than those of the Arabs. They are more careful of their horses than of their families, sparing no expense to fatten them; this is done by cramming them with large balls of meal or dough, which are considered highly nourishing. A fine horse will, in the Negro country, sell for 10 or 15 Negresses; each of which, at the Barbary ports, is worth from 80 to 150 dollars.

All the traders speak of slaves as farmers do of cattle. Those recently brought from the interior were fattening, in order that they might be able to go on to Tripoli, Benghazi, or Egypt: thus a distance of 1600 or 1800 miles is to be traversed, from the time these poor creatures are taken from their homes, before they can be settled; whilst in the Interior they may, perhaps, be doomed to pass through the hands of eight or ten masters, who treat them well or ill, according to their pleasure. These devoted victims fondly hoping that each new purchaser may be the last, find perhaps that they have again to commence a journey equally long and dreary[122] with the one they have just finished, under a burning sun, with new companions, but with the same miseries.

The females are always considered as bearing fatigue much better than the males; perhaps because their small allowance of food and water more easily suffices them. I have always observed that the men were more miserable in their appearance, and walked with more difficulty than the women.

Having been enabled to collect a great deal of information from Bornou traders, respecting that country, I shall here detail it; but I have to request my readers to bear in mind, that I only report what I have heard, and refrain from giving any opinion as to the Course of the Niger, having so often found how little the accounts concerning it are to be credited. I certainly have formed my own conjectures; but may be mistaken, as better theorists than myself have been, on that most interesting subject.

COUNTRY OF BORNOU,
AS COLLECTED FROM TRADERS.

Bornou is a large tract of country, 40 days’ journey, or about 700 miles, south of Fezzan. It is bounded on the east by Baghermi, on the west by Kano كنّو, and to the northward by Kanem. Few traders ever go due south of Bornou, and are therefore unable to speak of the countries in that direction. There are many contradictions respecting the principal town, called Birnie برني; or more properly, Birnie Jedeed or new Birnie, to distinguish it from another town, called Gedeem or old.

These towns are five days east and west of each other, and the River Tsād runs near them both. The old town is the most to the westward, and is now nearly forsaken. In consequence of its vicinity to the Fellāta, who were masters of Soudan, it was constantly exposed to Ghrazzies, or incursions for the purpose of carrying off the natives; and even single inhabitants were often seized and dragged from their labour by small marauding parties, who lay in ambush for them. It was therefore determined about eight years since, to build a new town more in the centre of their country, and to forsake what had been their capital from the earliest times in which they were known.

Thus it is that the accounts received are often materially different: those who have visited the old town, giving their distances from it, whilst more recent traders speak only of the new one. All the distances I have laid down are from the last.

[124]From Birnie to Baghermi is ten days to the borders, S.E. Looggan, a town of Bornou, is half way, or five days; and the Tsād runs past it, across the road, in such a way, that those going to Baghermi must necessarily pass it. This river runs from S.W. to N.E. is of great breadth, and is crossed by heavy goods being carried on rafts, floated on large gourds, which are impelled forward by swimmers, who hold or push with one hand whilst they strike with the other. Smaller rafts are used to carry four or five men, or some light goods; these, according to my informants, are formed with cross spars and gourds. The men sit astride on this machine, having their legs in the water, and so propel themselves forward with their hands and feet. A lighter vehicle is used for one man, and is merely a spar on two flat gourds, carried on by paddling with the feet and a small oar.

I learnt with astonishment, that though the river has many crocodiles, they never attack the legs of people passing in this manner. Whether the raft or the bright yellow of the gourds intimidates them I cannot tell, but so it is.

The river, according to the natives, is said to run past Foor— (Dar fur of Brown), and thence to Egypt. Horses are swam over, being buoyed up with inflated water-skins slung round them; and camels are conducted by men who hold them by their long[125] upper lips, and keep their heads above water: the forepart of that animal being the heaviest, another man sits behind the hump, in order to raise the fore and depress the hinder parts, whilst crossing.

Almost every account we received of the Tsād was so materially different, that it long remained a puzzle to us, how to account for such palpable errors as some of our informers must have fallen into. Some declared it to be so large a Lake, that the opposite side of it could not be seen from Birnie; others termed it an inconsiderable river: at last, the nephew of the Kadi, who had just arrived, furnished us with the following clear statement. “The Tsād is not a river, but an immense Lake, into which many streams discharge themselves after the summer rains. It is then, for some months, of such extent, that the opposite shores cannot be seen, and the people catch many fish, and go about on it in boats. In the early part of the spring, when the great heats come on, it soon changes its appearance, and dries up, with the exception of a small rill. This streamlet, which runs through the centre of its bed, is called by the same name, and comes from the westward, taking an easterly direction; but to what place he knows not.”

All the inhabitants of the villages on the borders of the Lake go out and sow corn and esculent vegetables, which come to maturity, and are gathered in before the rainy season, as in Egypt, after the flowing of the Nile, which he has seen. He had himself observed the people getting in their harvest on the same ground which he had, only a few months before, known to be covered with water.

The rivers which, he says, flow into the lake after the rains, appear to be torrents from the mountains, as he never observed more than the small stream I have mentioned in the dry season.

The Tsād is also called the Gambarro after it quits Birnie, and even there it is as frequently called the Nil. Until a few years ago, when the country became much improved under the mild government of a very religious Moslem, it was the custom to throw[126] into the stream at the time of its rise a virgin richly dressed, and of superior beauty. The greatest people of the country considered themselves honoured if the preference was given to one of their daughters, and the learned men augured a good or bad year from the ease or difficulty with which their victim was drowned.

There are several tribes of wandering Tibboo to the northward of Bornou, the principal of which are the Wandela, Gunda, and Traïta. These people are principally Kaffirs: they do not trade, but live by their flocks, and not unfrequently by pillage.

To the eastward of Bornou, near Baghermi, is a country called Mandra, which is tributary to Bornou, but does not escape the incursions for slaves, which are frequently made by its nominal protectors. The language of this country is a corrupt dialect of the Bornou. The people are finely formed, and the females have lively intelligent countenances: they are all Kaffirs, and live in huts of grass, woven like mats, and sewed together, called Booshīa.

I shall have occasion, when speaking of the country of the Tibboo, to mention three rivers of note which I am able to trace to some distance at ten days to the north of Wadāy.

I now return to the accounts of the bearings of several places of note from Bornou.

Birnie Jedeed to

Baghermi, ten long days, east-south-east.

Maoo, principal town of Kanem, fifteen days, north-north-east.

Kanno, ten days, west.

Kooka, fifteen days, east by south.

Kattagum, four days, west-south-west.

Ringhem, nine days, west-south-west.

Shaikoo, two days, west.

Kawar, ten days, north-eastward.

Bilma, fifteen days, north-eastward.

Makaree, eight days, east-south-east.

[127]Ongornoo, fourteen days, east by south.

Zegzeg, fifteen days, south-west.

Zakari, eight days, westerly.

Waday, sixteen days, easterly.

Bahr el Ghazal (south part), ten days, east-north-east.

Kashna, sixteen days, west.

Morzouk, forty days, north.

At Kattagum, a river called Nil by the natives flows across the road from Bornou to Kashna to the north-east. It is of great magnitude, and is passed on rafts; the water is sweet, and full of fish. It rises periodically, and sometimes overflows the country.

Ongornoo is situated within a day of Kooka, and is much frequented by traders in the spring, when a large market is held there, principally for slaves, who are brought from all the surrounding countries in security; a general armistice prevailing during the annual sale. It is subject to Bornou: the people are Mohammedans. A river flows past it to the eastward.

Bahr el Ghazal, the south part of which is about ten days east-north-east of Birnie, runs nearly north-east and south-west for a great distance. It is inhabited by Negro tribes, of whom the greater part are Kaffirs, or, at all events, not Moslems. The nearest part of it to Bornou is about ten days east-north-east. It is an immense wadey, or valley full of trees, and having many inhabitants, who are wanderers. Elephants, rhinoceroses, lions, buffaloes, and the camelopard, or giraffe, called Jimel Allah جمل الله, or God’s camel, by the Arabs, are in great numbers. The natives generally use a kind of corrupt Arabic, though one or two languages peculiar to the country are also spoken.

These people are a fine race, well made, and very active. They wear their hair, which is not woolly, long and plaited. The general dress is leather, but some go entirely naked. The cattle[128] are in such numbers, that parts of the country appear literally covered with them. Great quantities of elephants’ teeth are procured in the woods.

All the accounts of this country agree in one material point, namely, that though called Bahr, there is no river; but that there has been one of great magnitude. Immense bones of unknown animals and fish are frequently found here in a state of petrifaction. The Arabs account for this, by saying, “They went to take them up as bones, but by a deception of Iblis they proved to be stones.” Handsome shells, Beit el Khoot, بيت الخوت or “fishes’ houses,” are often found imbedded in the earth, and retaining a fine polish. Some are so large, that the Negroes make trumpets of them. By their description of the bones and vertebræ, some of the fish must have been ten or twelve feet in length.

Battalïa, which is often called Bahr, appears by some accounts to be near Bahr el Ghazal, while others assert that it is part of it. The same accounts of its having once been a river, and of petrified bones being found in it, are generally believed.

Bornou is governed by a Sultan, who is considered very powerful; but of late years he has allowed the Sheikh of Kanem (which country is dependant) to encroach upon his authority. The Sheikh, who is a great Marāboot, never uses gold or silver in his apparel, and confines himself to four wives; but has several female slaves, who have borne him a multitude of children. He is constantly making war, under the plea of religion, against the neighbouring Kaffirs, and has enriched himself by the immense number of slaves and horses which he has taken. He lives at Kanem, in the chief town Maoo, which is fifteen days north-north-east of Birnie: his name is El Hadge el Ameen. All the traders from Fezzan carry him presents, and consider him as a far greater man than his master, who now lives in a very retired manner.

In Kanem, within one day of Maoo (the capital), is a very large[129] river, which comes from the south-west, and runs to the north-east. It is deep, broad, and full of fish, which the natives dry in the sun, and keep in store for the rainy season; it is called by the people of the country Yaoo, but by the Moorish traders, Nil.

On Mukni’s last excursion in that direction, he made an attack on the defenceless people of Kanem, Moslem as well as Kaffir: and having first burnt their town, pursued them to the banks of the river; many were drowned in attempting to cross it; others were taken out of the water; and the women and children who had not the power of escaping, were caught on the banks; the number of captives made on that day amounting to 1800. The route of Mukni’s army on its return, was over a wide sandy desert, without water for three days. During their journey a tremendous wind arose, which blew the sand about in all directions, and continued to rage in so furious a manner during two entire days, that Mukni and his people were totally at a loss in what direction to proceed. On the second evening, however, it was resolved that a number of the captives should be sent on under a small guard; but many of these poor creatures expired by the way: the remaining few succeeded in finding a watering place. Mukni himself remained until the third morning; when the sand wind still continuing, and his impatience increasing in proportion to the delay, he gave an order that all the remaining slaves should be put to death. This cruel mandate was immediately executed in cold blood on three hundred defenceless beings, whose country he had first entered under the mask of friendship, pretending that he came only to wage war against some states which had injured them. This aggravated cruelty and treachery was therefore the more odious; and his very name, in consequence, is never mentioned by the people of that country without curses on himself and ancestors, which even little children are taught to utter as soon as they can speak. This[130] war on Kanem set the wild tribes in motion, and a ferment arose, which, even three years after, was not appeased. The Sheikh of Kanem, whom I have already mentioned, was fortunate enough, on this dreadful occasion, to escape to Birnie, many of his family having fallen sacrifices to Mukni’s barbarity.

In Bornou there is current a small copper coin of little value, which is struck in the country. Gold is also used, but more generally as an ornament, than as an object of exchange. The people are called Believers, but a great part of them are Kaffirs. Their dresses, in the most civilized parts, are of cotton. Their arms are lances, bows, and arrows: the Sheikh and a few of the Sultan’s guards have muskets; but they are unable to make good powder. It is reported, that in Birnie are 60,000 horsemen, who have armour for themselves and horses, which are small but hardy, and are said not to run as other horses do, but to spring forward by repeated bounds: large ones are in great request, and are chiefly purchased from the Fezzan traders. Wedda, ودّه or cowrie shells, are not used as money, but as ornaments, and bands for the head. The country is very fertile, producing corn and fruits; amongst others the Tamarind, طمر الهندي, or fruit of the Indies. The woods are numerous, and the trees very large and shady: from these the boards are brought on which prayers are written, and children taught to read.

From Tegerry to Kanem is 20 days south by east; Kanem to Bornou is 15 south by west. Many of the Kafflés pass over the countries of the Tibboo, and through the desert of Bilma, from whence they enter on the borders of Bornou. As I intend speaking of these places on a future occasion, the routes I shall there mention may be taken as the nearest.

[131]of kashna and soudan in general.—from morzouk to kashna.

Āghades is a large district, having a town of the same name; it is 36 days from Morzouk in summer, and in winter is sometimes 45. It is 15 or 20 days from Kashna; 20 from Bornou; 6 from Asouda; 3 or 4 from Begzam; 30 in summer, and 35 or 40 in winter, from Ghraat; and 40 from Tuat. The inhabitants are Tuarick of the tribe of Kellewi. It is a larger town than Morzouk; the houses are of mud, and are built in the same style, and of the same size, as in Fezzan: some have a kind of second story. It is surrounded by a wall of mud and stone, of sufficient strength to protect it. There is a very high Mouadden or Minaret to the principal mosque, which the Tuarick affect to consider higher than any in Egypt. The country is independent, and is governed by a Sheikh, who is a Mulatto, and of middle age, named Yusuffah.[132] He is considered as great a man as the Sultan of Fezzan. Dome dates are in great plenty: the common ones are scarce, and never arrive at any degree of perfection. The soil of the country is earth, not sand, and is quite covered with grass. There are large trees, chiefly the Talhh. Corn and vegetables are in plenty, and animal food is very cheap. The people are rigid Moslems.

Kashna is 20 days from Noofy. I here give an account of the road, as we received it from a friend of Horneman’s, who is well acquainted with Soudan.

towns are passed until Noofy, which is a country on the borders of the Nil. Its chief town is Bakkanee; and it was there that Horneman died, in the house of a man called Ali el Felatni. Our informant gave the following account of his having accompanied Horneman from Morzouk to that place. They first became acquainted in Fezzan, from whence they went together with a large Kafflé to Bornou, when they separated. After Horneman had resided three or four months there, they again met in a Kafflé going to Kashna, and associated much together. The people became greatly attached to Horneman, on account of his amiable[133] deportment and skill in medicine; and he was generally considered as a Marāboot. After a short time they proceeded with another party of merchants to Noofy, living together in the house of a man named Ali, of the tribe Fellata. It was Horneman’s custom while on his journeys after quitting Fezzan, to note down the bearings of every tree, mountain, or village, he saw; by which means he might be more easily enabled to know his road again without a guide. His intention was to go on through Dagomba to Ashantee, which is forty days’ journey to the southward. When our merchant left Noofy, he was in good health and spirits, and had not experienced any difficulties; but this man, on arriving in Kashna, heard that Horneman had died of dysentery, a few days after their separation.

The clearest account I have yet heard of the rivers which flow near Kashna is from a person named Mustapha, a son of the old Mamluke who, with his two other sons, was strangled by Mukni. This man fled, and spent some years in Soudan. He has himself passed three rivers, all running from east to west, as he thinks; but will not be positive. One alone is very considerable; fish, alligators, and hippopotami, being found in it. It is very deep, and is passed in boats, and by rafts. He mentions the rivers in the following order:

Kashna to the river Ringhem is seven days east. This river is the smallest; it is deep, but narrow; water quite fresh. A town, called Sankara, is distant one day east.

From Kashna to the river Doodroo is six days nearly south. On this river are canoes, which are hollowed out of a single tree: they have sharp bottoms, not rounded. They are numerous, and serve equally well for fishing, and for ferry-boats from shore to shore.

From Kashna to Kattagum (which again appears east-north-east on the road to Bornou) south-east is ten days. This river is[134] at all times large; but after the rains it overflows the country. During the inundation the natives use rafts floated on gourds, which grow to an extraordinary size. A quantity of these are scooped out, and lashed together; a deck is then formed of brushwood, or bundles of rushes.

The only palpable inaccuracy in his account (and which, indeed, is a great one) is that relating to the course of these rivers: he was by no means certain whether they flowed to or from the east, and always concluded by saying, that he never had thought it worth while to remember the circumstance.

From Kashna to Sakkatoo is nine days and a half west. This place is the residence of Bello, son of the celebrated Fellata chief Hatman Danfodio. It is a walled town of much consideration, three days east of Gooberr, which is also a Fellata town, and one day east of Kebbi (the Cabi of our maps.) The natives are now a settled people, but were once wanderers of the warlike tribe of Fellata, who, some years since, came from the west, and succeeded in overcoming the whole of Soudan, carrying their conquests as far as old Birnie, and causing the Sultan and his people to remove five days farther to the eastward. These conquests have, in the end, occasioned their ruin; for not having it in their power to continue a force in each subjugated country, they became scattered, and were easily driven back by the different tribes who had been subject to them. They now are not found (except in small parties) farther east than Kashna. Their complexion being of a much lighter hue than that of the other tribes, they call themselves white; their colour resembles that of our gipsies in England.

Many female slaves are brought to Morzouk from their nation, and are very handsome women. The men I have never seen, and I understand that in the late wars all the male prisoners were put to death. They walk very erect, and have rather a haughty[135] expression of countenance. These people have been of late chiefly at war with the Tuarick, who are powerful enemies, and harass them continually.

Kashna is still in a great measure dependant on Bello, who appoints its Kaid or Governor. This man is named Mellona Amarroo Delagie, and assumes the title of Sultan in his master’s absence. He makes constant incursions on the countries round him, and is much dreaded; though he sometimes suffers severely from retaliations. His family consists of two hundred Negresses, and the same number of children, which they have borne him. I conceive from a vocabulary, which I subjoin, that the Fellata will be found to be the Foulah of Park: they call themselves Fellan.

From a young woman, who arrived direct from Sakkatoo, I obtained some trifling information. The account she gave of herself was, that as she was leading her cows out to feed, a party of Gooberr people (also Fellata, and subject to the same King), seized and brought her away; but meeting on their progress with some Tuarick, she was sold to them. Her complexion was fair, and she had an intelligent countenance; her legs were much swelled, and her form emaciated. She was called into her master’s presence to give me some words of her language, when I began by asking her how she named a man in her country: thinking I wished to know that of her husband, she looked up, and with tears in her eyes, answered, “Mohammed; but he is alone now;” and then added, “I had a little boy, too, called Mohammed; when I was stolen he had no teeth, and I know not who will suckle him.”

I here subjoin the words she taught me.

Bello, son, as I have said, of the celebrated Fellata Chief, is famed for many very noble actions, and is a man generally beloved. He is a great warrior, and the people about him are very well armed and appointed. He does not, like the other chiefs, seek out the gaudy dresses and toys brought by the Kafflés, but buys up arms of all descriptions. Reverence for his religion, and for those who are eminent in it, are amongst his virtues. I was acquainted with a man who passed himself off as a Shreef, which he was not, and who had been plundered by the Tuarick. Bello actually presented to this impostor one hundred Negresses, thinking that he only offered a slight testimony of respect to the memory of the Prophet in the person of his pretended descendant.

Cowries, or shells, are the current money of Kashna, and all the towns westward: 2000 is the exchange for a dollar. By way of showing their comparative value, it may be mentioned, that a fowl costs five shells, a sheep 600, and a bullock 2500. Corn, rice, and, indeed, all the necessaries of life, are very cheap in Soudan. Rice is purchased at one dollar for 3 cwt. Bullocks are used to carry burthens, and to bring the grain home from the fields. The asses are fine animals, the camels scarce, and dear in some parts.

[139]The people are excellent workers in wood and leather, which they prepare equally well as Europeans, dying it of very fine colours, and sometimes glazing it. Pillows, bags, sandals, jars, and even boxes of leather are brought by the Kafflés, and sold very cheap. Bowls composed of wood, or gourds, are finely carved, and much sought after by the Fezzan traders.

The women make very fine cotton cloth of gay patterns (having generally a great proportion of blue), and of firm texture; but it is remarkable that they never exceed in breadth three inches. Shirts made of these cloths are so very neatly sewed, that it is impossible at first sight to discover the seams.

The natives of Soudan are very ignorant; the few among them who can read find it their interest to make a great display of their knowledge. A man who reads is always respected, and becomes a person of great consideration; his presence being frequently sought for at a high price at births or marriages, in order to prevent the attendance of the devil, who immediately flies from a man capable of reading from the Koran. The power of writing charms, or saffis, is a sure step to riches.

About half the population on the banks of the Nil are Mohammedans in outward forms, but are unacquainted with every part of their religion except the prayers; some, indeed, are quite ignorant even of these, and only acknowledge the unity of God and the excellence of the Prophet. The other half are Pagans. Some nations have no idea of worship, or of a Supreme Being; others pray to the devil; and many are idolaters, and pay homage to any striking object in nature.

All the nations south of the Waters are said to be unbelievers, and to live in a state of nature, resembling in their appearance, manners, and habitations, wild beasts rather than men.

[140]The Moslems have a greater share of superstition and vices than those they call their blind neighbours, and seldom undertake any thing without being first fortified by charms. They are constantly fancying themselves bewitched, attribute every unpleasant occurrence to Iblis; and are so fearful of the “Evil Eye,” that they adopt many strange precautions to avert its baneful effects.

In justice to the poor unenlightened beings whom they make their prey, I must say that I never witnessed such innocence, tenderness, and mildness as most of them evince when brought to Morzouk, particularly at the death of any of their companions in adversity. On these occasions they do not, like their persecutors, scream and make an insincere wailing; but sit silent and in tears, and often refuse their little allowance of food. Should one of the females fall sick, the others nurse, feed, comfort, and very often give up the whole of their scanty meal to the sufferer. I speak merely of the women, for the men are not blessed with very kind hearts; and it would be considered by them as disgraceful to betray any soft and tender feeling. Should a woman have an infant belonging to her, each of her companions in turn will carry and endeavour to amuse it. The women very seldom become sullen, and are lively without being at all boisterous or noisy; they are clean in their persons, very fond of ornaments, tractable and easily taught; but in acquiring knowledge they unfortunately lose much of their native simplicity.

Two days farther west is Kebbi; half a day from which is a large town called Bodinga.

Kashna to Gooberr five or six days west by south. This is a principal Fellāta town, and was for some years the residence of their Sultan. The houses are built in streets, surrounded by a wall, and the adjacent country is very fine. Three days east-north-east of Kashna is Tessawa, a town.

Kanno is fourteen days from Birnie; it is governed by a Sultan, and is a town of note.

Here is a river of the same name, which comes from the countries south of Kashna.

[142]Here the Nil, Goulbi, or Kattagum, passes from behind Kashna about thirteen days south. It runs north-east at this place, and must be crossed.

There is a tribe of Arabs here whose dwelling-place is called Bled Ibrahim Zubbo, from the Sheikh who first established them as a tribe. They are dark men without the negro features.

Kashna is four days east of Zanfara. To the north-east of Kashna three days is a country (not a town) called Daura. The natives are Kaffirs, very numerous, and constantly preyed on by the Fellata. Kebbi is three days north-east of Bakkanee, the chief town of Noofy. Kooka (the Cauga of the maps) is thirty days east by south of Kashna; it is much exposed to the incursions of the people of Waday. Kanno is four days east of Kashna, from which town Zegzeg is four or five days south-west. Yagooba is six days south of the latter place. Yemyem is the Lamlam of the maps. The inhabitants are reputed to be cannibals, and from a circumstance which came under my notice, I have no doubt they are so. A friend of mine had a male slave who came from that country, and who was about ten years of age. I desired a person, who spoke a[143] language understood by the boy, to ask him, as if undesignedly, which part of a man was considered to taste best in his country. He immediately and readily answered, “The breast, which is eaten by the men; the other parts being given to the women and children.” But on further questioning him, it appeared he did not know whether the victims were prisoners or natives.

This country joins Zegzeg to the southward; it is of great extent, and the people are reported to live in a state of nature. Yagooba borders on Yemyem, six days south of Zegzeg. Marādi is a country lying half-way between Kashna and Gooberr, now nearly depopulated by the constant attacks of the Fellāta. The natives are Kaffirs, and go naked, with the exception of a leather wrapper round their loins. They are a very handsome race of people. Tirka in Soudan appears not to be known. There is a watering place of the Tibboo in Borgoo, called Tirki.

Tuat is mentioned in many maps as a town; but it is a large tract of country on the borders of Soudan, inhabited chiefly by Tuarick. It is situated on the Great Desert, and is not very fertile. Fine horses are bred there, and the flocks are numerous. The natives trade with Tembuctoo, Soudan, Ghadams, and Fezzan, but seldom go so far east as Bornou. The chief length of the country is from north to south, and the towns bear very nearly in that direction to each other. The houses are built of stone and mud, and have no second story; many of the towns are walled. Ain el Salah, or the Fountain of Saints, is the principal town. It takes its name from the sanctity of its inhabitants, who have all the credit of being Marāboots. A story is told of its having 366 castles, which were built by the first Mohammedan conquerors of the country; they are said to be of a great height and in fine preservation. I suspect, however, they are pretty nearly of the same description as those of Fezzan, of which we heard so many wonderful[144] accounts, and which proved to be only mud tombs, or remains of old houses. From Morzouk to this place is about forty days’ journey.

Between Tadera and Amaghi is a desert, which is travelled eight days without water. All the road is sand without any other vegetation than a few occasional shrubs, from Morzouk to Ain el Sala, which is the northern town in Tuat, and the first reached by all the Kafflés from the coast of Morocco. Tafilet is ten days north-west of it. Tombuctoo, or Tembuctoo, is fifty days from Ain el Sala, and the road is entirely over a desert. The first place from Ain el Sala is Akably, a very large town, which is two days. From thence to Mabrook is thirty-five days: this place is so called from its being the custom for those who have passed the Desert to rest and refresh there, each congratulating the other on having safely arrived over their perilous road, by the usual salutation of “Mabrook,” which signifies joy or happiness. Hence to Tembuctoo is fifteen days. Ghadams, belonging to the Bashaw of Tripoli, is twenty days north-north-west of Ain el Sala.

Tembuctoo is about 90 days’ journey from Morzouk, and the[145] road thence is through Tuat. From the account given by merchants, it appears that it is not so large a town as has been imagined; and indeed some agree in saying, that it is not more extensive than Morzouk. It is walled; the houses are very low, and with the exception of one or two small streets, are built irregularly. Huts of mats seem to be in greater numbers than the houses.

The merchants to whom I suggested the idea, generally agreed with me, that the immense population which is said to exist there, may be thus accounted for. Many of the kafflés from Morocco, Ghadams, Tripoli, and the Negro states along the banks of the Nil, are obliged to remain there during the rainy season, or until their goods are sold. During their stay, they find it necessary to build huts or houses, to shelter themselves and their merchandise. These buildings are got up in a few days; and thus, perhaps, ten or fifteen thousand inhabitants may, in the course of a month, be added to the population, which occasions Tembuctoo to be thought an immense town by those who are only there at the same time as other strangers; but when the causes which detain the travellers cease, the place appears (what in reality it is said to be) insignificant. Thus it is that the accounts of it differ so much.

Kabra, which is its port, is situated south of it about 12 miles, and a person on foot may easily walk to and return from it in a day. It is more properly a collection of store-houses than a town; the few people residing there being employed to take care of the cargoes of vessels. Large boats from Jenne come and unload at this place. The river, called Goulbi or Nil (the former name is Soudan, merely a generic term for all waters, and by no means applicable to the Niger alone), is here very broad, and flows slowly past from the westward. Many people agree in saying, that in the dry season, a camel may pass over it without swimming; but after the rains, it becomes very deep, rapid, and dangerous.

[146]Tembuctoo is governed by a King or Sultan, who has but little power. The people are all blacks, and dress like the natives of many parts of Soudan; the better class in shirts and trowsers, while the poorer order are nearly naked. Gold, cotton clothes, leather, and arms, are the principal manufactures of Tembuctoo and the surrounding villages. Jenne is said to be the place from which gold comes, and is thence called Bledd el Tibbr بلد التبر, or the country of gold.

I could obtain no account of Mr. Park, but every one agreed that it would be quite impossible (the buildings being so small and ill constructed) for him or any other white man to be confined in the town unknown to the traders, who enter every house, not excepting that of the Sultan himself. This, I think, entirely confutes the idea that Mr. Park has been, or is still confined by the Sultan, on account of his skill in surgery; and there is equal reason to doubt his being in existence, which some have supposed. Many Jews trade from Morocco, which, as they differ from the Mohammedans in their customs, has given rise to the report that there are Christians in the country; they are said to be circumcised, eat no pork, kill their animals in a peculiar way, and neither acknowledge Christ nor Mohammed. A nation of these people is said to exist south of Tembuctoo, the language of which place is peculiar to itself,—though Arabic is a little spoken; the people are regarded as good Moslems.

Here the intelligence of my informant ceased.

The King of Tembuctoo is an old man, named Kaoo, which, I believe, means governor or master; his wife is an old woman, and he has many concubines. The Sultanship is hereditary.—Tembuctoo is distant from Downa, a large town or district on the banks of the Nil, one day and a half east. Arowan is north of the city seven days, and is a place of consequence. Ezawen is east twenty days, and is also a large town. Taudenny, from whence the[148] large kafflés, who bring rock salt, come annually, is twenty-four days north of Tembuctoo. Telemsen, which is twelve days north of the latter, or indeed half-way to Taudenny, is remarkable for a desert, having no water for ten days; thence called Asherïa. Mabrook is three days north of this place, ten days south of Taudenny, seven days east of Arowan, and eighteen days south of Awlef in Tuat.

Sala is a place three days from Tembuctoo, on the Nil to the eastward.

The Nil, Goulbi, Joliba or Kattagum, runs from Tembuctoo, through Melli in the country of the Fellata; thence to Kebbi, which is three days north of Nooffy: past this place or country, it runs to Yaowri, which is seven days east; from thence to Fendah, a Fellāta country S.W. of Kashna, which latter kingdom it passes at thirteen days south of the capital. It again makes its appearance at Kattagum, four days W.S.W. of the capital of Bornou, where it runs into a lake, called the Tsaad. Beyond this lake, a large river runs through Baghermee, and is called the Gambarro and Kamadakoo; the word Nil being also used for the same stream.—Thus far are we able to trace the Nil, and all other accounts are merely conjectural. All agree, however, that by one route or other, these waters join the great Nile of Egypt, to the southward of Dongola.

Wangara is a place of which we cannot obtain any decided account; it is, however, generally supposed to be a low country, and sometimes inundated. One person states it to be twenty days south of Tembuctoo; another places it south of Kashna; and many even assert, that it is beyond Waday: but it is quite impossible from the varied accounts given of it, to form any idea as to its actual situation, or even existence.

Should there really be three places so called, may it not be probable that it is a general name for marshes and swamps? In[149] the one spoken of behind Tembuctoo, the capital is said to be Battagoo, and is a large town, near which much gold is reported to be found. An invisible nation, according to our informant, inhabit near this place, and are said to trade by night. Those who come to traffic for their gold, lay their merchandise in heaps, and retire. In the morning, they find a certain quantity of gold dust placed against every heap, which, if they think sufficient, they leave the goods; if not, they let both remain until more of the precious ore is added. These traders in gold dust are by many supposed to be devils, who are very fond of red cloth, the favourite article of exchange. I cannot conceive Arabs to be the merchants, for assuredly they would, least of all people, refrain from stealing the gold thus temptingly placed in their view.

Haousa, Soudan or Afnoo, may be comprehended between Kanno, which is four days east of Kashna, and the borders of Tembuctoo. It appears, that the name only extends to the country which runs east and west, near the great river; for Aghades, which is north of Kashna, is not in Soudan: neither is Yemyem, which is south.

Soudan is an Arabic word, signifying the black country; and is also named by them Ber el Abeed بار البيد or “Land of Slaves;” but the natives all agree in calling it Haousa, which has been mistaken for a town. The language of the country, of which I shall give a specimen, is called by the people, “Haousa Tongue.”

Bornou is comprehended between Kanno and Baghermee. The people of Waday bring dried fish from a large river to the East of Baghermee to Wara, the capital.

I did not find any one who knew any thing of Solan, Berissa, Tirka, Gana, or Noro. People are said to go constantly from Noofy to the Great Sea, to trade with the Whites, and they even bring back crockery ware, powder, brandy, and arms. One of our informants went so far as to assert, that there were one or two people there who understood the language of the Whites. I must observe, that from Kanno to Zegzeg the road is dry even in winter; but in summer in many places the country is covered with water, which for forty days gives it the appearance of a great lake. Our present informant, an observing man, said that he saw no rivers flowing there; but the water which was “sleeping” came, as he supposed, from the Nil of Kashna. He remained trading in Zegzeg until the inundation was over, and made some great bargains. For seven yards of red cloth, resembling baize, he purchased nine females, three of whom he showed to me; they were grown up girls, and very handsome, taken from Yagooba.

[152]CHAPTER IV.

Articles of Commerce between Fezzan and the Interior, as well as to Egypt, Bornou, and Waday — Gonja — Description of Ghadams — Benewaleed and Benewazeed — Reports of a Successor to Mukni — His Illness — Gardens — Costumes of the Natives — Their Amusements — Visits to the Sultan’s Family — Celebration of the Feast of Aid el Kebire — Sickness and Sufferings of the Author and his Companions — Education of the Children of Morzouk — Revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan — Illness and lamented Death of Mr. Ritchie — His Funeral — Determination of the Author to penetrate to the Southward of Morzouk.

the articles of commerce carried from fezzan to soudan, bornou, and waday, are—

Beads. The following kinds are at present in fashion: Mjeddrah el Baida (white smallpox); of white china, having raised spots on them. Erwandadi; transparent, oval, and dark blue. Koontombali; red, transparent, having white streaks and figures, of an oval form. Khorz el Adi; small beads of opaque glass, all colours. Menjura; large octagonal beads of red, white, and green. The white are at present preferred: a fowl is purchased for a bead of this kind. Khabba Jedeeda; black oval beads, having white or light blue rings on them. Guttuf; the smallest size, of all colours, mixed. Dhab el Mesquin (or poor man’s gold); black china beads, having yellow spots raised on them. Bandeaus of beads and necklaces ready made. I have been thus particular for the information of future travellers, as the beads we took with us were unsaleable, and the above are always to be purchased at Tripoli.

[153]Coral. Morgian Teddoo, small coral in strings, in beads, in the rough, and in necklaces.

Needles. Four of which purchase a fine fowl.

Silks. Damask, and all light silks of a gaudy colour: if they have flowers worked on them, they sell much better; sewing silk, or raw silk, and ribbons of various colours.

Red cloth, of a coarse kind, and brings an equally high price with the kerseymere we had with us. Salisbury flannels would sell very well.

Red shawls. As turbans, and a few having fine borders, which are sold to the chiefs. Our imitation shawls would be highly prized: the more red they had in them, the better.

Copper pots and kettles, tinned inside.

Brass basin. If a little ornamented, so much the better. Flat ones are preferred.

Looking-glasses. In stamped brass and other gaudy frames; and a small kind in little brass boxes called Lamma in Tripoli, are much admired.

Swords. Very long, straight, and double edged; bought greedily by the Tuarick.

Guns and pistols. Seldom taken, as they are not easily carried in bales.

Morgoom. Which is the long striped carpet, made by the Arabs near Tripoli, and at Mesurāta on the sea-coast.

Turkey carpets or rugs, of about six or eight feet in length and three in breadth, called Sejaada.

Kaftans, of silk and cotton in stripes, or red cloth, as gaudy and cheap as possible: these meet with a ready sale.

Caps, of the manufactory of Tunis, long, and having large tassels hanging from the crown.

[154]Bornoose. Large red mantles, some ornamented with silk or gold lace.

Horses, which, if tall, will sell very readily for fifteen, or even in some places twenty negresses. Though the purchasers take the trouble to look at their teeth, they scarcely know a colt from an old horse. All animals of an imposing appearance, and long legs, are eagerly purchased.

Glass armlets, of black and blue, made at Venice.

Powder, flints, and lead in bullets, sell quickly.

Muslins. For the chiefs to make shirts or turbans.

Bales of linen. Thread, and gold thread, which the natives sometimes spin, mixing it with their cotton cloths.

Sundries. Such as files, chisels, and hammers; a few perfumes, little boxes, and toys; all of which can be procured in Europe for a mere trifle.

Nearly the whole of these articles are brought from Tripoli or Egypt, and are very dear even in Morzouk. We had none of these goods, which alone are objects of trade in the interior.

In Exchange for which the Traders bring from Soudan,

Slaves. Chiefly females, the males not being worth so much money by nearly one-third, or sometimes one-half; are the principal goods brought by the dealers.

Zebed (civet.) Obtained from the cats which are kept in cages, and are at stated periods irritated to such a degree, that a profuse perspiration takes place, and the perfume is secreted in some folds under the tail; which, by securing the animal, they scrape off, and preserve in small boxes made of hide. A savage old cat will produce ten or twelve dollars’ worth in three heats. Their price is enormous, some being sold for three or four slaves.

Zeneh. A striped cotton petticoat, worn as a wrapper by all[155] the women: the patterns are various; some are very handsome, both in the arrangement of the colours and in the workmanship.

Cottons. Dark blue, called Turkedi, striped blue and white, red and blue, and in fact of many patterns; amongst others, chequered like the sailors’ shirts. All these cloths are woven in webs about three or four inches in breadth; they are sewed very neatly together, and are excessively strong.

Tobe, or large shirts, much varied in colours and prices; the best are called Samia, of blue cotton and white silk woven in stripes. A female slave is considered a fair exchange for one of these shirts; others are at seven or eight dollars each. White ones are also made, but not considered equal to the blue. The names of those most commonly brought are, Massaquari, Sharia, Shāta, Shinni, Freezy, and Abiad, or white.

Aba. Of cotton: it is a large shawl or wrapper, used and worn nearly as the barracans or abas of the Arabs and Moors. These wrappers are always striped, and generally very handsome: they are called Melhaffi Zaberma.

Gold. In dust, and small bars or rings. This precious metal is not brought openly, owing to the avarice of the Sultan; and the amount is very small in comparison with the commerce in the time of the last Sultan. It is valued at about one dollar and a half the Mitgal, or about the seventh part of an ounce.

Leather. Hides of sheep and goats, dyed and prepared extremely well, of yellow, red, or black; they are even glazed in the same way as morocco leather. The skins of bullocks prepared with grease (of which water buckets and sandals are generally made), and quite pliable. Many ornamental articles in leather are also brought; amongst others the Mokhadda, or pillows, which are beautifully made. They are mostly of red or yellow, with figures and ornaments dyed in black or blue, and tassels hanging at the ends.

[156]Medaas. Ornamental sandals of exquisite workmanship, for men and women.

Kelābo. These are the ox hides just mentioned, and are sold in Fezzan for five or six dollars each.

Gerbas. Or water skins, made of goats’ hides; they are considered the best in Africa, are very large and tight, and are worth three dollars each.

El Khaaf. The blue wrappers which form part of the head-dress of the Tuarick.

Ostrich skins with the feathers on.

Honey. Yellow and white, and very good.

Goor, Kolla, or Gooroo nuts. They are brought fresh inclosed in a particular leaf, which retains its moisture for several days; if occasionally dipped in water, the nut will remain fresh for months. The taste is an agreeable bitter; and water drank after chewing a piece of one appears quite sweet, resembling the flavour of an artichoke. In Morzouk this luxury sells at the rate of four nuts for a dollar. They are about the size of a walnut, and shaped like a large bean. It is said, that in certain years when the nut has been scarce, people in Soudan have given a slave for one of them. They are the produce of Dagomba, Ashantee, and several countries west of Tembuctoo: I conceive they may be the Kolla nut of Park. When in a dry state, much of their bitterness ceases, and they resemble a dry chesnut; they are then less valuable, and are called Kowda. These dainties are offered to visitors as coffee is on the coast of Barbary: many people call them the negro’s coffee.

Pepper. Red, of two kinds; and three or four sorts of black, one of which resembles the pod of a vetch or tare.

Tammerat el filfil. A large pod, in shape resembling a walnut, and containing many small seeds of a very pungent taste, equal to Cayenne pepper.

[157]Zoogoo. A kind of cotton cloth of great strength and thickness.

Elephants’ teeth. Not often brought.

Leather jars. For containing oil, butter, or grease of any description. Honey is also brought in them: they are called Butta.

Leather bags. Capable of containing about a sack of corn; made of the hide of the black buffalo.

Bowls, called Kaffala, highly carved and ornamented, made of gourds; others are of wood; and wooden spoons.

Mortars, called Karroo, made of any hard wood, and used for pounding corn.

Leather, and skin ornaments, ivory armlets and finger rings, little fancy baskets, and many other trifles, complete the list, and serve to supply the deficiency of a camel’s load. Blue parrots are brought from Noofy, and sell at astonishing prices, some as high as twenty dollars. They are carried by the negresses, who soon teach them to speak. They are not found east of Noofy. A sweet cake, called Aaoud el Kagh (or cough wood) made of spice and honey, is another article of commerce. Occasionally they bring a few sheep and goats, as presents to the Sultan, or to the families of the traders; lions’ skins, and sometimes those of tiger cats.

To Egypt the Fezzan Merchants carry

Slaves, chiefly female.

Gold, procured from the interior.

Red pepper, native produce.

Trona, or soda, which is procured in the Wadey Shiati, and is chewed with tobacco.

Ostrich feathers.

Tiger cat and lions’ skins.

Majiggri, or long-tailed sheep of Soudan, which are bought in Egypt as high as thirty dollars each.

[158]Parrots, procured from Soudan.

Dates, which they obtain at Siwah, half-way on the road to Alexandria.

Leather of Soudan.

Dark blue Soudan cloths in pieces, &c. &c.

In return, the Egyptian traders, who are generally natives of Augela, a midway town, bring

Muslin turbans, which are only worn by great and rich people.

Silk, in stuffs, raw, and in thread.

Gold, thread and lace.

Striped stuffs of silk and cotton woven together, much worn by the merchants in the interior.

Cashmere shawls, which are not often brought, are generally bought up by the Morocco traders.

Striped silk stuffs for women’s under garments, and ready made up shirts.

Silk and cotton, sewed together in ribbons; also for shirts.

Cotton shirts, with coloured stripes for women.

Silk handkerchiefs for women.

Copper pots and basins, tinned inside and out.

Plates, cups, and bowls, of earthen ware.

Glasses for lamps, and brass and tin lamps.

Carpets of cotton, in coloured stripes.

Green leather, called Zengarr.

Gilt leather, called Smanto, which the women cut into small stripes, and plait with their hair.

Spices of several kinds.

Woollen cloth of the most brilliant colours, but of the coarsest and worst quality.

Kaftans, ready made and lined, of the above cloth.

[159]Beads of various kinds and colours.

Agates and cornelians roughly cut in the form of hearts.

Armlets of glass, of various colours.

Brass anklets, armlets, and ear-rings; blunderbusses, pistols, swords, powder, and daggers; gilt stirrups, tents, soap of an inferior quality, musk, sugar, brown and white, in loaves, attar of roses, and jasmin; rosewater, aloes wood and camphor for perfuming the dead, zebed (or civet) of Mecca, and several other perfumes; silver ornaments for women; horses occasionally; bottles, ornamented boxes, tobacco and bowls for pipes; bead headbands for female slaves; sheet tin, and tin articles; red caps, Luban, a gum tasting much like resin, which people chew, and gum mastic; Habsia; handsome girls from Abyssinia, educated in Mecca or Egypt. They are now but seldom brought, the Fezzanners not being rich enough to purchase them as formerly.

From Bornou the Tibboo bring

Slaves, wooden bowls, kaffala, or gourd bowls; a few tobes or shirts; sheep, goats, and a little honey. Lion’s skins were once brought, but they are not now to be had, owing to the Sultan of Bornou buying them all up for his negresses to sleep on, to prevent their bearing children, as he has already a large family. It is implicitly believed that a woman who sleeps on a lion’s skin never can become pregnant.

From Tuat the Tuarick bring

Gold procured from Tembuctoo in dust and bars; now, however, rarely and in small quantities.

Silk and gold belts, with cases to hang the books in.

Tinned copper pots, basins, &c.

Light jereeds, or abas, of wool or cotton.

[160]Horses, hair sacks, red, black, and yellow leather, ornamental bridles.

Korans, and other religious books, elegantly written, and often illuminated with letters of gold or rich colours.

Kohol. The black powder used for the eyelids.

Aaoud el Kagh. A sweetmeat made of honey.

Atria. A perfumed powder of cloves, wild lavender, and other sweet herbs, with which the Fezzan women powder their hair: the smell is by no means unpleasant.

Trifles and toys are also brought in great quantities.

In Soudan the people ride on Maherries.

Half-way between Nooffy and Ashantee is a country of great extent, called Gonja. It is said that the people have the power of taming the elephants, which there, as in Soudan, are found in great numbers. This country is traversed by the traders in their way to the Gold Coast.

The mountains of Kong, near Dagomba, are said actually to exist, but I know not whether under the same name. Beyond Dagomba the country is low and marshy, and at certain seasons is overflowed. All the people, who are not Moslems, in Soudan, Bornou, or indeed over the greater part of the interior, are called Kerdi, which means Kaffir, or “unbeliever,” and is considered as a term of reproach; but no distinct tribe called by that name exists.

The women of the whole of the interior have no hand-mills to grind their corn, but pound it in large wooden mortars, enlivening their labour by songs. The want of salt is much felt. The Tuarick of Aghades and Asben, of the tribes of Kelliwe and Atesin, trade to great advantage in that article, which they bring from the salt[161] lakes of Agram (Doomboo of the maps), on the Desert of Bilma, the position of which I shall mention when speaking of the country of the Tibboo.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Costume of Soudan.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

The women of Soudan are much famed for their singing. They accompany themselves on a little instrument made of a gourd, with a skin stretched over it like a drum, having a handle and one string, which is played by a bow made with horse-hair. This instrument is called Erbab. Their other instruments are drums, bagpipes, rude cymbals, and a long gourd called Zantoo, which has a hole at each end, and is beaten against the calf of the leg, and stopped quickly by the hand.

The women of Bornou have not so many attractions as those of Soudan. They are neither so handsome, well formed, clean, nor good-tempered; and, in consequence, the slaves from the latter country bring much higher prices. The costume of the women of both these places is very remarkable, particularly in the manner of dressing their hair; those of Soudan stretching it over a high pad raised like a helmet, and the Bornou girls plaiting it in some instances close to the head, and in others letting it hang down like little bobbins. They wear a large shirt of cotton, or striped silk, and a wrapper in the form of a petticoat, called Zeneh. Their silver ear-rings, bracelets, and anklets, form a very pretty contrast with their jetty skins. In their own countries they wear no shirts, but a long wrapper tied over the breasts and under the arms.

Ghadams. I have frequently had occasion to speak of this place, which is situated on the Desert, fifteen days south-west of Tripoli. It is there that merchants going to Tembuctoo or Tuat assemble before starting for their long journey. This place was once independent, but a few years since was taken by the son of the[162] Bashaw of Tripoli, and has ever since remained tributary. The natives are constantly trading to Tembuctoo, and there are few of them who do not speak the language of that country, and of the Tuarick also. It is a singular fact, that two tribes live in Ghadams without having any communication with each other. From a person who had often traded there I obtained the following account, and he drew on the sand the small plan here shown.

A large circular wall is divided in the middle by another broad one, which separates the two towns. It has a gate through the centre, which is shut during any disturbance. The inhabitants of both towns were always at war with each other, and have even now occasionally very dangerous quarrels. Outside the towns are the gardens and date groves. The streets are all covered in, and are so dark in consequence, that at sunset a person is unable to find his way without a lamp. The houses are good, formed of mud, and of one story. The natives are Arabs. Those who reside in the two towns seldom see, and are as perfect strangers to each other,[163] as if living many miles apart. No intermarriages or civilities exist between them, and a chance visitor from one town seldom escapes insult from the people of the other. In Benewazeed is a spring sufficiently large to supply both these places, as well as their gardens. There are five channels from it, by which the water is distributed in equal shares, at a certain allowance, in proportion to the houses or gardens to be watered. When the allowance for one place is poured into its proper channel, it is then dammed up, and another is supplied. There are people regularly appointed from each town to attend the distribution. The water is said to be rather warm and quite fresh, and runs in a channel communicating with the Mosque, through which it passes. There are many small rooms, into which those who wish to bathe in performing their ablutions may retire. The mouadden, or minaret of this Mosque is very high, and may be seen at the distance of a day’s journey. Each town has a Sheikh, and the two are under the command of a Kaid appointed by the Bashaw. There are no manufactories, but it is well supplied by the constant concourse of traders who pass through it. Many ostriches are caught in the neighbouring desert, and the feathers form an extensive article of commerce with Tripoli. In the southern half of the walls is a tribe of Arabs living by themselves, called Oulad Belail. From Ghadams to Iddri, in the Wadey Shirghi of Fezzan, is eight days; and to Ghraat, twenty days short journeys, or fifteen summer days.

September.—All the people were this month busily employed in getting in their soft dates, which were in great plenty, and became their chief support. There are two harvests of this fruit; one while the dates are soft, the other the latter end of October and beginning of November, when they are dried and candied.

Reports were brought from Tripoli that it was the intention of the Bashaw to send out another Sultan to supersede Mukni, and[164] that a larger tribute was expected than had ever been paid. These reports, corroborated by one or two private letters, very much alarmed the Sultan, and caused him to fall sick and take to his bed. He began, for the first time in his life, to pray at the regular hours ordered by the law; he ceased to swear, talked much of Paradise, and of the superiority of the other world to this. Mr. Ritchie was at this time very weak, and began again to be indisposed, but he constantly visited Mukni, and at last succeeded in restoring him to health; thus returning by kindness the ill treatment we had received from him. We both went frequently to the Castle, and learnt by degrees that some strong expressions of Mukni’s had come to the ears of the Bashaw, whose emissaries he expected would be sent to strangle him, and take all his wealth. Never was a haughty tyrant so completely humbled by his fears as this man: he sat constantly in a dark room, would receive only one or two visitors, and was nursed by negresses day and night; always speaking in a low voice, and, in his terror, betraying all his secrets.

Affairs were in this state when he determined on sending his chief man, Aboo bekr boo Khalloum, to Tripoli, that he might endeavour to mediate for him with the Bashaw. Presents of negresses and perfumes were to be sent as a propitiation. Ten fine girls of the Sultan’s household were intended for the Bashaw, with about one hundred dollars’ worth of civet, and three negresses for the bey, the heir apparent; two for his brothers, and one for each of the principal people about the Bashaw. I took this opportunity of sending my bill to the Consul, and Aboo bekr was to bring me back the money, Mr. Ritchie having written to state our distressed situation. Soon after the man’s departure we received a present of a sheep, and two loaves of Egyptian sugar, from Mukni, who now began to feel a little more at ease; but at the same time made[165] secret preparations for flight (of which we, however, were informed), by getting several of his horses shod at night, and causing all his women to grind corn and to make provision for a long and sudden journey. We were well aware, that should he be under the necessity of flying, he would not go empty handed; and it was pretty generally supposed that he would first revenge himself on the Mamlukes, whom he suspected of informing the Bashaw of his evil doings, and then take possession of our effects, which by his artful schemes had remained so long on our hands unpurchased. Our friends Yussuf and the old Hadje stole to our house several nights to give us an account of what was going forward, and, in consequence, we held consultations for our general safety. It was some satisfaction to know that all the Mamlukes, to the number of about ten, would have flocked to our house in the event of any disturbance; and our arms and ammunition being very superior to those of the Sultan, we should have stood a good siege had we been attacked.

Mukni’s treacherous intentions were, in the meantime, too apparent to allow of our feeling quite at ease, though he frequently came to visit us, and still professed the same friendship for us as before. One of our amusements on these occasions was to fire pistols at a mark at the end of the room. He was very fond of this kind of practice, and appeared to understand our arms; but we happily always succeeded in firing much better than himself or his followers; a circumstance of which, at this time, we were glad to have an opportunity of convincing him. I had some very small pistols, which he much admired, and he had given me frequent hints of his desire to purchase them, even many months prior to this period, but I did not choose to understand him. Mr. Ritchie agreed in the propriety of keeping our arms loaded and ready, and we frequently went into our yard to practise at a mark.

[166]Mukni was at this time even more courteous and civil than usual; indeed so much so, that he overshot his mark, and confirmed us in our determination to be prepared for him. One of his Eunuchs who came to ask for medicine for a woman of the castle who wanted to bear children, hinted to us, that Mukni was preparing for a sudden escape, and that much mischief was apprehended before he turned his back on Morzouk. We could not be indifferent to this caution, and therefore lay all night with our pistols under our heads, and our other arms in readiness, conceiving we might soon be called upon to make use of them.

In this state we continued for some days, Mr. Ritchie lying on one side of the large room, I on the other, and Belford in a small room adjoining.—One night, at about 12 o’clock, I was awakened by Mr. Ritchie’s crying out in Arabic, “Who are you?” “Lyon, there is a man on the house top.” We all instantly started up; and I, being the most active of our emaciated party, was pushed up to the roof, while Mr. Ritchie and Belford ran to our yard, to cut off the retreat of the intruder. I saw no one, however, and though I ran along the tops of some neighbouring houses, could make no discovery. Our old Mamluke was sleeping on the top of his house, and rose instantly with his gun in his hand, to assist in the search. Meanwhile we all shouted to our neighbours, begging their assistance to look for any strangers who might endeavour to get on their terraces. In an instant all our friends were up, and on the look out; but, after the strictest examination, no person could be found.

Mr. Ritchie said, that as he was lying in bed, awake, he heard a slight noise overhead, when, in looking up, he saw a man stooping over our sky-light, or opening in the roof, as if for the purpose of examining into the room. After ascertaining where Mr. Ritchie slept, he knelt down, hanging his head as far over as he could, to[167] observe where I lay. Mr. Ritchie moved very gently, so as to reach his pistol, when the intruder disappeared, and he instantly called out to me. He stated, that he saw as low down as the man’s waist, that his body appeared naked, and that he had a white cap on his head.

The buildings here being covered with a mixture of sand and clay which easily receives the impression of feet, I endeavoured to trace on the top of ours the tracks of our visitor, and succeeded in finding one long print of a foot, exactly in the direction in which Mr. Ritchie had first observed this man. The impression did not resemble the shape of any of our feet; but was longer, and entirely flat, like those of most Negroes. Little doubt, therefore, could remain that a stranger had been there, evidently with no good intentions.

The next morning we waited on Mukni, informing him of what had occurred, when he affected to think Mr. Ritchie must have been delirious, and laughed very much at our alarm. Old Hadje Mahmoud was firmly persuaded it was Iblis, who had haunted our house ever since a man was murdered in it. The foot-mark, however, staggered him a good deal, and he offered to bring a Marāboot, who would by smelling it, and reciting a few prayers, tell us who had imprinted it. The more rational people agreed in our opinion, that it was a spy, but this was only ventured in private; in public they pretended to treat the matter as lightly as the Sultan did.

The preparations we had made, and our being observed to start up ready armed, perhaps secured us from any farther visits of the kind, and we took especial care to announce openly, that we would shoot the first person we saw even looking into our back yard. We never could positively ascertain why such a mysterious visit was made to us, but we strongly suspected Mukni to be the sole[168] instigator of it. He soon after again fell sick, and constantly professed his great regard for us.

After Boo Khalloum’s departure, some Arab Sheikhs were established as inmates of the castle, and Mukni frequently walked hand in hand with one of them, who was Chief of the tribe Barooda. This man was considered as being better acquainted with all the roads of the desert, than any other person in Fezzan. His own tribe were, at this time, near Egypt; and many suspected, that Mukni intended, with his assistance, to go off in that direction. But whatever might have been his destination, every route would have been equally dangerous for him, since he was detested by all the Arabs, and liable to be tortured and put to death by the Negroes, should he fall into their power.

For the present, however, leaving him confined in his castle, I shall speak more of the people of Morzouk. The ablest person of our sick party always went to the gardens to shoot pigeons, which had been numerous, but which now had emigrated to the countries to the southward. These visits to the date groves gave us many opportunities of observing the manner of cultivating the grain and esculents. The wells are generally about 20 or 30 feet in depth, and more resemble large deep ponds than what we call wells. The water lies on a stratum of grayish clay, is salt, and generally smells very badly: it is raised by means of sheers made of date trees, lashed together, and placed slopingly over the centre of the pit. One or two asses, according to the number of buckets used, are attached by a light harness and run down a steep bank, which renders their work less laborious. The men who attend also draw with them, and quicken their pace by pricking them on the flanks, with their small reaping hooks, in so rude a manner, that many of the poor animals are quite scarified. The water runs into[169] small channels, which are formed round the garden, while the women and children, with scoops, distribute it as it may be wanted.

In some places where it is intended to allow the ground to “drink,” the embankments are opened, and the garden is completely flooded; thus the labour is very great, and absolutely necessary, as rain is unknown, and no dews ever fall. The people who attend the gardens, live in little huts constructed of palm branches, and about six feet in height. The dates, when quite dry, are buried in square holes, dug in the sand, and are afterwards covered over with it. Corn is made into little sheaves, and laid out until wanted: it is then beaten with long date-sticks, and asses are made to run over it. The ground on which these operations take place is a circle firmly clayed and quite clean: much sand is, however, unavoidably mixed with their corn. Pomegranate and fig-trees form an agreeable shade near some of the wells; they are so planted, as to stand in the centre of the water channels. The gardens are, as I have before stated, very small; yet it sometimes happens, that one alone produces all the vegetables and fruits peculiar to the country.

Near our house was the principal Mosque, to which the Sultan and ourselves went every Friday, as a matter of course; and every other day, we found it necessary to appear there once or twice. It is a low building, having a shed projecting over the door, which, being raised on a platform, is entered by a few steps. A small turret, intended to be square and perpendicular, is erected for the Mouadden to call the people to prayers. One of the great lounges is on the seats in front of the Mosque; and every morning and evening, they are full of idle people, who converse on the state of the markets, and on their own private affairs; or, in a fearful whisper, canvass the Sultan’s conduct.

The men of Morzouk, of the better sort, dress nearly like the[170] people of Tripoli; the lower orders wear a large shirt of white or blue cotton with long loose sleeves, trowsers of the same, and sandals of camels’ hide: the shirts being long, many wear no other covering. When leaving their houses, and walking to the market or gardens, a Jereed or Aba is thrown round them, and a red cap, or a neatly quilted white cotton one, completes the dress: on Fridays they perhaps add a turban, and appear in yellow slippers. In the gardens, men and women wear large broad-brimmed straw hats to defend their eyes from the sun, and sandals made from the leaves and fibres of the palm-tree. Very young children go entirely naked; those who are older have a shirt: many are quite bare-headed, and in that state exposed all day to the sun and flies. The men have but little beard, which they keep closely clipped. The dress of the women here differs materially from that of the Moorish females, and their appearance and smell are far from being agreeable: they plait their hair in thick bobbins, which hang over their foreheads, nearly as low down as the eyebrows, and are there joined at the bottom, as far round to each side as the temples.

The hair is so profusely oiled, that it drops down over the face and clothes; this is dried up by sprinkling it with plenty of a preparation made of a plant resembling wild lavender, cloves, and one or two more species, pounded into powder and called Atrïa: it forms a brown, dirty looking paste, and, combined with perspiration and the flying sand, becomes in a few days far from savoury in appearance or odour. The back hair is less disgusting, as it is plaited into a long tress on each side, and is brought to hang over the shoulders; from these tresses, ornaments of silver or coral are suspended. Black wool is frequently worked in with these back locks, to make them appear longer. In the centre of the forehead, an ornament of coral or beads is placed, hanging down to the depth of an inch or two. A woollen handkerchief is fastened[171] on the back of the head; it falls over behind, and is tied by a leather strap under the chin. Each ear is perforated for as many rings as the woman possesses, some wear even six on one side; the largest, which is about five inches in diameter, hanging lowest, supported by a string from the head. Round the neck, a tight flat collar of beads, arranged in fancy patterns, is worn with coral necklaces, and sometimes a broad gold plate immediately in front. A large blue shirt is generally worn, the collar and breast ornamented with needle-work: the women also wear white shirts, and striped silk ones called Shāmi, which are brought from Egypt;—a Jereed and red slippers complete their dress.

They generally have those wrappers of a darker colour than those of the men. Some of the better class of women wear trowsers, not fuller in the leg than those worn in Europe; they are very prettily embroidered with silk at the bottom of the leg, and form a handsome contrast to the black skin of the wearer. Cornelians or Agates, roughly shaped in the form of hearts, are much worn as necklaces, and they have a variety of rings for the thumbs and fingers. A band of silk cord hanging round the body from one shoulder is generally filled with pendent leather or cloth bags containing charms. Round the wrists and above the elbows, Armlets of silver, gold, glass, horn, or ivory, are worn according to the ability of the wearer to purchase them; and on the ankles they have silver, brass, copper, or iron shackles. I have seen a pair of silver ones, which weighed 128 ounces; but these ponderous ornaments produce a callous lump on the leg, and entirely deform the ankle. The poorest people have only the Jereed and sandals. Both men and women have a singular custom of stuffing their nostrils with a twisted leaf of onions or clover, which has a very disgusting appearance. The men, not using oil, are much cleaner than the women; but the whole race of them, high and low, apparently clean or[172] otherwise, are abominably lousy; and they make no secret of it. I have frequently observed the Sultan, when detecting an interloper, moisten his thumb to prevent its escape, and then demolish it with great composure and dignity. Some of the neighbours whom we visited, whilst reposing on their carpets, would send for a slave to hunt for these tormentors on their shirts; and it is a great recommendation to a female slave, on sale, to say that she is well skilled in this art, and in that of shampooing.

About the 20th of September, Mr. Ritchie again became ill, and was confined to his bed; and though Belford had, in some degree, recovered his health, he was completely deaf. We hired a woman to cook for us, at a dollar a month; but she was only required to come once a day to bake our bread, or to make our cusscussou, as we were now on an allowance. It often happened, that when she had stolen half our pittance, we were obliged to fast until the morrow. In all our troubles, however, I struggled to keep up my spirits; and, in the evenings when Mr. Ritchie had composed himself to sleep, I sometimes accompanied Mohammed (who was civil to me on account of some tobacco I possessed) to the parties of the natives, where I joined them in dancing, and drinking Lackbi and Booza. The latter is a liquor resembling in taste bad thick beer, and is made of dates, the flour of Gussub, and water; it ferments in the course of a night, and on becoming sour, is fit for drinking: it is preferred when thick, and it soon intoxicates.

As these meetings were not very select, I was obliged to promise secresy; for, had it been known that Mohammed or myself ever tasted such unlawful beverage, we should have been looked on as downright kaffirs. The people who formed these parties were generally of the lower class, although I once detected amongst them the religious old Kadi himself, in a state very far from sober, and listening to a woman playing the Erbab; but I found, by occasionally[173] mixing with them, that I became better acquainted with their language and customs, which I knew would be of essential advantage as I proceeded southward. I also acquired many friends who, as far as their power extended, were of much assistance to me. Mohammed condescended to join in the dances, becoming always very much intoxicated, and I frequently remained the only sober person amongst them; so that I was able to make observations, and to be much amused by my companions. As on all these occasions we were with closed doors, in an open court, the women played to us on the Erbab, and really produced a very pleasing, though a wild melody: their songs were pretty and plaintive, and generally in the Soudan language, which is very musical.

At some of our parties, a woman sang a song, which she said was much admired by the brother of the last Sultan, whose name was Sidi Montesor; and from certain expressions in it, I discovered that it was the same mentioned by Horneman; and what was singular enough, it was sung by the same woman: she recollected that traveller, as having often been at the castle when she performed there. Some of these songs abound with poetical images;—for example, a lover will compare his mistress to a young date just ripened; the jetty hue of her skin, to the wing of a raven; her teeth to pearls; her eyes to the sun; and her breath to the attar of roses; her words to musk; her voice to the erbab; and her kisses to honey, or the sugar brought from Egypt. The Arab songs are also very pretty, and generally in the same style. A young man once took much pains to teach me one; composed, as he said, by a relation of his own. He sang it, as is the Arab custom, in a voice low and monotonous, though far from disagreeable. The hero of the piece is one of the Waled Suliman; he is riding to see a girl whom he admires, but who belongs to another tribe.—As nearly as I can recollect, the words ran thus:

[174]“Here I am, well mounted, on a horse whose ears are like pens, who runs like an antelope, and knows none but his master. My new red cap becomes me well; my sword is sharp, my pistols well cleaned, and my belt shines in the sun. As the heart of a pigeon beats when she finds she is robbed of her young, so will my love’s heart beat when she sees me. She will not allow the dog to bark, and she will leave the tent as if in search of wood. Should her kinsmen see her with me, she shall not fall under their displeasure. I will lift her on my horse, and fly with her; for my steed has ears like pens, he runs like an antelope, and knows none but his master. My new tagaïa becomes me well; my sword is sharp, my pistols clean, and my belt shines in the sun.”

The natives have a variety of dances, of which two or three are peculiar to the country. The parties assemble on the sands, in the dusk of the evening, when a number of young men and women range themselves side by side, and dance to the sound of drums, to which they keep very good time. The men have a rude kind of iron cymbal in each hand, which opens and shuts: this they beat in the manner of castanets; both sexes singing at the same time in chorus. The movements consist in stepping forward, the whole line at once, at a particular turn of the tune, as if to catch something with their two hands, which they hold out; they balance themselves a short time on the advanced foot, and then step back, turning half round, first to one side and then the other. The whole line then moves slowly, in a circle, round the musicians who form the centre, and who all join in the dance.

There is nothing improper or immodest in this exhibition; but on the contrary, from its slowness and the regularity of its movements, it is extremely pleasing and elegant. Another dance is performed by women only, who form a circle round the drummers, and occasionally sing a lively chorus; one advances, and with her arms[175] extended, foots it to and from the drummers, two or three times, until a change of tune, when she runs quickly backwards, and falls flat down. The women behind are ready to receive her, and by a jerk of their arms, throw her again upright; on which she once more turns round, and resumes her place, leaving the one next in succession to her to go through the same movements, all of which are performed in the most just time; the whole party occasionally enlivening the music, by their shrill and extraordinary cry of joy. The dancing in the houses is not quite so pleasing as that in public, and as for decency it is quite out of the question; no man or woman standing up, unless to throw themselves into a variety of indelicate postures. The male slaves have many dances, in which great activity and exertion are requisite. One consists in dancing in a circle, each man armed with a stick; they all move, first half and then quite round, striking, as they turn, the sticks of those on each side of them, and then jumping off the ground as high as they can. Another is performed by boys, and they have no drum, but keep chorus, by singing in a particular manner, La illa il ’Alla لاالله الاالله. “There is no God but God.”

The Sultan had frequently requested Mr. Ritchie to visit his children, and some of his negresses, when they were indisposed, and he had, in consequence, frequently attended them; but now being himself confined by illness, I was allowed to prescribe for them, and had, therefore, frequent opportunities of observing the interior of his family, which would not otherwise have been afforded me. I was much struck with the appearance of his daughters, one of three, the other of one year and a half old, who were dressed in the highest style of barbarian magnificence, and were absolutely laden with gold. From their necks were suspended large ornaments of the manufacture of Tembuctoo, and they had massive gold armlets and anklets of two inches in breadth, and half an inch in[176] thickness, which, from their immense weight, had produced callous rings round the legs and arms of the poor infants. They wore silk shirts, composed of ribbons sewed together in stripes of various colours, which hung down over silk trowsers. An embroidered waistcoat and cap completed this overwhelming costume. Their nails, the tips of their fingers, the palms of their hands, and the soles of their feet, were dyed dark brown with henna. I had viewed with amazement and pity the dress of these poor little girls, borne down as they were by finery; but that of the youngest boy, a stupid-looking child of four years old, was even more preposterous than that of his sisters. In addition to the ornaments worn by them, he was loaded with a number of charms, enclosed in gold cases, slung round his body; in his cap were numerous jewels, heavily set in gold in the form of open hands, to keep off the effects of the “Evil Eye.” These talismans were sewn on the front of his cap, which they entirely covered. His clothes were highly embroidered, and consisted of three waistcoats, a shirt of white silk, the women only wearing coloured ones, and loose cloth, silk, or muslin trowsers.

The costume of the Sultan’s court, or hangers on, is strictly Tripoline, and as fine as lace or presents of cast off clothes can make them. It is the custom with Mukni, in imitation of the Bashaw, to bestow occasionally on his principal people some article of dress. These presents are made with much affected dignity, by throwing the garment to the person intended to be honoured, and saying, “wear that;” the dress is immediately put on in his presence, and the receiver kneels and kisses his hand in token of gratitude. I once saw the old Kadi, who is very corpulent, receive as a gift, a Kaftan, which was so small for him, that when he had squeezed himself into it, he was unable to move his arms, and was in that condition obliged to walk home.

[177]Each of the Sultan’s sons has a large troop of slaves, who attend him wherever he goes; they are generally about the same age as their master, and are his playmates, though they are obliged to receive from him many hearty cuffs without daring to complain. The suite of the youngest boy in particular forms a very amusing group, few of them exceeding five years of age. One bears his master’s Bornouse, another holds one shoe, walking next to the boy who carries its fellow. Some are in fine cast off clothes with tarnished embroidery, whilst others are quite, or nearly naked, without even a cap on their heads; and the procession is closed by a boy tottering under the weight of his master’s state gun, which is never allowed to be fired off.

In Morzouk the luxuries of life are very limited, the people subsisting principally on dates. Many do not, for months together, taste corn, and when obtained, they make it into a paste called Aseeda اسيد, which is a softer kind of Bazeen. Fowls have now almost disappeared in the country, owing to the Sultan’s having appropriated all he could find for the consumption of his own family.

The sheep and goats are driven from the mountains near Benioleed, a distance of four hundred miles; they pass over one desert, which, at their rate of travelling, occupies five days, without food or water. Numbers, therefore, die, which of course raises the price of the survivors. They are valued at three or four dollars each when they arrive quite skeletons, and are as high as ten or twelve when fatted. Bread is badly made, and baked in ovens formed of clay in holes in the earth, and heated by burning wood; the loaves, or rather flat cakes, are stuck into the side, and are thus baked by the heat which rises from the embers. Cusscussou, Dweeda, and Mogatta, are the best food they have.

The mills are of the same description as the hand-mills of the Arabs. The corn, when ground, is tolerably fine; but the unavoidable[178] friction of the stones causes much grit to mingle with it. In all their food, those who can afford it mix as much grease and red pepper as possible. A quart of butter is sometimes poured over the doughy mess for one man, who generally manages to finish it. This butter is brought in goats’ skins from the Syrtis, and other parts of the sea-coast; is very rancid, and from having been boiled previously to putting it in skins, is as liquid as oil: it is considered a great dainty, and is very dear. Shahm, or salt boiled suet, is brought by the same people who trade in butter. Oil is the produce of Benioleed, Mesurāta, and the Gharian Mountains. All the animals live on dates. Horses and asses are fed on the fruit; camels, sheep, and goats, on the stones, which the women break up by hammering them on some hard substance. This is the general occupation of females, who are not employed to work in the gardens.

October 1st.—This was the great feast called Aid el Kebire, which is to commemorate the meeting of the pilgrims at Mecca, and their offering sacrifices on holy ground. On this occasion each master of a family feeds his wives, children, and slaves on meat, and it is considered meritorious in him to kill, with his own hands, any animals he may purchase. By chance the Sultan recollected us at this festival, and sent us a lamb, which was a treat we little expected. Mr. Ritchie being weak and nervous, I, as in duty bound, became the butcher, and performed my task with great alacrity. Animal food was such a novelty to us, that we actually were tempted to eat too much, and in consequence the next day we all fell ill.

No good Moslem will eat of an animal which has not had its throat cut in a particular way, and “In the name of God.” We had never offered meat, having, indeed, none to offer but such as was killed in the markets; but on this occasion we found the most[179] scrupulous ready to accept, and perfectly satisfied with the lawfulness of the food, although when we first came into the country they would not eat pigeons, which were killed by us, fancying that in cutting their throats we had omitted the prescribed ceremonies.

At this period the Sultan became a little better, and began to give Belford a great deal of trouble, by employing him to repair his three field-pieces, the wheels and carriages of which were much out of order. There was great difficulty in explaining to the blacksmiths how to make large nails, or to bend the iron for the wheels, and, in Belford’s weak state, he found it a very laborious task to overlook and instruct them. He, however, was rewarded with wholesome food, with which we could not have supplied him at home, the Sultan daily sending him some rice and meat whilst at his work. The poor fellow often thought of us, and wished we could have partaken of his good fare. This job being at last finished, I was consulted by Mukni respecting the construction of a coach, and I promised him that if he could manage to procure good wood for the purpose, Belford should make it, provided Mr. Ritchie did not object, and that I would train four horses to run in it.

I anticipated much pleasure and amusement in this new occupation, as I had at the time nothing to interest or divert me. Mukni sometimes, in high good humour, sent us a few fresh dates of a peculiar kind, of which Mr. Ritchie was very fond, and even extended his generosity so far as to allow of our cutting two palm-trees out of a million and a half, for Lackbi.

Belford now began to contrive the coach in question, and out of an old Shiblia and some boxes, he made a body, six feet in length, three in breadth, and four in height. This he covered over like a higgler’s cart, with an arched top, having a door open behind, by which a person could easily get in; but Mukni finding he could squeeze himself into a smaller compass, had it reduced in such a[180] way, as to render it necessary for him to be pushed in and shot out like a sack of coals. The body being completed, and springs being out of the question, it was mounted on two strong poles, which did duty as shafts; and to these were fixed two wheels from one of the field-pieces, so that the carriage stood at about three feet from the ground. The Sultan never for a moment quitted the place where Belford was at work, and was all delight at the progress which he made. Numbers of people came to see it, and many asked if that was the kind of vehicle in which our King and his wives used to ride. I was frequently puzzled how to answer; for to say the truth, though Belford, considering his want of materials, had done wonders, it very much resembled one of those little market carts which are dragged about London by donkies. It soon, however, lost that appearance, by being covered with a splendid hood of scarlet cloth, and having a bed laid inside of it. The shafts, body, and wheels were painted green, though not very durably. The Sultan had some verdigris, which he had brought from Tripoli; part of this was mixed with olive oil, which, not drying, was scraped off, but the rest being prepared with vinegar, formed a wash which answered his fondest expectations. The carriage was now as gaudy as the Sultan could wish, and he was the sole and happy possessor of it; but a serious inconvenience soon presented itself: the coach was not large enough to allow of a place for a driver, and his horses were too spirited to be trusted alone with such a small state-carriage. After devising many plans to remedy the defect, we found we had but one expedient left, which was to convert the vehicle into a gig. Accordingly, a jack of all trades, who was a very ingenious fellow, made, by my directions, a set of harness tolerably well, except that the little pad on the horse’s back weighed above fifty pounds. This, however, was soon reduced; but when the animal was put into the shafts, we discovered that the carriage was so low as to form an[181] angle of at least twenty-five degrees with the ground. The Sultan’s head would consequently be about a foot lower than his feet; but as he intended at any rate sitting with his face to the horse, he thought nothing of this inconvenience.

His Majesty indulged himself with many rides in the space near the Castle, and in one instance through the town, the coach being drawn by slaves. He, however, at last determined to venture a ride into the country with the horse to draw him. The animal being put into the vehicle, and led slowly through one little gate to where Mukni stood, made an attempt to run through another to his stable; the man who led him being frightened, suffered him to set off at full speed. The gate brought him up, one of the wheels knocking down the gate-post and part of the wall, but the carriage itself remained undamaged. This proof of its great strength quite charmed every one, and it was at last decided that a large saddle should be put on the horse, and that Baba Ismael, the Turkish cannoneer, should ride him, and direct the whole machine. Mukni, by way of showing his approbation of Belford’s talents, gave him seven dollars, which he brought home to us in triumph, and which really saved us when on the very brink of starvation. This piece of good luck was soon followed by another, for within a day or two afterwards I managed to sell a saddle for eight dollars to a Tibboo.

Mr. Ritchie again got a little better by the middle of the month, but continued so very silent and low spirited, that we feared he would soon relapse.

Some Kafflés of the Tibboo now came in with slaves, and our horses having got a little more into condition, owing to the great cheapness of the dates at harvest time, we made many attempts to sell them. From my having sent a bill to the Consul, we soon expected money, and Mr. Ritchie empowered me, in the meantime, to dispose of one of our horses. Accordingly, after a good deal[182] of manœuvring, I succeeded in getting the Tibboo to come and examine them, the Sultan having given us leave to sell them if we could. I often drenched the horses with water when they were not thirsty to increase their size, and to improve their appearance, and at length sold a grey horse, given by the Bashaw to Mr. Ritchie, for seventy dollars, twenty of which, with a negress, valued at thirty-two, were paid us on taking the animal away; the remainder was to be given us when the man had sold his slaves. We sent the girl, who was a native of Mandra in Bornou, and about thirteen years of age, to Hadje Mahmoud’s daughters, until she was able to cook for us. Mr. Ritchie was witness with Belford to my liberating her in due form from slavery; but as we were much in want of a servant, it was settled that she was not to return to her native country, my ticket of freedom being only to prevent all chance of her being sold.

We economised, as well as we could, our small allowance of money, which, however, soon became much reduced, as we had incurred many debts, which we now punctually paid. We laid in a stock of corn, which for a time afforded us a secure resource. Within the last two or three months we frequently had passed a whole day without food.

Belford and I fell ill about this period, and were both confined to our beds; he with a bilious fever, and I with severe pains in my back and head, which frequently caused delirium. I had repeated attacks of ague and fever (called Hemma by the natives) from the beginning of August, generally about three times a week, and sometimes more frequently, which had much weakened me, and brought on a decided liver complaint, as well as an affection of the spleen. Fortunately, however, my spirits were good, or I must have sunk under so many attacks. In this month about twenty Tripoli merchants died from the effects of climate, bad water, and the want of[183] nourishing food; even many of the natives were very ill, and it was quite rare to see a healthy looking person. I remained a week in bed, and arose from it quite a skeleton; Belford was still in a very dangerous state.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Negresses of Soudan.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

One night, as we were all sitting pensively on our mat, our friend Yussuf, the Mamluke, came in, and addressing Mr. Ritchie, said,

“Yussuf, you and Saïd are my friends; Mukni has behaved to you as he has done to us, and hopes you may die that he may secure to himself all your goods. You seem very melancholy, and never speak; answer me one question, do you want money?” Mr. Ritchie having acknowledged that he did, Yussuf rejoined, “I do not myself possess any, but I will go and borrow some for you: how much do you require?” Twenty dollars being the sum named by Mr. Ritchie, our kind friend went out, and soon after returned, bringing us thirty! an act of generosity so unlooked for, that we were wholly incapable of thanking him as he deserved. This seasonable supply enabled us to buy good food, and to make some amends for our late privations. We soon became in better health, and Mr. Ritchie’s spirits began to brighten up.

Belford, on his recovery, assisted me to make a little flag-staff with a topmast, on which we placed rigging and a small vane instead of colours, Mr. Ritchie not wishing to hoist our little union jack. This contrivance brought us many visitors, who were much entertained at seeing the vane turn round; but the greatest part of them hinted pretty plainly, that we must be fools for wishing to see what quarter the wind came from, which they could not possibly imagine to be of the least consequence to us. At this season, Scorpions were very numerous in all the houses, and I think more particularly so in ours. I had acquired, at Tripoli, a knack of catching without receiving harm from them, and in consequence had the[184] credit of possessing a charm against them; however, I once received a very severe sting. When going to sit down on our mat, I inadvertently put my hand, it being dark, on a small scorpion, which instantly stung me. Aware of what it was, I procured a light, and hastened with a lancet, to cut to the bone and to suck out the blood: Mr. Ritchie then burnt a deep hole with caustic. The pain remained very acute for some time, and my right side felt rather paralysed; but, owing to the precautions which I had taken, I passed a good night, and the next morning found no inconvenience except a little swelling, and the usual soreness attendant on a burn. Many instances are known of children dying of the sting in three days.

There is a little reptile found in the sand here, called Aselis; it somewhat resembles a lizard in form, and has the power, when alarmed, of instantly burying itself in the sand. If one is thrown down from the hand, it sinks so perpendicularly on the spot where it falls, that it can immediately be found again. These little creatures are eagerly bought by the girls and married women, for the purpose of ascertaining how many children they shall have. By stretching them, the spine will immediately crack, and the women most religiously believe, that for every sound they shall bear a child.

The reptiles are few, and consist of lizards, and small snakes, some of a venemous kind, called El Effa. Scorpions and spiders are also very numerous; one of the latter being of an immense size, and called Agrab el riahh عقرب الريح or scorpion of the wind, from its great swiftness in running; its bite is venomous, but not dangerously so. There is a large species of lizard called Warral, which is about thirty inches long from the nose to the tip of the tail; it is very fierce, and when it bites, never relinquishes its hold until it dies, or has its mouth forcibly opened. We had one which kept a piece of rope in its mouth for four or five days, and in that[185] state died. A blow from the tail of this reptile, which it uses like a whip, is much dreaded, as the natives suppose, that a person so struck can never be the parent of a child. One of these having struck my horse on the nose, I was seriously told that he would be incapacitated from becoming the father of a foal.

Tobacco is very generally chewed by the women as well as the men; they use the Trona or Soda with it. Smoking is rather the amusement of a great man than of the lower class, the mild tobacco being very dear, and pipes not easily procured.

On the 28th October, during the time I was in bed, we had another grand rejoicing day, called Aid el Tagtāga, which is to welcome in the new year of the Hegira, 1235 years having now passed since the flight of Mohammed from Mecca to Medina. Mukni having given a couple of his cast off women to two of his slaves, one of whom was secretary and barber, and the other groom, we had gay doings in the little square before our Mosque. The first night the barber and secretary (who was the greatest man of the two) was seated in state on a carpet and mats placed on the ground, in the centre of the square, supported on each side by a friend, who, as well as himself, was covered with fine borrowed clothes, though the bridegroom, of course, shone most bright. He was very solemn and dignified, having a lighted candle and lamp placed on the ground before him. The men and women sung round him until near midnight, treating him with great respect. He held a fan in his hand, and occasionally bowed to the company. The bride was then brought from the castle, surrounded by a great concourse of women, who were vociferating in rapid succession, their cries of joy. She held a lighted candle in her hand, and had on a profusion of silver and bead ornaments: she was quite black and very handsome, and had borne three children by the Sultan, all of whom had died. The bridegroom did not deign to look at her, but suffered the procession[186] to pass along to his house; when, after waiting about half an hour, he rose in a stately manner, and leaning his hands on the friends who walked on each side of him (in the manner of the Bashaw of Tripoli, and the Sultan of Fezzan), he slowly proceeded home; the dancers following him and singing songs of congratulation. The second night passed in much the same manner; and, on the following day, I saw the bridegroom, who had been a few hours before glittering in scarlet and gold, cleaning a horse in the street, with a ragged shirt on.

I had many opportunities of observing the Fighi and their scholars, sitting on the sand. The children are taught their letters by having them written on a flat board of a hard wood, brought from Bornou and Soudan, and repeating them after their master. When quite perfect in the alphabet, they are allowed to trace over the letters already made; they then learn to copy sentences, and to write such small words as are dictated to them. The board generally used is in this form:

The master often repeats verses from the Koran, in a loud voice, which the boys learn by saying them after him; and when they begin to read a little, he sings aloud, and all the scholars follow him from their books, as fast as they can. Practice at length renders them perfect; and in three or four years, their education is considered complete. Thus it is that many who can read the Koran[187] with great rapidity, cannot peruse a line of any other book. Arithmetic is altogether out of the question.—For children who learn by the month, the general pay is about two Saa, or two quarts of corn, and by the year one dollar.

When the boy is considered to have finished his studies, the parents, if they can afford it, present the master with some clothes, or a few dollars; if poor, they give him something to eat, and the usual salutation of Alla iebārek, or God prosper you. On breaking up for the day, the master and all the scholars recite a prayer. The school hours are by no means regular, being only when the Fighi has nothing else to do. Mornings early, or late in the evenings, are the general times for study. The punishments are, beating with a stick on the hands or feet, and our good old English custom of whipping, which is not unfrequently practised. Their pens are reeds, their rubber sand.

While learning their tasks (and perhaps each boy has a different one), they all read aloud, so that the harmony of even a dozen boys may be easily imagined.

In the time of the native Sultans, it was the custom, on a fixed day, annually, for the boys who had completed their education, to assemble on horseback, in as fine clothes as their friends could procure for them, on the sands to the westward of the town. On an eminence, stood the Fighi, bearing in his hand a little flag rolled on a staff: the boys were stationed at some distance, and on his unfurling the flag, and planting it in the ground, all started at full speed. He who first arrived and seized it, was presented by the Sultan with a fine suit of clothes and some money, and rode round the town at the head of the others. These races have ceased since the arrival of Mukni, and parents complain that their sons have now no inducement to study.

All the houses are infested by multitudes of small ants, which destroyed[188] all the animals we preserved, and even penetrated into our boxes; their bite was very painful, and they were fond of coming into our blankets.

One singularity I must remark of Fezzan, which is that fleas are unknown there, and those of the inhabitants who have not been on the sea coast cannot imagine what they are like. Bugs are very numerous, and it is extraordinary that they are called by the same name as with us. There is a species of them which is found in the sands, where kafflés are in the habit of stopping; they bite very sharply, and fix in numbers round the coronet of a horse: the animals thus tormented often become so outrageous as to break their tethers.

The revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan arise from slaves, merchandise, and dates. For every slave, great or small, he receives, on their entering his kingdom, two Spanish dollars. In some years the number of slaves amounts to 4000. For a camel’s load of oil or butter, seven dollars; a load of beads, copper, or hardware, four dollars; and of clothing, three dollars. All Arabs who buy dates pay a dollar duty on each load (equal at times to the price of the article) before they are allowed to remove it. Above 3000 loads are sold to them annually. Date trees, except those of the Kadi and Mamlukes, are taxed at the rate of one dollar for every 200: by this duty, in the neighbourhood of Morzouk, or more properly, in the few immediately neighbouring villages, the Sultan receives yearly 10,000 dollars. Of all sheep or goats he is entitled to a fifth. On the sale of every slave, he has, in addition to the head money, a dollar and a half, which, at the rate of 4000, gives another 6000 dollars. The trees, which are his private property, produce about 6000 camels’ loads of dates, each load 400 pounds weight, and which may be worth, at a low estimate, 18,000 dollars. Every garden pays a tenth of the corn produced; presents of slaves are frequently made,[189] and fines levied; each town pays a certain sum, which is small, but as the towns are numerous, may be averaged to produce 4000 dollars. Add to this, his annual excursions for slaves, sometimes bringing 1000 or 1500, of which one-fourth are his, as well as the same proportion of camels. He alone can sell horses; which he buys for five or six dollars, when half starved, from the Arabs, who come to trade and cannot maintain them; and makes a great profit by obtaining slaves in exchange for them. All his people are fed by the public, and he has no money to pay but to the Bashaw, which, until the recent quarrel, was 15,000 dollars per annum. I have enumerated his general income, but there are various other ways in which he extorts money. If a man dies childless, the Sultan inherits great part of his property; and if he thinks it necessary to kill a man, he becomes his entire heir! All his people are on an allowance from him, out of what he takes from others, at about the rate of two Kail, or above two gallons, of corn, and four of dates, per month. His negresses are also allowanced in corn, dates, oil, &c. according to their size and age.

In company with Mohammed the Mamluke, I rode to Tessouwa, an inconsiderable town about twenty miles west of Morzouk. It has the remains of an old Arab castle, built of mud. The palms are not numerous, and the inhabitants amount to about 300. It is divided from Morzouk by a plain of sand.

On the 8th of November, 1819, Mr. Ritchie being again attacked by illness, I much wished him to allow of my selling some of our powder to procure him a few comforts; but to this he would not consent. On the 9th I also fell ill, and was confined to my bed; and Belford, though himself an invalid, attended on us both. Our man servant was of no use to us whatever; but, on the contrary, presuming on our poverty, did exactly as he pleased. Our little girl, however, assisted in nursing us. After lying in a torpid state[190] for three or four days, without taking any nourishment or even speaking to us, Mr. Ritchie became worse, and at last delirious, as in his former illnesses. In the interval, my disorder having abated, I was enabled to rally a little, and to attend my poor suffering companion.

After he had somewhat recovered his intellect, he appeared very anxious to know whether any letters had arrived, announcing to us a further allowance of money from Government; but when I, unfortunately, was obliged to reply in the negative, he avoided all comment on the subject. He would not drink any tea, of which we still had some remaining; but preferred vinegar and water, our only acid, which he drank in great quantities. Being entirely free from pain, he flattered himself that he should, in a day or two, recover, particularly as he was not at all emaciated, but rather stouter than he had been for some months previous to his illness. One day (the 17th) he appeared so far recovered as to be able to get up and be dressed. We placed him on the mat in the centre of the room, when he seemed much refreshed, and thanked us for the trouble we had taken; he then expressed a wish to have a little coffee, which, for a time, I was unwilling to give him, fearing it might injure him: he was, however, so earnest in his request, that I was obliged at last to comply with it. As he complained of the closeness of his room, and appeared determined on lying that night on the mat, we made his bed on it; and I laid myself down by him. In the afternoon he examined his tongue in the glass, and appeared a good deal alarmed at its colour; but presently said, “I was frightened at the blackness of my tongue, but now recollect I have been drinking coffee; had I observed that appearance without knowing the cause, I should have said I had a bilious fever, and should bid you good bye.” In the evening one or two of the Mamlukes came in; he spoke to them for a little while, and soon[191] after fell asleep. I remained awake the greater part of the night, during which he slept soundly; but in the morning I found he had crept from his bed, and was lying uncovered, and in a state of delirium, on the cold sand. We immediately put him to bed in his own room, and he appeared to rally again.

On the 20th we got a fowl, of which we made a little soup for him; and while he was taking it, a man came in, and told me a courier had arrived from Tripoli with letters. I went out, but returned, to my sad disappointment, empty-handed, the man having no despatches for us. The broth which Mr. Ritchie drank was the first nourishment he had taken for ten days, though we had used all our endeavours to prevail on him to eat. He said he felt much revived by it, and turned round to go to sleep. I placed my bed at the entrance of his room, and remained watching him. He seemed to breathe with difficulty; but as I had often observed this during his former maladies, I was not so much alarmed as I should otherwise have been. At about nine o’clock, Belford, on looking at him, exclaimed in a loud voice, “He is dying!” I begged him to be more cautious, lest he should be overheard, and immediately examined Mr. Ritchie, who appeared to me to be still in a sound sleep; I therefore lay down on my bed, and continued listening. At ten I rose again, and found him lying in an easy posture, and breathing more freely: five minutes, however, had scarcely elapsed before his respiration appeared entirely to cease; and on examination I found that he had actually expired, without a pang or groan, in the same position in which he had fallen asleep.

Belford and myself, in our weak state, looked at each other, expecting that in a few days it might probably be our lot to follow our lamented companion, whose sad remains we watched during[192] the remainder of the night. And now, for the first time in all our distresses, my hopes did indeed fail me. At daylight I went out and informed our kind friends, Yussuf and Hadje Mahmoud, of our misfortunes; at which they were much affected, and offered us all the assistance in their power. Belford, as well as he was able, hastened to form a rough coffin out of our chests; and a sad and painful task it was. The washers of the dead came to us to perform their melancholy office, and Mr. Ritchie’s body was washed, perfumed, and rubbed with camphor; and I procured some white linen, with which the grave-clothes were made. During our preparations for the burial, the women, who are always hired to cry at the death of persons whose friends are able to pay them, proposed to perform that disgusting office in our house; but I would not allow it, and very unceremoniously shut the door against them. While I was out of sight, either our servant or some of our officious visitors stole several of our effects, and I clearly saw that we were now considered as lawful plunder. The coffin being completed, I hired men to carry it with ropes, but one of them having suddenly gone away, poor Belford was obliged to take his place; when, attended by our small party of Mamlukes, we proceeded at a quick pace to the grave, at about ten o’clock. The clay below the sand was white, which was considered as a good omen; and Belford and myself threw the first earth into the grave. During the night we had, unknown to the people, read our protestant burial service over the body; and now publicly recited the first chapter of the Koran, which the most serious Christian would consider as a beautiful and applicable prayer on such an occasion.

Having thus performed the last sad duties to our unfortunate friend, we returned home to pass a day of misery. It was necessary to distribute food to the poor who surrounded our door in great[193] numbers, and we had no money even to purchase a morsel for ourselves; Yussuf’s kindness again having supplied our wants, and I succeeded in getting the house a little more quiet. Within an hour after the funeral had taken place, a courier arrived from Tripoli bringing a truly welcome letter, announcing that a further allowance of £1000 had been made by our Government towards the expense of the mission. Had this letter reached us a little sooner, many of our troubles and distresses would have been prevented.

I waited on the Sultan to announce to him Mr. Ritchie’s death, at which the hypocrite affected to be much grieved, though he must have been well aware that had his inclination equalled his power to serve us, he might have enabled us to procure the necessaries of life, and thus perhaps have averted, or at least tranquillized the last moments of Mr. Ritchie. I informed him of the additional allowance which I expected, begging him to lend me some money. He talked much of his regard for me, but dwelt a great deal on his poverty; and ended by saying, he might perhaps be able to furnish me with a little, which he expressed with particular emphasis, reminding me that I already owed him eight dollars. I was not then, I own, in the humour to remonstrate with such a wretch, and plainly told him I would never more ask for his assistance or friendship; and that according to his law, ingratitude, such as he had so cruelly shown to Mr. Ritchie and myself, was the highest and blackest crime a man could be guilty of, and would one day be visited on him.

On my return home, I found poor Belford greatly overcome by the efforts he had made, whilst I was equally so from the exertions of mind I had undergone. The consequence was, that a strong fever confined us both to our beds, at the mercy of any one who chose to pillage us. Before I took to mine, however, I contrived to write despatches to England, which I sent off by a courier.

[194]During the whole day a constant succession of visitors came to pay their compliments of condolence, and I seriously thought that, with such an accession of evils, we should in a few days more be hurried to our graves. Yussuf and Hadje Mahmoud attended on us, as did our little girl, who was our principal nurse, and was very humane and careful. We lay ten days in this state, and during that time Yussuf, by my desire, sold about 100 lbs. of our powder, so that we now again obtained a little money; but we were too ill to enjoy any benefit which our riches might procure us. Mr. Ritchie’s horse, which had never recovered its flesh since coming from Tripoli, and which was very old, I sold, through the medium of Yussuf, for seventy dollars, to the Sultan. By the sale of many trifles, which the Sultan no longer made an objection to our disposing of, I cleared, after paying my debts, about 150 dollars, including the money for the horse and powder, and now determined, should I recover, on penetrating still farther to the southward of Morzouk, though incapable of making such progress as I wished, from not possessing sufficient funds for the purpose.

I found myself under the absolute necessity of soon returning to England to receive instructions for my further proceedings (supposing me still to be employed on the mission), for although money for the additional grant of £1000 could have been procured from Tripoli, much time must have elapsed before I could have obtained it; and even then, I must have gone in person for it. I had no one whom in my absence I could have left in charge of my goods at Morzouk, Belford being too sick and helpless either to keep guard over them, or to remain alone in that place. Added to this, £1000 was a sum by no means adequate to carry me through Africa; as it would be requisite to purchase merchandise totally different from that which had already been provided, and without which I could not have made my way. Belford, from his weak[195] state, could not accompany me far, and to proceed alone would have been actual madness, until the necessary arrangements for my future operations, and regulations as to pecuniary matters had been fully understood and arranged. Under all these circumstances, therefore, and to my great regret, I could only resolve on a short progress into the Interior.

As soon as we recovered sufficient strength to get up stairs, I opened Mr. Ritchie’s sitting-room, where we found only a few scattered papers, an unfinished journal, and some letters. These I collected, and in Belford’s presence burnt all which were private; but every other document bearing Mr. Ritchie’s handwriting I carefully preserved. We were both much astonished at his having left so few memoranda, as we felt confident, that though for many months he had, from repeated illness, been unable to write, that at least, prior to his arrival in Morzouk, he must have made many notes, as well as composed a regular journal.

I knew that he had always trusted much to his singularly retentive memory, and was also aware that he expressed great impatience for the arrival of more cool weather, when he might, with less inconvenience, commit his ideas to paper; and these reasons might probably account for his having left so few mementos of the scientific mind with which he certainly was gifted. It is also to be regretted that Mr. Ritchie, during his illnesses, would never avail himself of my repeated offers to take down in writing any observations which he might have considered worthy of note; and from this unfortunate circumstance much, very much valuable information has been lost.

I caused all the chests of merchandise to be removed into our large room, and with Belford’s assistance opened them, in order to ascertain their contents. They had been packed before my arrival in Tripoli, and Mr. Ritchie had determined that they should not[196] be opened until we reached the Negro country. I found in them, amongst other things, about 600 lbs. of lead, one camel load of corks for preserving insects on, and two loads of brown paper for preparing plants. As these amounted in all to about five loads, which were not worth carrying back to Tripoli, I sent them, with two large chests of Arsenic bottles into Yussuf’s house, taking a proper receipt for them, so that any future traveller or myself might be enabled to receive them. I found that the other goods, including five cwt. of books and two chests of instruments, would load about eight camels: we therefore commenced taking a list of them, and putting them carefully away, when we were again attacked with fever, and confined to our beds, remaining with all our merchandise at the mercy of Arabs and natives.

I had at this time occasion to turn off our man, and the woman also who cooked for us, as I had strong reason to doubt their honesty. Yussuf lent us, in our distress, a fine intelligent boy called Barca, who, with our Negro girl, greatly assisted us.

The weather having become very cold, we had a fire made in a hole in the ground, round which we sat in the evenings with some of the friends who came to see us. On these occasions they told us many long stories; but Belford’s deafness prevented his being amused with them as I was. Religion was generally the subject of these tales, which, when related by the old Hadje, were usually prefaced thus: “When a man has been three times to the holy house, as I have been, he begins to know something, thank God!” He repeated many marvellous stories of the country of Sindi, or Persia, in which is the bed of the sun, and where grows a tree bearing a fruit resembling a coffin. This growing daily larger until ripe, at last bursts, and out of it a man drops to the ground, who cries “Wauk, wauk; in the name of the merciful God,” and instantly expires, sinking suddenly into the earth. He told me that in[197] Paradise the prophets are permitted by God to ride on animals of extraordinary beauty, called Borāk, whose form is something like that of an antelope, and their swiftness such, that in the twinkling of an eye they can spring out of sight. All the prophets on the bare backs of these animals, but Allah, out of love for Sidina (our Lord) Mohammed, gave him a golden saddle, on which he parades before the faithful. Many more stories equally extraordinary are told and believed all over the country; and in Morzouk are a few copies of some of the Arabian Nights’ Entertainments, and the voyages of Sindèbad the Sailor, which are as fully accredited as the Koran itself.

Yussuf generally amused me by singing, and ridiculing the Arabs. The Tuarick were always subjects for his wit, and he related many curious anecdotes of them. One which, though greatly exaggerated, is much in character of these people, was of a man sent as a courier from Ghraat to Ghadāms, eighteen days’ journey, for which he received sufficient provision to support him the whole time, but which devouring at a meal, and girding his loins with a belt, he mounted his camel, and performed the journey without other sustenance! These people, however, really can abstain from food for three or four days without any apparent inconvenience.

On the 8th of December news arrived that the slave hunters had made but little booty, the people having been warned of their coming, and that they were on their return home. We also heard that the men of Waday had cut the throats of eighty-two white traders in Wara, the capital, and had determined to suffer no Moors to trade again in their country, but to kill them immediately on their entering it.

I now began a little to recover my health, and Belford, though still quite deaf, was without fever.

[198]I remarked that our negress invariably used the letter P for F; she would say, for instance, Yussup instead of Yussuf, Patoo for Fatoo; and I found that this was general amongst the natives of Bornou and Baghermee. These people, as well as the natives of Fezzan, always pronounce s as sh, and vice versâ. Another peculiarity which I have often observed is, that all the Fezzanners and slaves, in cutting onions or other vegetables, cut downwards on the forefinger of the left hand, and however sharp the knife may be, they seldom injure themselves.

Mukni now received more enlivening news from Tripoli, and he began again to show himself. Orders came that all the traders of Augela, a town between Tripoli and Egypt, should be put in prison, and their slaves and goods taken on the Bashaw’s account, as he was at war with their countrymen, and had sent an army against them. Fourteen were accordingly confined under the Castle, and orders were sent to the southward to take up those who came from the Interior, and to the eastward to secure those coming from Egypt. There was one of these people who was much disliked by Mukni, and who, on hearing of the proceedings against his countrymen, escaped with nineteen negresses, his property. The Sultan sent after him, and having cut off his access to a watering-place, he was secured, almost dying from thirst. His life had been promised to him before he surrendered; but the next morning he was deliberately shot through the breast by those who had him in custody, and his head and property brought back to Morzouk. Had this man been aware of the treachery intended, he was of so powerful a form, and of such bravery, that his capture would have been very difficult. Previously to his being shot, he exclaimed, “Tell Mohammed el Mukni that he is a villain: Paradise is shut against him, and he will die by treachery. There is no God but God, and Mohammed is his Prophet.”

[199]Our friend Yussuf brought to me a very old man, who had been to Ashantee, and who gave some very extraordinary and rather improbable accounts of the people there. He said that there were white traders at the coast whom he had himself seen. This I would not at first believe, until he related some distinct accounts of the habits of the people he met with, peculiar to Europeans.

In Morzouk there are sixteen Mosques, which are covered in, but some of them are very small; each has an Imaum, but the Kadi is their head, of which dignity he seems not a little proud. This man had never been beyond the boundaries of Fezzan, and could form no idea of any thing superior to mud houses and palms; he always fancied us great romancers when we told him of our country, and described it as being in the middle of the sea.

It may be necessary before I take leave of Morzouk, and indeed of Tripoli, to explain that our adoption of the Moorish costume was by no means a sufficient safeguard in either of those places, or in traversing the interior of Africa; for though it might, to a casual observer, blind suspicion, yet when we had occasion to remain for a time at any place, or to perform journeys in company with strangers, we found that it was absolutely requisite to conform to all the duties of the Mohammedan religion, as well as to assume their dress. To this precaution I attribute our having met with so little hindrance in our proceedings; for had we openly professed ourselves Christians, we might, in Fezzan, have experienced many serious interruptions; whilst farther in the interior, even our lives would have been in continual jeopardy. The circumstance of our having come from a Christian country, which we always acknowledged, frequently rendered us liable to suspicion; but by attending constantly at the established prayers, and occasionally acknowledging the divine mission of Mohammed, or, more properly, by repeating[200] “There is no God but God, Mohammed is his Prophet,” we were enabled to overcome all doubts respecting our faith.

In attending the Mosque we found that it was not necessary for us to use any prayers addressed to, or in praise of, Mohammed; the three which are recited by day being in an under voice, and the morning and evening ones only being repeated aloud. These latter we easily avoided, and during the others we made use of what orisons we pleased, only taking particular care that our prostrations and outward observances should be at the proper times. The only prayer we ever recited audibly was the “Fatha,” or first chapter of the Koran, the sentiments of which are really beautiful.

I am confident that it would never be possible for any man to pass through Africa, unless in every respect he qualified himself to appear as a Mohammedan; and, should I myself return to that country, I would not be accompanied by any one who would refuse to observe these precautions. It is possible, that as far as Fezzan, a traveller might, by great good chance, escape detection; but the farther south he proceeded, the more bigoted would he find the people, and a cruel death would, in such case, inevitably terminate his journey.

Though the Mohammedans profess and appear to be strict in obeying the ordinances of the Koran, they most grossly violate one of its principal laws relating to Unbelievers. It is expressly said, that Moslems may take or destroy all those who do not believe in Islamism; but that they should first endeavour to instruct, and on their refusing to acknowledge the Koran, then make them slaves. The same law distinctly teaches that those who are already Moslems cannot be taken captive or sold. Nothing, however, is farther from the idea of a Mohammedan, than to instruct the Negroes; for, instead of endeavouring to convert them to his faith, he appropriates[201] and sells them for his own advantage. This is sufficiently unjust, but the conduct of Mukni and his men is infinitely more so; for they seize on the inhabitants of whole towns where the only religion is that of the Koran, and where there are Mosques; and this without scruple or remorse. I have frequently pointed out the clause in the Koran, forbidding such injustice; but never could obtain a satisfactory reason for this violation of their religious tenets.

Of the various ceremonies incident to the faith of the Moslems, I shall make no mention, as they have already been so frequently touched on by other travellers.

[202]CHAPTER V.

Departure for Tegerry, through Zuela and Gatrone — Arrival at Zaizow — Pass on to Traghan — Visit Gardens and Springs — Arrival at Zaitoon and Touela — Pass Villages of Maghwa and Taleb — Arrival at Hamera — Illness — Leave Hamera — Bearings of its neighbouring Villages — Large Salt Plain — Arrival at Zuela — Description of Inhabitants — Author’s Illness — Ancient Buildings — Hospitality of the Shreefs — Leave the Town — Arrival at Terboo — Its Wretchedness — Curious Story of Marāboot — Arrival at Mejdool — Journey across the Desert, and Arrival at Gatrone — Feast of Milood — Costume, Character, and general Description of the Tibboo — Description of Gatrone — Accounts of Tibesty and Waday, from a Tibboo Trader — Tibboo Language — Leave Gatrone in order to meet the Grazzie — El Bakkhi — Tibboo Manner of making Tar — Arrival at Tegerry.

On the 9th of December we began our preparations, and by the 13th, had succeeded in nailing and lashing up all our effects, which we lodged in the Koudi or sitting-room of old Hadje Mahmoud, who was to take charge of them. I bought a very fine brown Maherry seven feet six inches in height, and able to carry 5 cwt., of a little one-eyed boy, of about 12 years of age, who drove a bargain harder than any man I ever saw. My health was very bad, and I suffered severe pain from diseased liver and enlarged spleen; but having considered that it would be necessary for me, before I returned to Tripoli, to ascertain the situation of other parts of the kingdom of Fezzan beyond Morzouk, I determined, notwithstanding my extreme weakness, to visit the southern and eastern provinces, proceeding[203] in the first place to Zuela زويله in the east, and from thence passing the desert to Gatrone قترون and Tegerry تجرّي in the south. I persuaded Belford, who always entered into my views, to try what change of air would do for him as well as for myself, and he agreed to accompany me, although we more resembled two men going to the grave, than fit persons to travel over strange countries. Yussuf ben el Hadge Khaleel kindly lent us his little boy, Barca, who was to act as our servant, and to lead our camel.

On the 14th we set out, having received a Teskera from the Sultan, on all the villages through which we might pass, so as that ourselves and animals might be fed. I also had an order for the Kaid of Zaizow زيزو and the brother of the Kaid of Traghan طرعغن to accompany us: but it was not until 1.50. P.M. that we were able to get away. We were weak and helpless; and the Arabs, according to custom, gave us so much trouble, by their officiousness, that the poor camel and our horses were loaded and unloaded a dozen times at least. At 2.50. we passed a small nest of huts on our left, named Mangelly منجلّي having another village to the south of it, about one mile distant, called Ghrowāt غروعت. At 4. after crossing a sandy plain, we came to a little village in the gardens of Hadge Hajeel حاج حجيل where we found our friend, Mohammed, measuring and burying the Sultan’s dates. The heap he was employed on was about twelve feet in height, and thirty in length, and had all been collected in the immediate neighbourhood. Mohammed gladly left his work; and having ordered some Lackbi to be brought, and a fowl or two to be seized upon, carried us to the hut he was living in.

We proceeded this day E. and by S. about seven miles.—Mohammed made us welcome in the evening, and brought a fifer and two bagpipers to stun us, while the women of the village, to do us honour, beat tin-pots, singing, and dancing before us.

[204]The village of Hadge Hajeel is half a mile south of the gardens, and has about 250 inhabitants; this is the place which Horneman mentions under the name of Sidi Besheer, whose tomb stands near it.

Dec. 15th. Therm. 9°. 30′.—At 8.30. A.M. we started with Mohammed, who was to take us to Zaizow, and at a mile S.E. of the gardens, arrived at the tomb of Sidi Besheer, where we recited the Fatha, or first chapter of the Koran, and where I gave a dollar to purchase food for the poor. It was a small mud hut, white-washed in front, covered at the top with palm branches, and standing on a sandy plain. Custom, and the sanctity of the Marāboot, induce all Kafflés coming from the Interior to stop and refresh the slaves and animals at this spot, previously to their entering Morzouk; and here, too, all travellers assembling for the Interior, meet. Hard by are the ruins of an old Arab Castle, called Gusser Hamādi.

On leaving this plain, we got into a most excellent beaten road, running S. and by E. to Zaizow, and passed four of the Sultan’s men on horseback, escorting three poor Augela Arabs, bound on camels, with thirty-eight slaves, once their property. These people had been six years trading in Soudan, and were now on their way to prison. We left fourteen of their countrymen in confinement when we set out.

At 10.35. arrived at the small village of Zaizow, where we found the Kaid Saad, who was to be our attendant, sitting on the sand, at his own door, making women’s red shoes. On seeing the Sultan’s order, he sprung up with alacrity, and carrying his tools into the house, returned to us in a short time, in a gay dress, with a sabre hanging over his shoulder. He was a fine honest looking black, very fat and well oiled, and had the appearance of a great eater, which qualification he soon gave proof of. While waiting here, we saw a black woman with lips of a pale pink colour, and[205] one or two marks on each hand, of the same hue. I wished to ask her some questions, but she looked so sulky that I desisted.

Zaizow is prettily situated in a little dell, thickly planted with palms, and having a ruined castle on a rising ground in the centre. The houses are nearly all in ruins, and many had palms growing in them: the population, according to the Kaid, amounted to about 70 souls. It is E. and by S. seven miles from Hadge Hajeel. Mohammed left us in charge of our new friend, the Kaid, who soon found a donkey to carry him on with us to Zuela, at which place he was to find his horse.

At 11.30. A.M. set out, and at 2.30. passed a village on the left, named Areg el Libban, and an old castle, called Gusser Bighia. 2.45. Passed the ruined village and castle of Mokhāten مخعتن. 3.12. arrived at a place called Deesa ديس where we found the Kaid of Traghan, who promised to come to us on the morrow, and to send his brother as soon as he returned home. The village of Ershādi faces Deesa to the southward of the road. Leaving Deesa, we passed for an hour over a flat, so completely encrusted with salt, that it had the appearance of a hoar frost in England; indeed, the whole of the road from Hadge Hajeel bore, more or less, the same resemblance.

At 5. we entered the gardens and date groves of Traghan طرعغن which appeared in a higher state of cultivation than any we had yet seen, and at 5.45. arrived at the town, which stands clear of the gardens, on a flat desert plain. Yussuf having offered us his house, we put up there, although not without a great deal of clamour from an over-civil Negress and her husband, who, to do us more honour, shifted us and our baggage about without mercy. The Marāboot, the principal man here, sent to apologise for not being prepared to provide us with bread and meat. At 2. this day the thermometer was 25°.

Dec. 16th. Therm. 9°. Fine clear morning. I paid a visit to the Marāboot, who was sitting on an earthen mound, half naked, and in a very dignified manner, enjoying the heat of the sun. His dependants were seated round on the sand, listening with mute attention to the sagacity of his remarks. He was very fat, greasy, and consequential, and told me that all his family had been Marāboots, and equally eminent for learning with himself. On leaving him, full of admiration at his modesty, I went out to the gardens to see the springs, of which I had heard so much. As I was a stranger, and these springs were the pride of Fezzan, several people left their work to follow me, and to witness my surprise and admiration at the first sight of them. There are four ponds, each 30 or 40 feet in diameter, covered with a green crust, and containing innumerable frogs. Insignificant, however, as they were, I dismounted and drank heartily from them, although the water, even here, was not perfectly fresh. The gardens which are supplied from them are altogether as white with salt as those watered from the wells. A number of strange birds, resembling thrushes, but with longer tails, fluttered about us; but having no gun with me, I was unable to kill one. The date trees here are very thickly planted, and form a most agreeable shade.

I got a meridian altitude of the sun, 81°. 1′. 30″. which gives the latitude 25°. 55′. N.

On our return to the town, I observed that its walls and houses were of a light green colour, while the castle in ruins appeared of a reddish clay; but I soon discovered that the earth and clay all round the town were actually green, and I collected specimens of[207] them. This place appears to have been once of some consequence, but is now nearly in ruins, and has not, I should imagine, above five or six hundred inhabitants. At 2 P.M. thermometer 19°. The Marāboot sent us a couple of fowls and some bread; and as the Kaid of the town followed the present to know if we were properly served, he came in for his share. I observed here, with much satisfaction, that Belford seemed quite recovered from his giddiness, though he remained very thin and weak.

Dec. 17th. Thermometer 8° 30′. Raw misty morning, with the wind in the north-east. We visited the Gusba, or castle, the ruins of which show it to have once been a place of some importance as an Arab fortress. The Marāboot informed me that it had been built prior to Morzouk, in which case it must be nearly six hundred years old. A story is told, that of the asses employed in bringing the materials for building it, 500 died before it was finished, of mere fatigue. About sixty years ago it was inhabited by a brother of the native Sultan’s, who governed the eastern provinces, and was styled “Sultan el Shirghi,” or Sultan of the East. From the castle we were enabled to observe that the town stood on a plain, bounded to the southward by palms, and from east-south-east to west by the Desert.

The following towns bore thus: El Glaib, south-west three or four miles; Ben Gleif, south-south-west four miles; Māfen, south-half-west eight miles; Zebbār, south four miles; and Zaitoon, south-east by east seven miles.

There are four mosques in Traghan, having small mud minarets. The houses are many of them large, but are now in ruins, owing to the great alteration in the circumstances of their owners. That of our friend Yussuf had been one of the best. We had, however, a proof of its present altered state, in finding the roof breaking in upon us, which obliged us to change our quarters. Three beams[208] gave way at once, and no doubt the whole would have fallen in before night; though the old man and woman stood fearlessly under it, and asserted that it could not happen, because no roof had ever fallen in their master’s house. The people here have an idea, that corn grows more luxuriantly in salt earth than in any other, and from the appearance of the crops, I am inclined to be of the same opinion. At eleven I sent the Maherry on, and waited, at the Marāboot’s request, to partake of a mess which he was preparing for us. I observed that Kaid Saad’s horse seemed in very poor case, and was greedily eating date leaves; but this was soon accounted for, on my learning that the allowance of food which he received for the poor beast was all sent home to the favourite wife. The people of this place have (if possible) a more whining tone in their salutations, than those of Morzouk. I sent the Marāboot a knife and pair of scissars; and at 12.45. left the town, attended by Yussuf’s slaves, who saw us well on our road, and then took their leave of us. At 3.15. came up with the Maherry, and at 3.25. entered a miserable assemblage of about two dozen mud and palm huts, called Zaitoon, زيتون, having proceeded east-south-east seven miles over a gravelly plain. We met the Kaid of Traghan on the road, with some other horsemen who were bringing eight slaves and some sheep, the property of Augela merchants.

As the huts promised but little comfort, we pitched our tent in the midst of them, to the astonishment of the natives; who, on hearing from Saad (who never forgot to order a dinner) that we were very great men, and friends of the Sultan, dispersed themselves about the village to catch all the unlucky fowls that came in their way, and, in consequence, we had six served up in an hour after we arrived. The Kaid felt much hurt at my paying for them, as he was afraid it would be the means of spoiling the people, who would always, in future, expect remuneration.

[209]Dec. 18th. Thermometer 5° at the tent door. Fine clear morning, with the wind to the eastward. We had much difficulty in catching our horses, which had broken their tethers, and run out on the desert; even the Kaid’s Rosinanté was capering about: my horse, however, stopped at the sound of my voice, and by 9.15. we were enabled to proceed. At about three-quarters of a mile south-east by east of Zaitoon, is another village of the same description, called Touela, طويله. We passed through it, and, I believe, shook hands with every male inhabitant in the place. Near this village is a large heap of ruins, said to have once been a castle, the walls of which are, though roughly built, very curious. Between a rising ground a little to the eastward, and the principal well, there are twelve others, each about four yards apart, and having arched communications sufficiently high for a man to walk erect in. Leaving Touela, we ascended to a bleak stony plain, running on to the desert on the left, and having very irregular sand hills, about the distance of two miles to the right. We directed our course north 65° east. A strong north-east wind was blowing, and I observed, as in coming from Tripoli, that in the coldest days the sun has the greatest power of burning the skin. Belford and myself were completely disfigured about the nose, which became very red, and smarted painfully. At eleven the sand hills closed in, and we came again to a few palms and a small village called Maghwa, مخوه. We remained to warm ourselves in the sun by a well side, and were joined by Besheer el Dthucker, the Kaid of Traghan’s brother, who had followed us full speed from Morzouk. At 11.45. the camel having passed, we went on; and at 1.30. came again to sand hills. At 2.10. we arrived with the horses at Taleb, طالب, (Fox), a village with about eighteen palm trees, and four or five mud huts: the Sheikh brought us out some dates and very salt water. The mountains between us and Hamera, حميره, called El Gāra, القار, bore north[210] 60° east. At three, the camel having passed, we went on. At 4.10. passed El Gāra on the right. From hence Hamera bore north 55° east. We travelled all this day, with the exception of the villages, over a gravelly desert. On the plain we visited a well which is haunted by Iblis, or the devil; for the Arabs cannot conceive that the echo which proceeds from it can arise from any other cause. At five we arrived at Hamera. I found myself greatly exhausted in consequence of the pain in my liver, and the debility occasioned by the mercury I had taken. The Kaid promised me much comfort here, as we were to have the Sultan’s own house; but we waited so long in the midst of the village, before we could find any one to get it ready, that I was obliged to produce my Teskera, which soon set the people in motion, and converted a set of impudent lazy Arabs into the most submissive people in the world, and every one of them seemed equally anxious to do us honour. We soon found the house, which was a miserable ruin, having only two roofed rooms. The one destined for our reception was occupied by five or six half naked Arab women, and a small flock of sheep; but they all made way for us, and we took possession of it.

Dec. 19th.—I was so ill that I remained in bed, and was stared at by the whole village.

December 20th. Thermometer 3° 30′. This place is now nearly unwalled by time, and is completely wretched; it stands on the desert, but is surrounded by a few straggling palms, and gardens. The ground near the walls is covered with bushes of Agool (or thorn of the desert), which, at a little distance, has a pleasing green effect, and was then quite a novelty to us. The Sheikh brought his two wives to me for advice: the first, who had a head-ache and sore eyes, I was able to do something for; but as for the second, her case was hopeless; for, according to her husband’s[211] and her own account, she had been three years with child. Such mistakes are frequent here, as many women take this method of deceiving their husbands, to avoid being divorced for sterility. The lady left the house very much irritated at my giving her no remedy for her complaint. At 11.20. we started, and I observed the following bearings from Hamera. El Bedere, east by north two miles. (It is from this place that the people of the neighbouring districts supply themselves with salt, as it is here free from earth, and of a beautiful whiteness.) Omelerāneb, west-south-west two miles. This is the town of Sheikh Barood, of the Boowadie Arabs; and from this place Teweewa is south-west two or three miles. As usual, the desert is to the left, and high sand hills to the right. The first part of our road was over a barren plain, and we then, for an hour and a half, travelled over a plain of salt, broken up in large slabs by the heat of the sun, and having the appearance of a brown disturbed sea. We found the footing very difficult for ourselves and animals. At 1.40. arrived at the village of Omesogueen. Stopped here for a short time, and sent the camels on. I consider this place seven miles and a half east 8° north of Hamera. Low table-topped hills bound the view to the northward. The plains which occurred at intervals between the sand hills, were covered by brittle stones, resembling pieces of yellowish earthen ware, and ringing when struck by iron. At 2.15. we set off, and proceeded east 17° north; met three more Augela prisoners, and eight camels laden with merchandize, which they had brought from Egypt, and which, with themselves, were seized on their entering Zuela. At four we passed a flat hill on the left, running east and west for many miles, called Mengār; some talhh trees are scattered on the plain at its foot, which afford a lasting joke against the people of Zuela. A man coming from thence, in great dread of meeting the Waled Suliman, a band[212] of Arabs who were pillaging the country, was so blinded by his fears, that he mistook these trees, which he had seen from his infancy, for horsemen, and in great trepidation galloped to Zuela with the news: the Zuela men, in consequence, putting their women and children in safety, went out in a body towards evening to reconnoitre, when, after the usual caperings of a party of Arabs, they came up with their enemy, which proved to be the trees in question! After passing over another rough salt plain, we arrived at 5.10. at Zuela, having on each side heaps of ruins within the walls. On an eminence near the town, the principal people (who are Shreefs) had been assembled for four or five hours in order to welcome us. We were shown to a very good house, and numberless visitors came, bringing provisions of all descriptions. For each mess Kaid Saad, who was highly delighted, paid some compliment to the bringer, though not till he had first dipped his finger in and tasted. I was here so ill, that I was obliged to apply a large blister to my side, and to go to bed, leaving my party listening to the wonders which the Kaid was relating about Belford and myself, whom he represented as two very extraordinary personages.

Dec. 21st. Thermometer, at nine A.M. 7°. Being too unwell to leave my bed, Shreefs in numbers came to see us. About twelve different bowls of meat, soup, and bread, were sent in to us, which the Kaid and Besheer (for neither Belford nor myself had much appetite) successively despatched.

December 22nd. Thermometer 9°, wind east-north-east, and at two P.M. thermometer 21°. I found myself better until noon, when a severe attack of hemma seized me, and my spleen became so very hard and painful, that I was unable to lie down. At night, the attack having ceased, I had a very large party to visit me, and to examine my curiosities, amongst which the compass, and a[213] phosphoric match-box, were the most admired, and of course in great danger of being broken. A venerable Shreef, named Mohammed Ali, came late, and it was therefore necessary to go through my exhibition a second time, at which he seemed highly gratified. He paid me great compliments on my sagacity in having turned Moslem, and invited me to an assembly at the great Mosque on the Friday following.

The inhabitants of Zuela are nearly all white, and Shreefs, and they are particularly careful about intermarriages with other Arabs, priding themselves much on their immediate descent from Mohammed. They are certainly the most respectable, hospitable, and quiet people in Fezzan, and their whole appearance (for they are handsome and very neatly dressed) bespeaks something superior to the other whites. I observed this evening that these people, as well as all other Arabs and Negroes, invariably express admiration by laughter, which is generally accompanied by holding the open hand with the back towards the forehead. The more they are surprised or amused, the more boisterous and loud they become.

December 23rd. Thermometer 9°, wind easterly. This morning my curiosity was much excited respecting a very extraordinary fowl, of which the Shreef, Mohammed el Dthābi, last night told me some wonderful stories. He described it as being almost white, and above a foot and a half in height; very stately and dignified in its gait. He had brought a cock and a hen from Egypt, and what was most remarkable, though the cock crowed very loud, and unlike other cocks, the hen crowed also, and nearly as well as her mate. The eggs were very large, and an omelette, which he brought me, was composed of five of them, though, from its size, I really thought twenty would have been requisite. A very large crowd assembled to witness what would be my surprise at the sight of this creature, and while the Sidi went out to fetch it, each told me[214] some curious story respecting it. At last it arrived, and Mohammed having begged that the way might be cleared, walked up to me with great importance, and opening his abba, set before me a goose, which waddled off with great dignity, hissing as it went; while I, to the great disappointment of the company, fell back and laughed immoderately.

We rode out of the town to see the extraordinary ruins, so much spoken of by the commentators on Horneman’s travels, but which Horneman himself never saw or heard of, unless as two or three miserable mud edifices of the early Arabs. The one most esteemed by the Shreefs is an old Mosque, standing at about half a mile to the westward of the town. It is a large oblong building of evidently an early date, though certainly of Arab origin. The walls are built with a neatness now unpractised and unknown, of unbaked rough bricks, and strong binding clay. At the north-west corner is the Mouaden (or minaret), much dilapidated, but still of a height sufficient to command an extensive view of the surrounding country. The length of the Meseed inside is 135 feet, and its breadth is 90, immense dimensions for an Arab building, which has no cross walls to support the roof. It is quite open overhead, and nothing remains to give an idea of what it once was covered with. There are two niches for the Imaum; one is in a partition built partly across, near one end, for that purpose; the other is in the wall, and in the form of a pulpit, and I suppose has been used for the purpose of addressing the people when assembled on the plain below, a custom prevailing at Morzouk after Rhamadan, at Milood, and other feast days.

From this Mosque we went to a spot half a mile east of the town, to examine five buildings, the appearance of which was much more interesting. These are in a line with one another, and have a passage between them of three or four feet in breadth. They are[215] square; their diameters are about twenty feet, and their height about thirty. They have dome tops, and two windows; one low near the ground, the other high and narrow, and situated about ten feet above it. The rough skeleton of the building is of sun-dried bricks and clay, which have hardened to nearly the consistency of stone; over this, to about half the height of the building, are laid large flat stones of a reddish colour, and unhewn, as found in the neighbouring mountains. Few of these, however, still adhere.

The interior of the buildings are perfectly void, and appear never to have had any floors or partitions. From the smallness of the lower windows, it strikes me that these places were the tombs of the Shreefs, who first settled here about five or six hundred years ago; at all events, they now answer this purpose, as each contains a Shreef, whose grave is ornamented with the usual complement of broken pots, shreds of cloth, and ostrich eggs. The people here look with much reverence on these edifices, and tell many wonderful stories of the dead now enshrined in them.

On these tombs are the inscriptions about which so many ridiculous tales are told; but two only at present retain them, and these are on the point of falling.

The Zuela people, like all other Moors, attribute strange buildings and writings to the Christians, so that some excuse may be offered for those who have circulated such pompous stories of Fezzan.

The inscriptions are on the upper part of the walls, and on the sides instead of the front, which makes it very difficult to see them, owing to the neighbouring buildings not allowing sufficient space to walk back in order to distinguish them more clearly. The least perfect has only one or two lines, resembling the tops of letters, on a white cement of about a foot square; the other has about two[216] feet of plaster, and some long letters are sunk in it, apparently Arabic, and much broken. The Shreefs said that these were the only ones they recollected, and that they were written by the Christians soon after the time of our Lord Noah. Having fancied I could distinguish Arabic characters, I made my friends sit on the sand, whilst with my finger I traced them one by one. They immediately saw the resemblance, but said, that having fancied them to be of Christian origin, they had taken it for granted, and never troubled their heads about decyphering them.

The letters I drew were these,

which I conceive clearly prove the Arabic origin of these buildings. Under these characters is a small piece of very neat cornice, of the size of a cocoa-nut, having little flourishes on it.

One of the people told me that papers and parchments had been discovered amongst the ruined houses in the neighbourhood of the town; but no one could inform me who had found them, or where they were deposited.

On my return I went to see the Castle, or rather the ruins of one, which occupies a large space in the centre of the town. Its walls must once have been of great strength, as in some places I observed them to be above thirty feet in thickness, and built in the[217] same manner as the houses at Tripoli. The Castle had nothing to boast of but the solidity of its materials. Near the town my horse stumbled and fell into a grave, which, from its being hollow, led me to examine it; and I found, that instead of resembling the shallow graves of Morzouk, those at Zuela are rather in the form of vaults. From the side of the first pit a chamber of the same length is excavated in the gravel, which lies under the surface of the sand, and the body being placed in the vault, the pit alone is filled with earth. The present walls of Zuela are of the same materials as the Castle. The town has but few good houses in it; but, judging from the ruins I saw, I should conceive it must once have been of much consequence, and built in a manner rather superior to the Arab towns in general. The inhabitants boasted that the door of Zuela was in Egypt, which leads me to conclude, that some town there may have so named one of its gates, and that the Arabs have taken it literally. Zuela is even now called Zella by old people. The town has three very good Mosques, and three gates of entrance.

December 24th. Thermometer 8°. I found that the hour of Friday’s prayer had been put off on my account, a deputation being sent to announce to me that the Imaum only waited my arrival to begin prayers. The Shreefs were already at the Joumma, and as they are persons of consequence, this attention on their part was a mark of great honour done me. I therefore did not hesitate to obey the summons, and was received by them most graciously, although I perceived that several of them very narrowly scrutinized me, and appeared evidently watching the manner in which I went through the ceremonies. After the prayers the Imaum showed me the Mosque, of which he seemed very proud, and with some reason, for it was certainly the neatest I had seen in this country.

We were constantly attended by an idiot, who took a particular[218] fancy to me, and my reputation as a good man became established in consequence, it having been invariably remarked that he never distinguished any person by his notice who was not deserving of it. His name was Boo Mousa (or Father Moses), and many miracles were attributed to him. The Sheikh here told me, that for some offence this fool had been guilty of, he had once beaten him, but had soon cause to repent his imprudence; for on the same night, Iblis, and a troop of gholes, appeared to him, and under the directions of Mousa, who stood in the midst, and appeared of gigantic stature, beat, pinched, and scratched him to such a degree, as to deter him from ever again daring to insult a saint. They were afterwards, and still continued to be, good friends. In one of the slave-hunts the men and cattle had been without water for two days, and were consequently reduced to great distress, when a Zuela man, recollecting the miraculous powers of his countryman, immediately implored him to pray to God in their difficulty. This person soon after falling asleep, Boo Mousa appeared to him, and pointing to a particular spot on an adjoining mountain, assured him that he would, on going there, find what he wanted. The man, on awaking, followed his directions, and happily found a sufficient supply of water for the whole army! This poor creature is readily admitted into all the houses, where, however foolish in other respects, he never fails to show his talents in eating.

I cannot omit mentioning the names of the Shreefs here, from whom we experienced the greatest kindness.

They were all related to each other, and appeared sensible and[219] well behaved men, and, what is really worthy of remark, never asked us for any thing. Kaid Saad, who was a great cook, undertook to dress for us a whole sheep, which was to last us the remaining part of our journey to Gatrone. As this was one of the Arab methods of preparing meat for a journey, I shall here describe it. The sheep is deprived of all its fat, and cut into small pieces; the fat is melted in a large pot, and the meat, with garlic, onions, and red pepper, is then stewed in it without any water, and with a lid on the pot, for three or four hours, when it is taken out, and having been cooled, is put into a goat skin. The grease is kept for mixing with cusscussou, bazeen, and other dishes; and meat thus prepared will remain perfectly fresh for two or three weeks. He made us a very good mess of sheep skin, which is sliced and stewed with onions.

On the 23rd December I got a good meridian altitude of the sun 80°. 10′. 10″. which gives the latitude of Zuela, 26°. 11′. 48″. N. I also took an observation on this day; but owing to the interruption I met with from some of my visiters, unfortunately lost my reckoning.

I found myself obliged to hire another camel here, as we were to cross a three days’ desert, and it was necessary to carry water for our horses; our load too was much increased by large presents of zumeita, dweeda, dates, flour, and other provisions from the Shreefs.

Dec. 25th. Therm. 9°. At 10.45. A.M. we were attended out of the town by the kind natives, who promised to renew their acquaintance with us at Morzouk.

Belford was now much recovered; but I still continued in a very weak state. Our road lay over the highest and most irregular sand hills I ever saw; the horses with great difficulty ascending without their riders. I was too weak to walk, and was pulled up by Besheer. The hired camel and its load took a most terrific[220] roll, and I greatly feared we should be at a stand: fortunately, however, a man travelling our way came up with us, and helped us to re-load the camel, so that by 11.45. we cleared the hills, and arrived on a heavy sandy plain, over which we toiled until 4. when we arrived at Terboo, the most wretched mud village I had as yet met with. All the men were mere skeletons, and the women equally miserable in appearance; yet they were obliged, poor and wretched as they were, to feed us and our horses without expecting a reward. I bought, however, a quantity of corn, and distributed amongst them; and they declared I was the first person coming from the Sultan, who had not distressed them by taking their small stock of provisions. Nothing could exceed the wretchedness of this place but the water, which was of a much worse quality than any we had tasted, from its close resemblance to sea water. A few old walls of about 12 feet high were in the centre of the huts, and were dignified by the name of the Castle. There are but few palms here, and the people subsist chiefly by attending camels, sent to feed on the Agool; and for the right of pasture they receive, in return, some very trifling payment in corn or dates. We made this day S. 12°. W. 10 miles. As it was Christmas day, Belford and myself drank to the health of our friends in England, in a bumper of coffee.

Dec. 26th. Therm. 3°. 40′. A beautiful morning; but being cold, we had a good fire, and at 8.50. A.M. the camels started. We were much amused by the blacksmith of the village, who had his forge in the sand at the gate. A man from a neighbouring place came to ask his advice for a liver complaint, which had for a long time troubled him; and having been so frequently burned with a red hot iron, in order to alleviate his complaint, his side was literally covered with scars. The blacksmith having felt the man’s side, and asked many questions, told him, that the most certain remedy[221] for his disorder would be three long burns across the back, which he assured him would soon put all to rights. Feeling compassion for the poor sufferer, I told him if he would follow me to the camels, I would give him some medicine which would relieve, instead of putting him to the torture; but he refused, and I have no doubt paid the accustomed fee of corn, and submitted to the prescribed burning next morning. This operator showed us a file of his own making, of which he was very proud. It was a small bar of iron, and when red hot, had been notched by a flint. He boasted, that although its appearance was not in its favour, it was a far better file than any bought in Morzouk.

From this place some remarkable mountains bore Mengār Mejdool, S. 75°. W. Mengār Omesogueer, S.W. two miles; and Mengār Terboo, N.E. one mile. We followed the camels, and arrived with them at 10.20. at Omesogueer, 3½ miles S.W. by W. of Terboo. Here we were shown the tomb of a very great Marāboot; and, as usual on such occasions, repeated the Fatha. This holy man was named Sidi Saïd el Tare, (or lion the bird); because, on every Friday, according to the people of the plain, he appeared in the form of a beautiful green bird during the Asr, or afternoon prayer; but he was visible only to a few of his own relations and brother Marāboots.

We passed over a salt plain, and came to some scattered palms, after which we entered on a larger plain, and arrived at Mejdool مجدود at 1.50.; having travelled S. 75°. W. from Omesogueer. Mejdool is a large straggling village of mud and palm huts, and not surrounded by a wall; it has, however, a castle in about the same state of repair as the others we had seen. The people appear more lively and animated than the generality of Fezzanners.—Behind the town[222] a continuation of the mountains from Terboo runs nearly north and south, as far as the Mengār.

This evening we had large bowls of sweet lackbi sent us, and we soon perceived that the people were great lovers of this liquor. Five or six drunken men came and honoured us with their company without any invitation. Kaid Saad sold to the women a great quantity of tobacco which he had brought from Zaizow, with which they were very glad to recruit their stock. We hired a guide for the desert, our two attendants being unacquainted with the road.

Dec. 27th. Therm. 5°. At 9.30. A.M. we set out, having taken water for three days in our gerbas. Our road lay over a plain of gravel, bounded by mountains close at hand, to the westward, and a distant range to the eastward. At 10.30. Mejdool bore from a rising ground, N. 44°. E. At 11. the mountains closed in, and our road lay through them. At 12.10. we ascended to a rough stony plain, resembling, in colour and badness of footing, some parts of the Soudah. Indeed, all the mountains here appear composed of nearly the same black irregular masses of basalt. Five or six Tibboo passed us on camels; they were the first I had seen fully armed: every man had his three light darts, and his spear. At 2. we descended to a level plain, by a very precipitous pass. The mountain we descended is the most western of a low black chain, which bounds the view as far as the eye can reach, to the eastward. The rocks here, which are of a clay stone, are, in many places, fantastically streaked with veins of a light pink colour. We stopped to rest ourselves under some Talhh trees, when I was alarmed by seeing my Maherry come towards me, foaming at the mouth, and champing like a mad animal. Besheer soon eased me of my fears, by telling me that he was eating bones, a circumstance[223] I was not before aware of. I now found, however, by observing the camels, that whenever we passed any skeletons, they selected a mouthful of such bones as they could easily break.

At 5.30. P.M. we pitched our tent on the plain, the pass bearing from us N. 44°. E. The whole of this flat is covered with beautiful rounded pebbles of the size of a pea, and even smaller. We made 30 miles.

Dec. 28th. Therm. at tent door, 4°. 50′. At 7.35. A.M. we went on, still over the plain, until 3.30. when we came to sand, having small shrubs on it, called Omeladam Tafsert, and here met a Tibboo bringing sixteen Negresses from Waday. We found a small well, and having watered our horses, proceeded to another, near which we were to pass the night. At 6.30. we came to it, but found it had fallen in. Whilst cooking, we caught a young Gerboa, which came foraging. During our journey this day, Besheer shot a crow with a single ball, very adroitly. We observed the Kaid seize the bird, and pretend that he was desirous of obtaining the wing feathers; but I discovered that he had pulled off the head, intending to keep it about his person, as a charm against a pain in the elbow. We made, this day, S. 45°. W. 35 miles, slept on the sand, and were much disturbed by the howlings of jackals. This well is called Jufāra.

Dec. 29th. Therm. 2°. 30′. At 7.45. A.M. we left the well, and passing over an uneven country, arrived at 9.30. at a few scattered palms, and the wells of Wūdakaire, where we found the water excellent, when compared with that of Morzouk. Having previously heard from our attendants that it was particularly clear, I carried a small tin pot at my saddle-bow, and a paper containing a little tea, with which I hoped to regale myself. In this I was not disappointed, and was content to obtain the luxury, even though destitute of its[224] usual auxiliaries, milk and sugar, articles which had now become almost unknown to us. Proceeded S. 50°. W. At 2. the camels arrived at the gardens, and we went on to the town of Gatrone, where we arrived at 3°. 30′. At 4.50. the camels came in, having made twenty miles.

Besheer and Belford having stopped at Gatrone gardens to water their horses, I rode into the town with Kaid Saad, alone, which greatly mortified him, as he wished me to have made my entrance with four horses abreast, thinking it would look more dignified, and in character for such a great person as myself. He was astonished when I told him, that even the Sultan of my country was neither ashamed nor afraid to ride unattended, and that his soldiers never rode or fired before him on his entering a town. This he wisely supposed must be owing to the excellence of our gunpowder, which our king would not suffer to be wasted unnecessarily. We put up at the house of a Tibboo woman: it had a garden and palms in front, and stood at a short distance from the walls of the town.

Gatrone is surrounded by sand hills, on which are built the low palm huts of the Tibboo, who appear to form a separate community; the people within the walls pretending to call themselves Fezzanners, although the language of Bornou is more generally spoken than the Arabic.

As this was the evening of the feast of Milood, Mohammed’s birth-day, every thing promised a gay meeting, and the young Tibboo girls were adorned for the occasion in all their finery. These females are light and elegant in form, and their graceful costume, quite different from that of the Fezzanners, is well put on. They have aquiline noses, fine teeth, and lips formed like those of Europeans; their eyes are expressive, and their colour is of the brightest[225] black: there is something in their walk, and erect manner of carrying themselves, which is very striking. Their feet and ankles are delicately formed, and are not loaded with a mass of brass or iron, but have merely a light anklet of polished silver or copper, sufficient to show their jetty skin to more advantage; they wear also neat red slippers.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Tibboo Woman in full dress.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

The costume for the head is almost universally the same, the hair being plaited on each side, in such a manner as to hang down on the cheeks, like a fan, or rather in the form of a large dog’s ear. A piece of leather is fastened from the front to the back of the head, in the centre, and through this are passed twenty or thirty silver rings, each linked within the other, ending behind in a flat silver plate, which is suspended from a few tresses of hair; and in front, by a silver ornament composed of several rings, in this form:

On each side of the head, they wear an ornament of gold and rough cut agate, and round it, above the ears, a bandeau of coral, cowrie shells, or agates; several light chains of silver, having round bells at the end of them, are attached to the hair, and when dancing, produce a pleasing sound. Their necks are loaded with gaudy necklaces, and one-half of their well-formed bosoms is shown by the arrangement of their drapery: their arms are bare to the shoulders, having above the elbow neat silver rings of the thickness of a goosequill, and on the wrists one or two broader and flatter. In the ear they wear three or four silver rings of various sizes, the largest in circumference hanging the lowest. Their most singular ornament is a piece of red coral, through a hole in the right nostril, which really does not look unbecoming. The dress is a large shawl[226] of blue, or blue and white cotton, of which they have a variety of patterns, fastened over the shoulders and across the bosom, and hanging in graceful folds, so as to show the back, right breast, and right arm bare. These dresses are very short, and exhibit the leg to the calf; but with all this display, their general appearance offered nothing offensive or immodest.

They tripped about all the evening to exhibit their finery, and were proudly pointed out by their mothers, who were visiting in our neighbourhood. As our hostess had a very pretty daughter, all the young people came to call on her, which afforded them a pretence for looking at the two new Mamlukes, who had just arrived. I sat on the sand, at the door, and was much gazed at, not in the Arab way, but by stealth, from behind their little shawls, and peeping through the palm bushes.

As it was the custom on this night, for the girls to dance through the town, in every direction, I heard drums, bagpipes, and the usual accompaniment of tin-pots. At midnight I was called up to see them perform at our door. They were directed by an old woman, with a torch in one hand and a long palm branch in the other, and sung, in chorus, verses which she recited to them. Three men sung and played on drums with their hands; and by their motions regulated the dancers, who were to advance, or to retreat accordingly. The tallest girls were placed in the centre, while the younger ones formed the wings, and they then danced in a circle, round their governess. The lookers-on had torches of palm leaves, and sung occasionally, in chorus.

The chief object in the dance seemed to be the waving, gracefully, from right to left, and in time with the music, a light shawl, which was passed over the shoulders, the ends being in the hands. They employed their feet, only to advance or retreat occasionally;[227] but accompanied the change of time by movements of the head from side to side. At a given signal they all knelt, still going through the same motions of the head, and chanting their verses. They danced so exactly in time, and were dressed so much in uniform, that it appeared like witchcraft; when, on a sudden, every torch was extinguished, and the fairies vanished, to exhibit in some other part of the town.

The Tibboo women do not, like the Arabs, cover their faces; they retain their youthful appearance longer than the latter, are much more cleanly, better housewives, and particularly careful of their children, of whom they have a multitude. Their chief occupation seems to be basket-making; and they also form drinking bowls out of palm leaves, which they ornament with stripes of coloured leather, and execute with much taste and neatness. All the Fezzanners who come here to trade return loaded with these baskets, as presents for their families.

Having said so much of the agreeable qualities of the Tibboo, I feel it but candid to acknowledge their immoderate fondness for tobacco, with a great portion of which almost every mouth is crammed. Their teeth are, nevertheless, quite white, owing to the custom which is peculiar to the Mohammedans of cleaning them after eating, with a piece of stick.

The Tibboo men are slender and active in their form, and have intelligent countenances; their agility is proverbial; and they are frequently, by way of distinction, called “the Birds.” The tribes which inhabit the southern parts of Fezzan are, from circumstances, quiet and civilized; but those of the interior live chiefly by plunder, are constantly making inroads on their neighbours, and are not famed for fidelity one to another. They are not disposed to cruelty, but are most impudent thieves; and their well known character secures them the almost exclusive commerce of Waday and Baghermée,[228] no strangers, at least very few, choosing to risk a passage through their country. They are chiefly Kaffirs, and live in a state of nature, being clad with the skins of beasts, and inhabiting holes in rocks, or wretched grass huts. Their camels or maherries enable them to perform extraordinary journeys, from which circumstance they are constantly shifting their abode.

Mukni has several times desolated different parts of the country of the Tibboo of Borgoo, and Kawar, and these people now revenge themselves on whatever luckless whites may fall into their power. Their arms in the interior are three light spears and a lance, a dagger and sword, and missile weapons called Shangar, which do much execution. The Tibboo men of Gatrone are armed nearly in the same way; but their weapons are better finished, and they sometimes add a pistol to the list. The wild tribes live chiefly on dome dates, and the flesh of their flocks: they have but little corn, and are unacquainted with the art of making bread. The seeds of the Khandal, or colocynth apple, form a principal article of food amongst the Tibboo, Tibesty, and Kawār. It is not the ordinary custom amongst these people to tattoo or score the skin.

Of the Tibboo slaves who are brought to Fezzan, the females meet with the readiest market, on account of their beauty: the males are generally too light for hard work, and are not brought in any considerable number.

December 30th. Thermometer 4°. This day got a good meridian altitude of the sun, 83° 26′ 50″; which makes the latitude of Gatrone 24° 47′ 57″ North.

Gatrone is a town of itself, principally inhabited by Fezzanners, who are all black, and having, as I before observed, the Tibboo living outside in huts, with occasionally houses, of which we occupied one. There is a castle in the centre of the town, surrounded by a wall. The Tibboo do not appear to mix with the town’s[229] people, but form a separate community, and adhere to their ancient manners, language, and costume. Gatrone has a plentiful stock of Marāboots, for which profession the Fezzanners are admirably adapted. News now arrived of the Ghrazzie, or slave hunt, being within three or four days of Tegerry; corn in consequence became very dear, being one kail, or about two gallons for a dollar. In the afternoon our pretty dancers paid us another visit, and passed through the town. I certainly never saw dancing performed with more modesty, which is saying a great deal for Africans, who, generally speaking, regard decency as the last consideration, and totally incompatible with their ideas of grace.

I at this time visited Hadge el Raschid, a great Marāboot, and a very cunning fellow, who gave me much information about Waday and Tibesty, and offered to accompany me to all the Tibboo tribes, if I would give him a watch and a long telescope. It had been my intention to have accepted his terms; but I gave up the idea for the present, in consequence of Belford’s health, which was now very precarious, and which he feared would be unequal to the journey of seven days from Tegerry, over the rocks of Tibesty, without wood or water. The Marāboot treated me to a dish of the Taberca, or seeds of the colocynth apple, which were brought from Tibesty. I found them very palatable, and not at all partaking of the bitter of their outward covering. He told me many stories of the southern Tibboo; of their great love of plunder, and appropriating to themselves the property of others. They will sometimes carry off a camel in the night, which before morning will be entirely devoured; and many traders have been so completely fleeced by them as to be obliged to wait for other Kafflés, before they could return to their own country.

Of Tibesty, and the road to Waday, he gave me the following[230] information. “In Tibesty there is a large spring of hot water, which appears to boil as if over a fire. The soil in which this spring is situated is composed entirely of sulphur, in many places quite pure. The water is drank medicinally by the natives, as well as strangers who go purposely from other countries to drink it. In taste it is acid.” This man affirmed, “that all blind people, on washing their eyes with the water in question, are restored to sight; while all sores and rheumatic pains are completely cured by it.” In short, according to his account, its properties are most wonderful. The existence of such a bed of sulphur and spring water may throw some interesting light on the idea that the mountains of Tibesty are of volcanic origin.

To Waday the road from the Tibboo Borgoo is thus:

My informer had never seen Fittre, but described it as a large lake, full of fish, which is dried and salted, and sent to great distances for sale. He did not know of any river communicating with it.

Muddago is the name of some very high mountains of black stone.

Battali, which is laid down as a river, was the bed of an immense stream, now dried up entirely. He had himself seen in it large skeletons of fish and animals, shells, and trunks of trees, as in Bahr el Ghazal, from which it is north-west 5 days, and to which, perhaps, it was once attached. It still retains its name Bahr or river. He said, that from Gatrone to Wara there was not a river, or even a rivulet of any importance, except in the rainy season, when the torrents form themselves temporary beds in the Wadeys.

The slaves brought from Waday are procured from Kooka, or Kaugha, Kola, Tama, Runga, and various petty states in their vicinity.

The Tibboo have a particular breed of sheep and goats here, of the same race as those of Bornou and Soudan. The tails of the sheep are in some so long as to touch the ground, and are very taper. These animals are distinguished from the other species, by being called Majiggri; they are hairy, and generally of a dark colour. The goats are elegant little creatures, and have hair as sleek and shining as that of a horse. They are plentiful, and tolerably cheap.

December 31st. Thermometer 4°. I was unable all yesterday to procure one dollar’s worth of corn, owing to its extreme scarcity; and even Gaphooly, or Indian wheat, bore the same price as corn at Morzouk.

My Maherry being in very poor case, the Marāboot promised to take care of him until my return from the southward. This[232] morning I gave to the woman of the house in which we had stopped a dollar, which being a large sum, she appeared very grateful for, but at the same time begged a little butter also. When packing up, and preparing for my departure, she again attacked me, saying, “What, then, will you not give me a little corn or some gaphooly, or other little present? You can come again, you know:” a specimen of Tibboo covetousness so closely allied to the Fezzan, that I suspect one tribe must have obtained some valuable hints from the other. A Fezzan proverb says, “Give a Morzoukōwi your finger, he will beg first the elbow, and then the shoulder-bone, as keep-sakes.”

The Tibboo on meeting after absence do not shake or touch hands, as the Arabs do; but, squatting on their heels at some distance from each other, with their spears in their right hands, turn their backs, and continue for a time saying, “La La! La La! La La!” which is their salutation, and which signifies “peace.” They then rise, and, approaching each other, enter into conversation. The Tibboo speak very fast; and their language, which is full of liquid letters, is really very pretty, and not resembling any of the other Negro dialects. Many of the women came to ask for medicine to make them bear children[3], some wanting boys, others girls; I was, however, obliged to disappoint them, declaring I had none which could ensure their wishes. This they one and all disbelieved, observing that they supposed I was unwilling to tell the secret to strangers; but that in my country, the land of the Nazarines, every one was acquainted with it.

[233]Tibboo Language.

December 31st. We started at twelve o’clock, and on the sands met about fifty girls neatly dressed, dancing in two lines, and preceded by a couple of drummers. They advanced to us, and surrounded our horses, kneeling and singing choruses. After this[234] they rose and danced round us, when Besheer most ungallantly fired his gun, and rode amongst them as in a slave-hunt, which threw them into great confusion, and convinced me that I had never in my life seen better runners.

The music of the Tibboo, as well as of Fezzan, consists chiefly of drums, which are made of a block of palm-tree hollowed out, and having a skin stretched at each end, beaten on one side by a stick, and on the other with the hand. (This instrument is called Gongāa قنقع). They have a kind of rude bagpipe, called Zuccra, زكّرا, and smaller drums than the Gongāa, called Dubdaba, ظبظبه.

Our road was over sand, with small clumps of young palm bushes and Attila scattered at intervals, until two, when we arrived at the little village of El Bakkhi, and pitched our tent before a neat house belonging to the Sheikh, who was a Marāboot. We were much delighted at having two large trees of Gurda, some fig-trees, vines, and palms, in front of us.

The water of the well was comparatively good, and the Marāboot’s son, in the absence of his father, was very civil to us. So much verdure, though within the compass of half an acre, made this place appear to us quite a Paradise; but on turning again, we saw with very different feelings the wide desert, stretching like an immense sea as far as the eye could reach. The women appeared here, as at Gatrone, busy in making their baskets.

The Marāboot’s son, a boy of about sixteen years of age (whom the Kaid always styled “Sidi Marāboot,” particularly when he brought any thing to eat), was all attention, and we dined rurally under the first shady tree of any size we had yet seen.

The Gurd is a species of Mimosa, having a yellow flower, and small delicate leaves resembling the acacia. It produces a pod, also called gurd, which, from its great astringency, is used in the[235] preparation of leather, as well as in dying black. It is frequently employed from its healing qualities.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by M. Gauci.

Tibboo of Gatrone.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

January 1st, 1820. Thermometer 5°. Our new year’s morning was beautiful, and we felt quite refreshed, and free from pain. On striking our tent we found in the top about two quarts of flies, which had taken refuge from the cold, and were quite torpid, and which we buried. At 8.15. we left with much regret this delightful spot, and I gave the young man a knife and some beads.

We rode over a plain, and at 10.15. arrived at Medroosa, مدروسا, a small neat village, having come south-west by south six miles. We found a large bowl of lackbi awaiting us, and I afterwards discovered that the Kaid had sent overnight to order it. We took from hence a supply of dates for our horses, and endeavoured to buy a kid; but the price of it being two dollars, and its size not exceeding that of a small cat, I was unwillingly compelled to relinquish it. At 11.25. the camel passed; we mounted and followed it to a well outside the town, where we watered our horses. Near this well are some holes for making tar, according to the manner of the Tibboo, which is thus: a pot is buried deep in the ground with the mouth upwards, which is covered by a[236] piece of another pot with a hole bored in it; a large jar is then filled with bones and date stones, and its mouth is filled with a handful of the fibres of the palm. This is inverted on the perforated piece, and round it a strong fire of wood and camels’ dung is burnt, until the pit is full of red hot ashes. The tar then filters into the lower pot, which is dug up when the upper one cools: it is immediately fit for use. Gerbas (or water-skins) are rubbed with this composition, which resembles coal tar in smell and appearance; and it is applied to the sores of camels.

I observed that every man we met after leaving Gatrone was armed with the Harba, or long spear, and wore the dagger at his wrist.

At 4.15. arrived, after traversing a plain literally covered with the tracks of hyænas and jackals, at a few palms, and a well, called Kasarawa. The unevenness of the road delayed the camel until 6.15. We had travelled south 40° west, fourteen miles from Medroosa. It was not necessary to pitch our tents, as we found some palm branches, which formed a comfortable shade, in which, by the light of the full moon, we took our new year’s dinner of bazeen. There is a great deal of Deesa, a kind of light rush, growing here; and we collected, while our dinner was cooking, a quantity for our horses. It requires much beating with a stick before these animals can eat it. This is the fodder which is always taken from Tegerry to feed the horses and camels, in Kafflés passing the Tibesty mountains.

We were agreeably surprised by the Kaid’s producing a couple of fowls, which he had, unknown to me, gratuitously procured at Medroosa, to make amends for the disappointment we had experienced in not purchasing the kid.

As the Tibboo are not famed for respecting the goods of travellers,[237] we prepared all our arms, and having a large fire in front of us, we lay down very snugly in our Bornouses. Our fears were, however, groundless, nothing disturbing us but the wild rats in their foraging expeditions.

January 2nd. Thermometer 1° 40′, which was the lowest we had yet seen in Fezzan; we were, however, taught to expect ice before the winter should pass. The ground we had gone over since leaving Gatrone was a narrow stripe of three or four miles, and sometimes only half a mile in breadth, bounded on either side by the desert, from which it was only distinguishable by being here and there able to produce a miserable dwarf thorn bush.

Our camel had disappeared in the night, and we were all in confusion, searching for him in different directions, and doubting whether he had been stolen by the Tibboo, or had strayed on the desert, either of which events would have been equally unhappy for us.

A severe attack of hemma prevented my joining the party which had gone out in search of the camel, and at two the driver returned with the animal. We learnt that he had tracked the fugitive back to Medroosa, in the gardens of which place he was wandering, probably to look for the Maherry, to which he was much attached. The skill of the Arabs is really extraordinary in tracking their animals over plains covered with the feet-marks of other camels and men.

We soon set out, and from a rising ground observed that the desert was skirted by distant hills from north-east to south. Thermometer 25°. An old castle, called Gusser Hallem, bore south 50° west. At 3.15. we passed it: our road was very uneven, the ground being covered with little hummocks bearing small bushes. My horse, which felt no compassion for my liver complaint, started[238] every five minutes at the dead wood, and caused me extreme pain. This little stripe of sand was never above a mile in breadth, and sometimes ceased altogether in a gravelly desert. We observed several locusts flying about. At 6.30. arrived at Tegerry, the southern limit of Fezzan, and obtained a tolerably good house; indeed, the only whole one in the place, built within a space surrounded by the walls of the ancient castle. Here we procured good stabling for our horses, and were free from interruption. No one could come to stare at us, and we were able to shut the castle gate in due form at night.

We made south 55° west, fourteen miles. No news had arrived of the Ghrazzie.

[239]CHAPTER VI.

Castle of Tegerry — Description of the Town — Some Accounts of the Desert of Bilma — Salt Lake of Agram — Ride out on the Desert — Leave Tegerry — Belford’s dangerous State — Return to Gatrone — Arrival of the Grazzie, or Slave-hunters, with many Captives and Camels — Account of their Excursion, and of Borgoo and Wajunga — Manner of making Captives — Leave Gatrone in Company with the Grazzie — Mestoota — Reception at Deesa — Feast at Zaizow — Return to Morzouk — Go out to witness the Triumph of the Slave-hunters — Sultan’s Reception of his Son — Remarks on Grazzies — Accounts of Slave-markets — Arrival of Aboo Becker, and Continuation of Mukni in Command — Further Accounts of the Countries of the Tibboo — Arrangements in the Sale of Slaves, so as to ensure the Sultan his Share.

January 3rd. Thermometer 10° on the house-top before the sun rose. This was a striking difference from the temperature of the day before. The Castle walls were about thirty feet thick at bottom, and ten at top, and were composed, as usual, of mud, having small loopholes for musquetry. It formerly had commanded the town, but was at this time in a ruined state. There were wells in the Castle of very salt water. The similarity of the Arab and French names for an embrazure is striking, the former calling it embrāza. Close to the Castle we observed several large stagnant pools of water, which had been caused by taking the clay away to re-erect the walls. I cannot conceive that these places contribute much to the healthiness of the town. The date trees are in and close round the houses. The inhabitants are very little superior to[240] savages, and the Arabic is scarcely understood. The language spoken is Bornou.

This being the resting-place of Kafflés from Bornou, Waday, and sometimes Soudan, provisions are always very dear, the inhabitants selling to the half-starved merchants, who arrive from those places, at whatever price they please. Corn is not to be procured; but gaphooly and barley, poor substitutes! are sold at the rate of three quarts for a dollar. Dates are certainly very cheap, a camel load selling at about three quarters of a dollar. The people of Tegerry have not the custom of burying their dates as in Morzouk, but put them in bins built for that purpose in their houses, and cover or mix them with sand: others keep them on the flat roofs, as there is no fear of their being injured by rain.

A few years ago this country was famed for the excesses committed by the inhabitants, who robbed, and not unfrequently murdered, travellers. Even large Kafflés were not secure from them, until Mukni took several into slavery, and otherwise regulated them.

It must be confessed, that the Arabs and Fezzanners have not the least compassion for the people on whom they may be quartered. A Fezzanner, if obliged to feed one man and horse for a day, considers himself cruelly treated, though he dares not complain; but should he himself obtain an order from the Sultan to go to a distant place with five or six horsemen, he will eat at every cluster of huts, insisting on meat (which is extravagantly dear), for the whole party, and taking besides a few live fowls, or a sheep, and a dozen or two of loaves with him.

As I made a practice of paying in money, trinkets, or cutlery for whatever we required, I was continually advised not to do so, but to avail myself of my order from the Sultan, which warranted my taking what I pleased. The people were indeed so accustomed[241] to imposition, that they were themselves astonished at receiving any remuneration for the articles they supplied us with.

Some of the places at which we stopped, contained scarcely a dozen huts. We were six in number, with four horses and two camels, yet a feast was always ordered, until I discovered what shameful advantage was taken of the poor inhabitants; I then instantly forbade the Sheikh at his peril to deprive them in future of a fowl, or any other article of food. The Fezzanners will drink pure fat, butter, or oil, with the greatest avidity; this occasions their complaining continually of bile.

Tegerry is the southernmost town in Fezzan, and here the cultivation of the palm ceases. The dates are very fine, and generally in great plenty. The Desert is close to the town, which lies to the southward of its palms.

Sun’s meridian altitude, 85° 2′ 50″, which gives the latitude 24° 4′ north. In this place they do not cultivate Lifts لفت (turnips), or radishes; a very few dwarf carrots, some onions and pompions, are their chief garden productions. The corn here is not in so forward a state as that of Morzouk.

Belford again complained of a bilious attack, and was, as in former cases, so giddy as to be scarcely able to walk. I greatly feared that this return of his complaint would finally prevent my going as far as Tibesty, which I fully intended doing.

In the course of our cooking I observed that a date plastered over a hole in a leaky pot renders it quite tight for one boiling, and as dates are more easily procured than tinkers on a journey, this hint may be worth noticing by those who may hereafter travel in this country.

January 4th. Thermometer 2°, wind northerly.—I was again very severely attacked with hemma, and, as usual, suffered much[242] pain in the spleen and liver. I imagined this attack to proceed from the coarseness of our bazeen, which was made of bad gaphooly, and resembled dough. The Sheikh brought me a dome date, which was a curiosity rarely seen in Fezzan; it was the size of a large cob walnut. The rind, which is hard and dry, is the only part eaten, and is gnawed off; under it is a hard covering, which encloses the stone; the outer shell is so strong as to resist a hammer, and even to break knives. The taste of the rind is not much unlike that of stale gingerbread, which it resembles both in smell and colour. There were four trees of the dome date here, which I purposed seeing. I was so fortunate as to purchase a dried and smoked fish from the Niger near Kashna, which I intended taking to England.

This evening, while lying in my bed, I heard the mewing of a cat, which our people imagined must be the devil. At first they attempted to laugh; but the boy significantly remarking that “the Castle was a very old place,” Besheer and the Kaid hastened to load their guns, and to fire them off in the Skeefa; Iblis, or the devil, being much averse to gunpowder, or any thing of which sulphur forms a part; each then, taking a lighted palm branch, rushed out to look for the cause of their alarm; the poor cat had, however, in the meantime escaped. On their return, the camel man, whom they considered a great scholar, roared out the Korsi, a most powerful charm against every kind of spirit, from Iblis and the little Shiateen, or young devils, down to gholes and afrites. After this comforting stave, he hurried over several chapters of the Koran in the same key; but owing to the Kaid’s musket not going off until he had snapped it four or five times, their fears remained in full force, and they continued talking and praying until a late hour, convinced that Iblis was still in the house. They were not[243] much pleased with my ridiculing their fears, observing, that although in my country there might be no devils, I ought not, therefore, to doubt their existence in Fezzan, for there were plenty in every old house. Even the discovery of the cat after this disturbance, could not in any way remove their prejudices.

January 5th. Thermometer 7°, wind north-east.—Belford and myself better to-day; the water very brackish, which not a little increased our weakness.

From a Zuela Arab, who had lately returned from Benghāzi and Derna, I obtained the following account, which I have reason to suppose correct, as he was a better informed man than the generality of Arabs.

Zuela to Temissa, 2 days of eight hours each; the first east, the second north.

Temissa to Fuggha, 2 long summer days, and three and a half in winter, north-north-east. It is one day west of the Harutz el Abiad, and is situated in a wadey between two mountains, which run north-east and south-west.

They make very good jereeds and abas at Fuggha.

All these are watering places. Derna is a considerable town on the coast; it is walled, and has a large Mosque with sixty arches.

From Tegerry to Bilma, according to the Account of some Travellers recently arrived from thence.

[245]I found no one who knew of the salt lakes of Domboo, laid down in all the maps; but there is abundance of salt at Agram, (which is four days from Bilma west-south-west,) and a large lake, on the borders of which this article is collected. The Tuarick of Aghades go there, and carry away great quantities to Soudan. This agrees with the accounts of Domboo; and from the circumstance of the Tuarick going to Agram, and the position of that place, I am led to imagine it may be the same with Domboo, though under another appellation. The Tibboo immediately to the northward of Bornou are Wandela, Gunda, and Traita, which tribes are all mingled together. Tibesty is east of the Bornou road, and on the road to Waday. I here saw a woman who pretended to tell fortunes by examining the palm of the hand; which is the first instance of the kind I have met with.

Belford considering himself quite unable to go to El Wiekh, whither I was about to proceed, I resolved on leaving him with the Kaid and Barca, to recruit his strength, proposing to return about the sixth day. I went to the gardens to see the dome trees, and obtained a few of the domes, but they were not quite ripe. The trees, which I saw were considered by the natives as small ones, being about twenty feet in height, and seven or eight in a cluster. I learnt that the fruit ripens in the spring about the same time as the corn. These trees have the trunk of the common palm, though covered with branches; and the domes grow from the sides, as well as the top of the tree. The leaves are all curved, and being very thick, form a pretty head; they are of a light green; and along their edges, and from their tops, a fibre resembling long black hair hangs down. They all unite at about three inches from their common stalk. This tree is the palm of Bornou, the Tibboo, and the Tuarick.

January 6th. Thermometer 4°; wind southerly.—It had been my[246] wish this morning to proceed to the well called El Wiekh, in hopes of there meeting the Ghrazzie; but fearing to leave Belford for so long a time, I determined on riding out to the southward as far as the day would allow me: my object in so doing was to see the state of that part of the desert, which I found the same as the one we had passed. I returned at night, and learnt, that at Mogreb the Kaid of the town had arrived from Morzouk, with two camels laden with clothes, oil, butter, and other articles for Aleiwa and such of the Sultan’s immediate household as were with him: as this man brought news that the army would pass Tegerry on the morrow, it made my proposed journey unnecessary.

January 7th. Fine morning; thermometer 4°.—Myself much better, Belford very weak. At half past eight the camel started, and at nine we followed; quite rejoiced at escaping from the salt water, damaged barley, and miserable people of Tegerry. At six we arrived at Medroosa, where, even for money, I could procure no food, and where they totally disregarded the Sultan’s order. Unfortunately my character had preceded me: “He is a fool who actually pays for every thing, and yet has the power of taking it.” They carried their resistance so far, that I was at last obliged to exercise the power given me in the Teskera; but it was so late before I got the better of them, that nothing could be cooked that night. My custom of paying for every thing at the places we had passed would actually have exposed me to the risk of being nearly starved all the way back, had I not at last made them sensible of my power.

I now began to feel much alarm respecting Belford, whom we had left some hours before, slowly following with the camel and its driver, but who did not come up with us. After having made frequent and anxious search for him, to our great relief he arrived at 11.45. P.M.; though in a most deplorable condition, having fallen[247] from his horse in consequence of excessive weakness and dizziness. The camel man saw the animal without its rider, and was still more fortunate in observing Belford as he lay extended and helpless on the desert; where, but for this providential discovery, he must have remained all night, at the risk of his life; exposed to severe cold, and in danger of being devoured by the immense herds of jackals and hyænas which were prowling about the plain, and whose howlings we heard all round the village. The poor fellow was so deaf, that our voices could not have reached him, even at the highest pitch; and the night being very dark, every attempt to find him would have been fruitless. Much as he required food and restoratives, we had, unhappily, none to give him, the people of the village refusing to supply us. A little coffee was all we could prepare for him, and that his stomach rejected. In this dilemma, all that remained was to cover him up as comfortably as we could, and to place him on the sandy floor, where we left him, in the hope that his total exhaustion would at least produce quiet and undisturbed sleep.

January 8th. Thermometer 2° 40′; wind northerly.—Belford was this day a little better. At eight the camel started. We observed a Fakeer, or schoolmaster, sitting with his scholars on the sand; one roaring, the others squeaking sentences of the Koran. This man hearing me reproach the natives for their want of hospitality on the previous evening, in refusing assistance to a sick stranger, went into his house, and brought out five eggs, all the food he possessed, which he hoped Belford would eat. This kind action redeemed the character of the village; for had it not been on this good man’s account, I should certainly have complained to the Sultan, and he would, in consequence, have imposed on the offenders a fine of a certain number of dollars, slaves, or cattle, a plan he is very expert in. Indeed, he never loses sight of any[248] opportunity of exacting such penalties, as they not only enrich him, but make his subjects stand in awe of him. At ten we proceeded: Belford still better, but remaining very giddy. At four, having stopped at El Bakkhi to drink the excellent water there, we arrived at Gatrone, and put up at the house of our former hostess.

January 9th. Thermometer 1° 40′.—Belford was much recovered. The Kaid this morning made me some excellent ink of the pods of the Gurd tree, of which I have already spoken, and a bright yellow earth resembling sulphur in colour, easily dissolvible in water, and acid to the taste, called Shahaira, and brought from Bilma by the Tibboo.

The news of the return of the army had so frightened the people here, that I could not find either a sheep or goat, and was obliged to kill a beautiful Majiggri (which I had brought from Tegerry, and intended taking to England) to make soup for poor Belford.—My hostess informed me that she had lost three children in three successive years by the sting of scorpions. Each child was, at the time it died, two years of age: all were boys, and all had received the sting in the room in which we were.

The fondness of these people for show is quite as great as at Tripoli. This afternoon a Marāboot, brother to my friend El Hadge el Raschid, and one of the chief men here, came in from the Ghrazzie, which he had left at El Bakkhi. He arrived in the gardens early, but could not enter the town until some gaudy clothes, and a fine horse, had been sent out to him, that he might make his entrance as a great personage. In the evening I heard the Tubbel sounded for the first time. This is a large drum, which is generally kept at the house or hut of the Sheikh. When sounded, it is to announce to the natives that news, or some order from the Sultan has arrived, which is loudly proclaimed by the Sheikh, or people who may be ordered to do so. Those who are at a distance come and listen to[249] the proclamation, and carry it to their neighbours. This evening it was an order to every family to supply a certain quantity of food on the morrow for the Ghrazzie “of our Lord the Sultan,” and a proportionate allowance of straw and dates for the horses; we took the hint, and secured three days’ fodder for ours. I was informed that all the towns south of Morzouk have these drums, but I had never seen one; the poor people consider this kind of sound as not very agreeable, for they never hear the music without paying the piper.

In the course of our journey Besheer often mentioned his having been at the Bahr el Ghazal; and his account agrees with almost every one I have heard. He says that there must once have been a great sea there, as he himself has picked up handsome shells, (according to the Arabs, Beit el Khoot, بيت الخوت, or fishes’ houses,) imbedded in the earth, and as large as his double fist; also backbones of fish the size of his arm, (no small one,) which were petrified; and he added, that if the pieces were joined together, it would appear that the fish, when alive, must have been ten or twelve feet in length. The Kaid dressed and dried, with the hair on, the skin of the sheep I had killed, by stretching it on the ground, and rubbing it with Gurd pods pounded, and afterwards with salt; he allowed it one day to dry, and then softened it by rubbing it with butter, the hair remaining perfectly firm.

January 10th. Thermometer 2° 30′. Went out to meet Sidi Aleiwa and the Ghrazzie, whom I joined at El Bakkhi. The horsemen were in a body, and the foot and captives followed. After many compliments, and shaking hands with all my old friends, I returned with them to Gatrone. They had brought with them 800 lean cripples, clad in skins and rags, between 2000 and 3000 Maherries, and about 500 asses: 180 of the mounted Arabs, and about 300 foot, were still left behind in the negro country;[250] 100 horses came with Aleiwa, and 400 Arabs; nearly 1000 camels, and many captives, had died on the road, besides children: the death of the latter was not included, as they were not considered of any importance. If a brutal Arab found a child in a plundered village, so young as to require milk, it was considered sufficient to try to keep the poor infant a day or two on dates and water mixed, and if it sickened, to throw it on the road side to die, or to be devoured by the jackals. A wretch of the Boowadie Arabs, endeavoured to laugh at an acknowledgment of his having followed this odious practice; and he was much astonished at my driving him out of the house in consequence.

I could not in any instance find that these cowardly ruffians ever dared to attack an armed man, whilst they inflicted every species of cruelty on invalids, old people, and children. Mohammed el Lizari, a friend of ours and a principal Mamluke of Fezzan, was the actual commander of this expedition, though Aleiwa was the nominal one. This man was so disgusted at the scenes which he had witnessed, that he determined never again to accompany the Ghrazzie; indeed his having now done so was not with his own consent, but in consequence of an order from Mukni, which precluded all possibility of refusal. The Ghrazzie had been six months absent, during which time they had overrun Bergoo (of the Tibboo), Wajunga, and the southern part of the Bahr el Ghazal. In Bergoo their success was not great, as the Tibboo were warned of their approach, and had nimbly betaken themselves to their native fastnesses in the rocks. Afraid to follow them, these wretches made themselves amends by firing at the poor Negroes, well aware that they had no guns with which to defend or revenge themselves. On the return of these people through Tibesty, with which country Mukni is at peace, they endeavoured to take a few of the Tibboo camels (in a friendly way,) and for that purpose sent three of the[251] Sultan’s household slaves to demand that they should be given up; these the Tibboo seized and put to death, considering them as nothing less than robbers. Aleiwa’s people, however, succeeded in taking prisoners some of this tribe, cutting the throats of fifteen men and women, and making captive 130 young men and girls, with 200 camels. I was induced to ask who were the aggressors in this case. “Oh! the Tibboo assuredly, for they are Kaffirs and thieves: we only wanted 300 or 400 camels for the Sultan, and were at peace with them, and did not intend making any slaves; therefore they ought not to have resisted us.”

The Tibboo of Borgoo are all Kaffirs, but are quiet inoffensive people, living in houses made of palm-leaf mats, called Booshi, which are so closely woven, that the rain cannot penetrate them. I have seen huts of this description at Gatrone and Tegerry, and consider them superior to the Fezzan houses in general. Very little corn is cultivated in Bergoo, the inhabitants subsisting chiefly on dates, which grow there in immense quantities, of an inferior kind, and on the flesh of their sheep, goats, and camels: they have also a small breed of black cattle, but these are chiefly used for milking. The arms of these people I have spoken of in a former page. Their dress has very little variety; and except the skins of animals they have only such coarse cloths as they sometimes obtain from their trading neighbours, which they wear, having a piece before and another behind, hanging down as low as the knees. Boys and girls are entirely naked, and few of the men have any other covering than a leather wrapper round the loins; all have the head bare. Marriage, according to the accounts of the Arabs, who vilify them in order to excuse their own cruelties, is unknown among them, and the women are in common: brothers and sisters live together, and confess it when asked. They have no knowledge of a God; they[252] are, nevertheless, peaceable and neighbourly towards each other. One or two whom I questioned, admitted that there was a great Spirit who, made them; but laughed when I asked where he was to be found? They imagine thunder and lightning to be produced by their deceased friends, and are therefore very fearful during a storm. They eat the blood of camels when baked over a fire; and they also will eat animals which die a natural death. Lizari came and lodged with us; we provided him with clothes, and made him as comfortable as we could. Neither he, nor any of the Ghrazzie, had for the last forty-two days tasted any other food than dates; he was fat, however, and so were they all, which is a strong proof of the nutritious quality of that fruit.

Mukni, who was very jealous of Lizari, and bore him great ill will, sent orders to certain people to murder him, by firing ball at him whilst at their evenings’ diversions; but his situation as a great man in Fezzan, and his excellent private character, had made him so respected, that those who had orders to kill him came and informed him of his danger, promising to defend rather than to injure him. He remained, however, in most unpleasant suspense, lest a second order should be more effectual. Even in our house, and in the same room with us, he slept with his pistols cocked under his head, and his sabre by his side.

The people of Wajunga are much allied to the Tibboo in their habits, arms, &c.; but the men have a way of plaiting their hair which is very remarkable, and in some it resembles the curling of a ram’s horn, in size and shape.

I saw this day a fine young Tibboo woman of Gatrone, who was inquiring amongst the Arabs if any one of them had a child to sell. She soon found one, whose mother had died on the road: it was about three weeks old, and miserably thin. As she wanted to suckle[253] it, having lost her own infant, she bargained for it, and at last purchased it with a wooden bowl of about the value of sixpence, and a gallon of dates, worth about a penny more. She however soon returned with the child, which she tossed back to the man who had sold it, complaining that it would not take the breast, and demanding the purchase money back. The dates had been eaten, but the bowl was returned to her; and so ended the bargain, an Arab taking charge of the poor infant, and promising to carry it home to his wife.

A sick child whom I took under my care, and to whom I administered medicine, amused me much by his alarm at the sight of bread when shewn to him for the first time. I offered him a little flat loaf, and he was for a long while considering whether he should venture to touch it, but at last mustered courage to take it up, apparently in great trepidation, holding it between his fingers and thumbs, and frequently turning it round. Having first smelt to it, he began to nibble; and being very hungry and cold, and finding it not quite so terrific as he imagined, the poor little fellow despatched it very soon. I continued to feed him for the two or three days we remained together, and his mode of expressing his gratitude, was by coming close to me, and looking up in my face.

Many of the children were carried in leather bags, which the Tibboo make use of to keep their corn in; and in one instance I saw a nest of children on one side of a camel, and its young one in a bag, hanging on the other. The Arabs brought many asses and sheep from Borgoo: the former are very large and fine, and arrived in high condition, whereas the horses and camels were skeletons. I here had an opportunity of seeing the manner of chaining the prisoners. Five Wajunga men, fierce, well made, handsome people,[254] about 25 years of age, were linked together. The right hand is fastened to the neck, round which is an iron collar, having two rings in the back; through this the heavy chain is passed and locked at each end on the unhappy slaves. The owner sleeps with this chain tied to his wrist, when in fear of their escaping. I was informed by their masters, that these men had been so confined during three months, “because they were fierce fellows, and had actually resisted their captors; but above all, they had been guilty of endeavouring to make their escape when taken.” Their cowardly owners dreaded them even in Fezzan. These were the only strong young men in the Kafflé; almost all the other males being little boys, or infirm old men.

The Tibboo of Borgoo are represented as a timid race, in such dread of a gun or horse, that the bare sight of an Arab, and particularly a mounted one, is sufficient to put a number of them to flight. They run with great swiftness, and when endeavouring to escape, use many successful and ingenious feints. For instance; if pursued on rocky ground, they will kneel suddenly in such a manner, as to resemble a rock or stone, the mountains in their own country being black like themselves; if where wood is lying, they embrace the trunk of a tree: if on sandy ground, they stand on an eminence, until their pursuer is in the hollow near them, they then run to the next hollow, and change their direction or even bury themselves before he gets to the rising ground. They show equal skill in eluding the vigilance of their keepers when caught. Mukni has often told me stories of their cunning, with evident astonishment and anger, that these poor wretches should dare to use their wits to such advantage. One of his remarks was, “if you catch one, and do not immediately bind him, when you turn away from him, he will run off.”

[255]The country from whence these poor victims come produces sufficient dates to furnish the whole army, and the conquerors brought away enough to supply their slaves and animals. There are in this country some singular insulated rocks, which are almost inaccessible, and which stand on plains of sand. On these many of the Tibboo live, and by means of large stones and arrows are able to keep off any people, who, like themselves, are without muskets. The Sultan’s army, in a former Ghrazzie, stormed some of these fastnesses; and though they were superior in number and arms, and the Tibboo naturally timid, they met with very severe loss.

The plan adopted by the Arabs in taking these people is described in the following manner.—They rest for the night, two or three hours ride from the village intended to be attacked; and after midnight, leaving their tents and camels, with a small guard, they advance, so as to arrive by daylight; they then surround the place, and, closing in, generally succeed in taking all the inhabitants. As those who elude the first range have also to pass several bodies placed on the look-out, and armed with guns, their chance of escape is almost impossible. On a rising ground, at a convenient distance, is placed a standard, round which are stationed men prepared to receive and bind the captives, as they are brought out by those who enter the town: when bound, the pillagers return for fresh plunder. In the course of one morning, a thousand or fifteen hundred slaves have sometimes been procured in this manner, by two or three hundred men only. When the inhabitants are all secured, the camels, flocks, and provisions, come into requisition; and these dreaded Arabs march on and conquer other defenceless hordes, in the same manner. The Tibboo of Borgoo are of a lighter complexion than other Negroes, and are handsome people. The females braid their hair, which is not very woolly, in long plaits,[256] which hang down round their head in bobbins of sometimes eighteen inches in length.

The Arabs found many pigeons in Borgoo; these birds emigrate from Fezzan in October and November, to Kawār, Bilma, Borgoo, and other places to the southward.

January 12th. Therm. 3°. Left Gatrone, and preceded the Ghrazzie to the wells of Wudakaire, from which place I have already noted the bearings to Gatrone. We slept here, and took care that it should be at least a mile distant from the Arabs. My Maherry was now in tolerable condition, owing to the care taken of him by the Marāboot, to whom I sent a six-bladed knife, as an acknowledgment for his trouble; this he considered so splendid a present, that his house had a constant succession of visitors, to see and admire its wonderful blades, saws, &c. which were opened with great care, and looked on with astonishment.

January 13th. Therm. 2°. 10′.—We left Wudakaire at 7.20. and passed over a desert of sand, without a break in the horizon, N. 10°. W. 35 miles, when at seven we arrived at Mestoota مستوته, a small spot of about two miles in circumference, covered with palm and Attila bushes; and having a low marsh, abounding in rushes, and the favourite shrubs of the camels, viz. Deesa ديسه, Agool عقول, and Dthamaran ظمرعن. There are many wells here, and an old ruined Arab castle. We observed the Ghrazzie to encamp about five miles short of this place. The Jerboas were here in immense quantities, and ran over our heads the whole night: they were even bold enough to attempt stealing a piece of bread from under my head.

Friday 14th. Therm. 2°. 30′. below zero.—Water which we had left in a bowl over night, became ice of the thickness of half an inch; and the Gerbas (water skins) were so completely frozen up at the necks, that we were obliged to melt them over a fire. What[257] must the poor naked Negroes, who know no winter, have suffered during the whole of this night, lying out uncovered, on the sand! We had a long chase after our horses, which had broken loose and gone away, until 10.20. when, after much trouble in securing them, we set off, passing as before over a flat plain of sand until 3.20. when we arrived at some dangerously high sand hills; down which I every moment expected the Maherry, which carried myself and two sacks of dates, would tumble. At 7.30. we arrived safely past the hills at Māfen معفن, a small village which I saw from Traghan, when first I went there. We had travelled, when on the plain, N. 35°. E. 15 miles, and over the sand hills, N. 10°. E. 12 miles.

Saturday 15th. Therm. 2°. Fine morning.—Started at nine from Māfen, and passed over a most curious plain of salt and earth, so broken by the sun, that it resembled the rough and irregular lava of Vesuvius; large slabs of four or five feet in height, with sharp points, were sticking up in every direction, and as hard as stone. I think it next to an impossibility for a man to walk even a few yards over this ground. A poor path, barely wide enough for a camel, has been cut and worn through it; but many accidents still happen by animals falling on their journey over it. This extraordinary bed extends east and west above twenty miles, and is about three in breadth at this part. I paid it a much longer visit than I could have wished, being attacked so severely by hemma, as to be obliged to dismount and lie in the road, until the afternoon, without water to relieve me, or any thing at hand to assuage the pain in my liver.

On my recovery, we passed Traghan, without entering the town; and having refreshed ourselves at a well of tolerably good water, went on with Besheer to his house at Deesa, where he killed the fatted calf, and gave us the most cordial welcome. His mother and young wife came out to receive us, and with his sisters, wept[258] for joy at his return. I gave the old woman some eye medicine, for which she wanted me to accept a fine fat-tailed sheep; and his sister furnished us with eggs, fowls, and sour milk in abundance. Kaid Saad would not stop here; but after taking Lackbi enough to make him merry, set off for Zaizow, to prepare a welcome for us on the morrow.

January 16th. Therm. 4°. We set out at ten for Morzouk. I suffered Belford and the camel to go on, and remained amongst the surrounding little hamlets, with Besheer, who introduced me to his friends and neighbours, many compliments passing on both sides. He also presented me to a very pretty girl whom he had fixed on as his new wife, making two his complement. About noon, we heard the firing of the Ghrazzie’s people on entering Beedan بيدان a village near Zaizow, and soon after, arriving at the latter place, we alighted at the residence of Kaid Saad. We found him lying on the ground, most amusingly drunk and communicative, and surrounded by fowls and bread, eggs, cakes, soup, sweet and sour lackbi, and dates.

He was all generosity, and would have given us his whole house, and into the bargain, even his old wife, who waited on us during the meal, and was highly oiled for the occasion. We soon discovered, as he was not in condition to keep a secret, why he had recourse to such large draughts of lackbi. He had boasted, all the time he was with me, of his second wife, and had promised I should be treated with a sight of her, if he could prevail on so beautiful and bashful a creature to show her face to any other man than her husband: no sooner, however, had he left Zaizow to accompany me a month before, than this charming person decamped. She first collected as much corn as she could find, and a dollar or two which were hoarded up; and after abusing her house-mate, the elder wife, set out for Morzouk. Report spoke unfavourably of her conduct[259] there, and the old man was endeavouring, in consequence, to drown his sorrows in his favourite liquor. The lady of the house presented me with a bowl of Soudan manufacture.

This afternoon, a man came to me for medicine, for a pain in the chest, and opening his shirt, displayed the most sickening sight I ever beheld: he had been so burnt over the whole of his breast, that it had festered, and become a sore of above a foot in diameter, and had so eaten into his skin, that I imagined he could not survive many days. I had nothing with me which would relieve him, but advised that his sore should be kept clean, a precaution which had never entered his head. His friend, who brought him to me, said, that for all the world he would not suffer him to be washed, as he had read in a book, that using water to a burn occasioned certain death. Thus, owing to their ignorance and prejudice, this poor man probably lost his life. After being nearly killed with kindness, we set out. The Kaid, though almost incapable of sitting his own poor lean horse, amused himself by riding at full speed before and across mine, screeching and discharging his gun out of compliment to me; but happily for his own neck, and I may add for mine also, in about half an hour his powder failed him.

In the evening we arrived at Morzouk, and found that my kind friends, Yussuf and the old Hadje, had prepared a feast for me. I went to visit Mukni, who received me very graciously, and thanked me for going to meet his son, whom he pretended to be ashamed of, for not having presented me with a couple of Maherrys; one to eat, and the other to ride on. Yussuf and the old man spent the greater part of the night with us, relating all the city news; and I promised them, that on the morrow, I would set out with the Sultan’s two youngest sons, to Hadge Hajeel, to meet and return with the Ghrazzie to Morzouk.

[260]January 17th. Therm. 6°.—I set out as I had proposed, with the Mamlukes and a large body of Fezzanners, to meet their friends; for which, on joining Aleiwa’s people, I received many thanks and compliments: having only slept one night at my own house, I was not expected to leave it again so quickly. I here found my little patient, whom I mentioned before, quite recovered, and able, by his master’s instruction, to thank me in a few words of Arabic. This little fellow’s patience, during illness, had so won on his master, a shoemaker of Morzouk, that he had adopted him; and intended, instead of selling, to bring him up to his own trade, in which, if the boy succeeds, he is to make me a pair of boots on my return. We spent this afternoon in singing and eating, and every one assumed a new appearance: instead of the dirty ragged wretches whom I had last seen, they were transformed into a gay multitude, dressed in silks, scarlet, and embroidery; their friends collecting for them such finery as would enable them to enter the capital with becoming dignity. Many of the Arabs smelt most odoriferously of attar of roses, and affected to look as if they had been accustomed to it all their lives.

The whole procession would have been very amusing, on the morning of the 18th, but for the multitude of poor dejected captives;—their swelled and sore feet, and emaciated bodies, formed such a sad contrast to the finery and ostentation of the conquerors, that it not only completely checked all inclination to laugh, but gave rise to the most painful feelings. Six flags preceded the army with a large band of musicians, who formed a melodious concert, each disdaining time or tune, and playing such airs as their own taste dictated. On approaching Morzouk, the dancing women and bagpipers came out, and added to the din; and the Arabs, dividing as usual into two bodies, skirmished with very good effect. At[261] noon we entered the town, and I rode ahead of the Sultan’s son, to observe what would be his father’s reception of him. I found Mukni sitting in the greatest agitation, pale, and alone in the Mezlis, or Court of his Castle, and scarcely able to welcome me. The crowd assembling, a lane was formed from the place where Aleiwa was to alight, to the great chair in which the Sultan sat. The boy dismounted, and, supported by his younger brother, ran and threw himself on his knees to kiss his father’s hand. A general silence prevailed, when the father, overcome by his feelings, reclined on the son’s neck, and wept aloud. At that moment I felt that I could have forgiven him all his unkindness to Mr. Ritchie and myself, and the numerous murders he had committed; had I not recollected that this favourite boy was returning with many poor children, whose existence was not less dear to their own parents than his was to Mukni. When the Sultan had become a little composed, and had re-assumed his look of dignity, a splendid Bornouse of cloth of gold was brought, and Aleiwa being stripped of that which he then wore, by some of the principal people, the new one was thrown over him, for which he knelt and kissed his father’s hand. This, I find, is the customary present in all the Barbary states to generals returning victorious. The ceremony over, all the Arabs commenced kissing hands, and the Sultan then, having vouchsafed a smile on the crowd, entered the Castle, leaning on the shoulders of his two sons.

January 19th.—All this day the Sultan was sitting outside the Castle gate, surrounded by Sheikh Barood and the Arabs, and buying of them, slaves and camels.

The square near the Castle presented quite a novel appearance, being filled with above 1000 Maherries. The town was all alive, and formed a very amusing spectacle. Merchants from neighbouring countries, Tibboo, Tuarick, Arabs, and camels, were[262] all in motion at once, while the poor Negroes, who occasioned the assemblage of so many strangers, sat naked and shivering in the sun, and were oiled all over to better their appearance. Some were paraded for sale, whilst others went about with broken pots to collect the blood of the numerous camels, which people were slaughtering, and which, on being baked over a fire, they eagerly swallowed. Such skeletons as were seen amongst them might really have moved the pity even of their owners. Slaves were selling as low as ever, and the market was full: a fine girl of thirteen years of age was worth about thirty-five dollars; a boy of the same age about fifteen or twenty; occasionally the price was greater for the females, if particularly handsome; but boys seldom rose higher than the sum I have mentioned.

None but the Bedouins appear to approve of these Ghrazzies; their wandering manner of life, and total want of every social feeling, their having no lands to cultivate, or houses to take care of, may account for it. Those who have possessions are aware that these predatory excursions are the ruin of the country and of trade; but their fear of Mukni is even greater than their love of home, and they therefore must engage, however unwillingly, in this service. Every man who attends the Ghrazzies is obliged to furnish himself with arms and provisions, and he is at liberty to make what plunder or captives he can, which, with the exception of one-fourth, is his own private property. A general attack, in which all are engaged, allows of no man appropriating to himself the slaves he takes, as all are carried to the standard, and thus divided; the Sultan has one-fourth, every footman is entitled to one slave, and every horseman to two. Should the number of captives exceed that of the captors, a second sharing is made after each man has received his first portion; but should the number of slaves not amount to that of the captors, they are divided, one between two[263] or three, in proportion. Two little children are considered as equal to a young boy, and two boys of about nine or ten years of age, or one girl of the same age, make a share.

About this time I frequently visited the slave-markets, which are conducted with the same degree of indifference to the feelings of the captives as at Tripoli. There are many auctioneers, as well for slaves, as for other articles of trade; each runs from side to side of the street, crying in a shrill voice the price last bidden, and standing on tiptoes: should he be selling a slave, the poor creature follows him at a trot, like a dog, to the different groups of merchants who are sitting on the sand.

Aboo Becker Boukhalloum ابوبكربوخلّوم, the Sultan’s head man, arrived from Tripoli, bringing with him the Bashaw’s Teskera, continuing Mukni in the command of Fezzan for three years, on condition of his paying to the Bashaw 80,000 dollars. In order to treat this person with great respect, and to show he was “the man the King delighted to honour,” the Sultan’s three sons, and all the horsemen to be found, were sent to meet him at Dgleim, and accompany him to the town; drums and colours preceding him, and the inhabitants, who cared not if he were alive or dead, roaring for joy. This man had been an Augela Arab five or six years before; but now, covered with gold and scarlet, was as great as fine clothes (the African standard of dignity) could make him. On his arrival at the Mezlis, the Sultan received him sitting in his chair of state; and having read the Bashaw’s letter (or affected to do so, for his Majesty is no scholar), he thrice kissed and put it to his forehead. The Fighi then read it in a loud voice to the people, who all exclaimed, “Thank God!”

A fine yellow Bornouse, ornamented with lace, having been sent as a present, Mukni descended from his throne, and after being[264] stripped by his slaves of the one he then wore, he put on the new one, first kissing, and thrice putting it to his head.

I received a large packet of letters by Bookhalloum, who said he had often seen the Consul and Dr. Dickson; he also brought me money from a kind friend, who was aware of our distressed situation.

From a number of persons, who had been on the recent expedition, I obtained the following account of the routes they had taken, which, as the narrators pretty generally agreed in them, I have reason to believe correct.

The chief town is called Yen.—The above are not towns, but resting-places.

Yen is more properly a large nest of mud huts than a town. Its inhabitants are, in time of peace, very numerous, and are all Kaffirs. It is to this place that the natives of Waday come in Kafflés to trade for slaves. Several of the King of Waday’s men were taken captive by Mukni’s people near this place.

All these are resting-places.

Kawār and Bilma are not distinct countries, but are names of[266] two parts of the same, having little villages, and scattered families all over the desert; the people are Mohammedans and Kaffirs, though the latter are the most numerous.

Wajunga, a country also pillaged during the last excursion, is eight days east of Borgoo. It is a considerable tract, and has two large towns or districts one day east and west of each other. The eastern one has a very large river running north and south through it, five or six hundred yards in breadth, and of great depth. The water is brackish, and in it are abundance of very fine fish. The Ghrazzie passed this river on rafts, and the horses, having been previously slung with inflated gerbas, or water-skins, were towed across. The whole of this country is very mountainous, having large rocky tracts of perfectly black stone, which they say not a little favoured the escape of the greater part of the inhabitants, who were not easily distinguished from them. Some of the rocks here, as well as in Borgoo, are so perpendicular and high, that, to use an Arab expression, “You could not see their tops without losing your tagaia, or red cap.”

The western Wajunga has three rivers running through it, two of which are sweet “as honey,” and one salt; the largest, which the Arabs say is the Nil, is of great breadth, and very deep, and runs from west to east. Dates are in great plenty here, and the cattle very numerous; there are also elephants in this country, and multitudes of ostriches. The people of both sexes are clothed in skins; some, however, wear a curious leather gown. They are a fine race of people, and are swift runners; but the Arabs consider them in the light of Kaffirs, asserting that they were not made by God, but that they came by chance.

Wajunga to Waday is ten days south. On the road Terraweiya is three days from Wajunga.

From the well of El Wiakh, which is two days to the southward of Tegerry, is another road to Tibesty, shorter, yet at the same time more difficult than the other, being seven long days from thence to Braï, at which place rain water is found. These seven days are over a black range of mountains, which are destitute of water, grass, shrubs, or living animals; and in many places so very difficult of ascent, that camels and horses often meet their death by falls in passing them. The plain round the well of El Wiakh is said to be quite covered with human and other bones. In the Kafflés coming from Waday, many of the slaves and animals are often so exhausted by fatigue in passing this dreary road, that on being allowed a day’s rest, they become too stiff and sore to be able to proceed, and are thus left to perish. Many poor sinking wretches are deserted by their masters while yet alive, and it not unfrequently happens, that in order to get the healthy slaves to a resting-place, the sick ones are left to their fate.

Arna and Braï are three days apart. Berdai (which I take to be the Berdoa of the maps) is two days east of Tibesty. From Braï to Marmar is nine days south-east.

A tribe of Tibboo, called by some Febaboo, is not known. I suspect Aboo, in Tibesty, is the name from which it has been taken by mistake. It is a small town, and not, as has been supposed, a tribe.

January 24th.—This morning I sat in the Mezlis, and saw the Arabs and Sultan’s people buying and selling the recently captured slaves. The manner of conducting the sale was quite new to me, and let me into the secret of the method taken by the great man to[268] ascertain how much was due to him out of every private capture. Bookhalloom, old Sheikh Barood, and some more of the Sultan’s people, amongst whom are one or two of his scribes, summon the slaves of every person concerned in the Ghrazzie before them, the masters attending also. Each slave is then put up to auction at a certain price; the Sultan’s brokers only bidding high for the finest, the other people, who sit round in crowds, also bidding vociferously. The owner bids against them until he has what he considers the value of the slave offered him, when, if he chooses to sell, he has three fourths of the money paid to him, while one-fourth is paid by the purchaser to the Sultan. Should he not wish to part with his slaves, he buys them in, and the sum which he last names is considered as the price, from which he has to pay the Sultan’s share. The scribes write down each slave-owner’s name, and the sum due from him to the Sultan, and thus the account is easily kept between them.

Last night an entertainment was provided for me by Mohammed el Lizari, to celebrate my birthday. Lilla Fātma honoured his house with her presence, and was covered with silks, gold, and red paint, which she took care occasionally to show as she accidentally, or rather purposely, dropped her Aba from her face. About a hundred noisy, greasy Morzouk women amused the company, and nearly stunned me by playing on erbabs, drums, tin-pots, and gourds; there was also much dancing, with Lackbi and pipes in abundance. I was sensible of this kindness on the part of Lizari, but I certainly never wished again to pass so noisy and tiresome a birthday. These compliments were followed up by a present of a young camel, on which I was to feast.

As it was Lizari’s wish to accompany me to Tripoli, he held daily consultations with his friends on the subject; and this plan was at length arranged, as a security against the acts of Mukni, who, we[269] greatly feared, would cause him to be privately murdered before I left Morzouk. In the meantime it was considered necessary that he and his household should be always armed; and as I did not quite understand Mukni’s behaviour to myself, I also determined to be on my guard, constantly concealing a pair of pistols in my dress. We found great difficulty in procuring camels, the Arabs, who let them, being busily occupied in the slave-markets. Some Kafflés at this time came in from Soudan and Bornou, bringing about 1000 slaves, chiefly female.

As I am now about to leave Morzouk, and have been enabled from actual observation in my journey to the extremity of Fezzan to form an opinion of that kingdom, I shall subjoin all the information I have been able to collect on its general state, as well as the habits and customs of the natives.

[270]CHAPTER VII.
OF FEZZAN.

Aspect of the Country — State of Cultivation — Minerals — Animals — Birds — Vegetable Productions — Fruits — Esculents — Time and Manner of cultivating Grain — Water — Towns — Food of Inhabitants — Possibility of improving Agriculture — Tenure of Lands — Weights and Measures — Government — Principal People — Character of the Natives — Inroads into the Negro Countries — State of the Slave Trade — Crimes and Punishments — Character of the Natives — Religion — State of Literature and Ingenuity — Language — State of the Women — Records — Slavery and the Slave Trade — Laws relative to the Issue of Slaves.

The northern boundary is Bonjem, in latitude 30° 35′ north, of which I have already spoken; and Tegerry, in latitude 24° 4′ north, is the southern, which is inhabited by Tibboo of the mountain tribes. Its eastern boundary is the Harutz mountains behind Temissa, and Oubāri in the west.

The general aspect of the country presents an almost universally barren appearance; fine yellow sand, and a species of gravel, covering the whole face of the plains, save where the Soudah and Harutz extend. The country is very dry, there being only three springs in this immense tract; they are near Traghan; but water is found in many places at ten or twenty feet below the surface, in clay or beds of salt. There is no vegetation on the desert, unless in some of the wadeys, where are found prickly bushes for camels, called Agoul[271] اقول, Thamaran ظمرعن, and Deesa ديسه, and a few trees of the mimosa species, called Talhh ظالح. It is only in the immediate vicinity of towns that palms are cultivated, and a little corn and a few esculents raised with much difficulty and labour. Nothing is more incorrect than the opinion so generally held of the fertility of the Oases.

Fezzan may, without scruple, be said to stand in the desert, and is not to be distinguished from it on the score of fertility. The soil, where soft, is almost all sand; but under the surface, near Morzouk, a kind of white clay is found, which, on being mixed with the sand, becomes tolerably productive. The small spots of ground which are at all cultivated, are fertile; but the immense labour requisite to keep the ground moist, deters the labourers from forming gardens of above an acre in size. Some of the spots so called, are not above forty or sixty feet square. The water is drawn by asses, and the machinery is very complicated. Soda, called Trona الطرون, rock salt, alum, Shub شب, gypsum, saltpetre, and, as I was told, sulphur, are found in this country; the first three in very large quantities, which form articles of trade. The Soda is produced at or near Germa, in the wadey Shiati; the salt and alum in many places, but more particularly in the eastern districts. There is one plain of solid salt near Mafen, which is nearly thirty miles in length.

The animals found in Fezzan are,

The Tiger Cat, rather fierce.

Hyæna, in great numbers, and very savage.

Jackal. Numerous. They approach very near the towns.

Fox. Scarce, and much smaller than those of Europe.

Wadan. A very fierce buffalo, of the size of an ass, having large tufts of hair from the shoulders, and very long heavy horns.

Red Buffalo. A clumsy animal, easily taken.

[272]White Buffalo. A small white animal, very swift, and courageous when wounded.

Antelope. Few are found near Morzouk.

Wild Cat. Found in the rocks.

Porcupine. Living in the wadeys near Bonjem.

Hedgehog. Met with about the wells, and eaten by the Arabs.

Rat. Of two colours, yellow and brown; the latter are found in houses, the yellow on the desert: both have hairy tails.

Guntsha. An animal of the rat species, black, having a bushy tail, and head resembling that of a badger: lives in palm-trees, and is easily tamed.

Mouse. Of two kinds, like the rats; one yellow, the other brown.

Gerboa. Found only on the desert.

Rabbits. Few wild; some tame in Morzouk. Brought from the coast.

Hare. Found in the wadeys; rather scarce.

Camel. The Maherry, or running Camel. Horse, ass, very few cows; sheep and goats also very scarce. Dogs, two only in Morzouk of the greyhound species.

The Birds are,

The Ostrich. Found in the mountains of Wadan.

Eagle. Scarce.

Vulture. Common on the desert.

Hawk. Common.

Wild Turkey. In the wadeys north of Sockna.

Raven. Numerous on the desert.

Duck. I have seen some flights, but cannot tell whence they come, probably from some waters on the desert.

[273]Coot. A coot was one night picked up in the street, and brought to our house. It was the first seen in Morzouk.

Sparrow. The male is slate-coloured, with black marks; the female as in Europe: very numerous.

Swallow. Slate-coloured, and very small.

Butcher Bird. Slate-colour.

Owl. Small species, having horns or feathered tufts.

Wren. Small, having black wings and yellow breast.

Wagtail. Resembling a mule Canary-bird.

A bird resembling a thrush, but having a long tail.

Wild and tame Pigeons. The former emigrate in August to Bornou and the Tibboo countries.

Partridges. North of Sockna.

Domestic fowls not very plentiful.

Goose. A few at Zuela.

Vegetable Productions.

Gafooly Masr. Indian corn.

Gafooly Abiad. A small grain.

Gussub. A small round brown grain. Dhourra of Egypt.

Gussub Tamzawi. Another species of the same.

Gussub Albawi. Another do.

Gummah. Wheat.

Shair. Barley.

Tareedi. Another species of barley, of a red colour.

Bishna. A small grain resembling canary seed.

Lubia. A small bean.

Gilgillān. A small pea.

Latila. A small black tare.

Kerwia. Caraway seeds.

[274]The seeds of sun-flowers are also eaten, as well as those of the colocynth apple.

Fruits, &c.

Grapes. Grow near the wells: almost every garden has a vine.

Pomegranate. Very fine; not plentiful.

Apricot. Scarce, and bad.

Peach. Never comes to maturity.

Apple. Woolly, tasteless, and scarce.

Melons. Water melons; good, but scarce. The musk melons are only over-ripe cucumbers.

Figs. Small, but good.

Corna. A small round fruit, resembling an apple in form and smell, though not larger than a nut. It has three stones, is very sweet, and eats well when fresh. It grows on a tree sometimes thirty feet in height. Mr. Ritchie conceived this to be the Rhamnus or Lotus.

Esculents.

Pompion. Large, yellow, and good.

Kalabash. Very good, and plentiful.

Geroo. A fruit much resembling a cucumber in smell, taste, and appearance, when young; but when ripe, it smells like a melon, and is eaten as such.

Turnip. Tap-rooted, and small; scarce.

Carrot. Small, no flavour, and scarce.

Radish. Good, and pungent.

Melochia. A kind of salading.

Bāmia. A small pod, used in soup.

Birtigallis. A juicy leaved salad.

Mustard and cress. Good, but scarce.

[275]Onions. Fine, and plentiful.

Garlic. Scarce, but very good.

Red pepper. Very good, and plentiful.

Tomata. Scarce, but good.

Corn and barley are sown in October and November, and reaped in March and April; during which time, and until the last month, the crops are watered twice a week, with much labour, by means of small channels cut from the reservoirs at the wells. Guddub or Sufsafa, قدّن صفسفه, which is a species of clover, is sown in small squares, in January and February, and will bear cutting once a fortnight until November, when it ceases to grow, and the roots are given to cattle. It is very expensive, but fattens horses and camels very quickly. Gussub قصب, and Gafooly قفولي, of both kinds, are sown at midsummer, and ripen in the autumn; they are sometimes given in a green state to horses; the stalks then are very sweet, and resemble sugar-canes in taste. Many people cultivate these plants, without the intention of allowing them to ripen, but merely to supply the horses: by pulling the stalks up by the roots, the land is soon again fit for other crops. The dry straw is the winter fodder, but extravagantly dear. The stalk of the Gafooly sometimes grows to the height of seven or eight feet; the Guddub resembles clover, but is more delicate. The water of Fezzan is universally brackish, and in many places quite salt; and by constantly using it, and comparing the best with the worst, some wells appear almost fresh. There are no rivers of any description; but there are stagnant ponds which produce salt, and generally cause the agues so prevalent in some parts of the country.

The capital of Fezzan is Morzouk, the latitude of which is 25° 54′ north, and longitude 15° 52′ east. The other towns of note are, Sockna in the north, Zuela in the east, and Gatrone in the[276] south. The people derive their subsistence from dates which may almost be said to be the only support of the country, and from the small quantity of grain and vegetables, which they raise with so much toil in the gardens: they occasionally treat themselves with a little camels’ flesh. Sheep and goats are too expensive for the poorer class; and I believe, that even among the opulent, there is no man who can afford to eat meat above three times a week. They do not carry on any particular trade, except with Bornou, Soudan, and Waday, for slaves, and the barter attendant on the dealings with the Kafflés. Many of the plants which are cultivated in the southern parts of Europe would, no doubt, flourish in this country, with the usual attention which is paid to the gardens. European spades, rakes, light hoes, and ploughs, might be introduced in this part of the world with great success, and would be most gratefully received. Machines for winnowing corn, which is generally mixed with chaff, sieves, &c. would also be very beneficial. The people would not at first comprehend their use, but I conceive that those few articles would soon become familiar to them, and be much prized. There is not any kind of timber which can be used for building, or, more properly, which can be cut into planks. The palm is the only tree they have, and is used for doors, props, and frames for wells; it is likewise employed for beams, by cutting the trunk in four quarters; it is very porous, dry, and subject to rot, and is easily broken.

Landed property is generally in the possession of the better classes, and is cultivated for them by the free servants and slaves, who work alike, and experience exactly the same treatment. Lands generally descend to the nearest relations at the decease of the owner; but if he dies without heirs, or is put to death for an alleged crime, the Sultan claims them as his right: the owner, notwithstanding, can, if he pleases, buy or sell, without being bound[277] by any sort of entail or clause, against parting with family property. Houses are held in the same way as the lands. When grounds are leased, or sold, the price is generally proportioned to the number of wells and date trees on the premises: it happens, however, not unfrequently, that the palms are the property of one man, while the land on which they grow belongs to another. The gardens are entirely cultivated by the paddle or hoe, and parcelled out into squares of about three feet, having little channels to them, for the purpose of irrigation. Much dung is used, and the sandy soil of old gardens almost assumes the appearance of earth. From the great labour requisite to keep these spots in order, it would not repay any non-resident to have lands in Fezzan; though I am confident that such possessions would be respected, as there are many absentees who have large groves of palms, which their relatives, or those employed by them, keep, and render up an exact account of. The difficulty of finding willing, honest, faithful, or contented workmen, is very great; and each master or agent is obliged to attend constantly to his own immediate property or charge; some gardens, however, are, and have been, attended for generations, by the same family of labourers.

The commerce is chiefly in slaves, and I have already given a list of such articles as are marketable. They have but few weights; these are, the Kantar, قنتار, 150 lb.; the Rottal, الرتال, 1½ lb.; the Oghia, الوقَيه, or ounce; and the weights used in the purchase or exchange of gold, which was once the money of the country. The weights, with little scales, are generally kept in a small box. The largest is called Groowi, 33⅓ Mitgals; the next is 13¾ Mitgals; another is 6⅔ Mitgals, and is called Oghia, and weighs one dollar; the smallest brass weight is 1⅓ Mitgal. 24 Kharoubas, خروبه, or beans of the locust tree, weigh 1 Mitgal. There are also three small weights of iron or lead, weighing 16, 8, and 4 Khoroubas.[278] The small red and black West India bean, so well known in England, is here named Ain el deek, عين الديك (or cock’s eye,) and is the half Kharouba. The boxes containing the gold weights have also a small spoon for the dust, and a trying stone.—The measures at present in use are, Ghefeese, 24 Khail; half ditto; Webba Fezzan, 8 Kail; half ditto; Kail, 8 Saas, equal to 8 quarts; Saa, a quart. This last measure is divided into halves and thirds, for which there are small baskets made to contain that quantity; these are, by particular ways of placing the hand, again divided into fourths and sixths. The current money of the country is a Spanish dollar; the smaller payments are made in corn. A comparative idea of the value of the above measures may be obtained by knowing that one dollar is generally worth one kail and a half, or three gallons of corn. A quart, or saa, is therefore worth fivepence. Dates average twenty-four kail, or a ghefeese for a dollar.

The government of Fezzan was once hereditary, in a black family, which above 500 years since took possession of the country. They were Shreefs, and of a tribe near Fez, in the kingdom of Morocco; but the intrigues of Mukni have succeeded in destroying them all, and the public offices, government, and revenues have assumed entirely another form. Mukni is absolute while in his hired government, though in Tripoli he is considered only as a private individual. He derives his power from a few armed followers, of whom I have spoken, and from the fear which the people have of the Bashaw in their present state of weakness; but above all, from the great dread they have of himself. He governs with a rod of iron, punishes most severely, and his opinion is the law; money is his chief aim, and he leaves no means untried to extort it from his miserably oppressed subjects. No one has the least voice in the state but himself, and such of his favourites as have gained some ascendency over him; but their[279] interest with him is very precarious. All weighty matters, such as wars of consequence, are submitted to the Bashaw, though Mukni always acts before he has time either to receive instructions or permission.

The Kadi, being supreme head of the law and of the church, or nominally so, is rather more privileged with the Sultan than others are; but his opinions are always expected to assimilate with those of his master. In Morzouk there are some white families who are called Mamlukes, being descended from Renegades, whom the Bashaw had presented to the former Sultans. These families and their descendants are considered noble; and however poor and low their situation may be, are not a little vain of their title. There is no such thing as nobility, except with these people and the Shreefs, who are, throughout the Mohammedan world, highly privileged; yet are, generally speaking, not better men than the rest. The Kadi, Sheikhs of districts, Kaids, or Governors, Chowses, Hadjes, Marāboots, and all who have money, possessions, and, above all, fine clothes, are considered great people, and respected as long as their situation, money, or garments hold out: but in the event of any failure in these uncertain advantages, they become as low and unnoticed as slaves.

The office of Kadi is hereditary, and has been in the same family for 150 years. Talents are by no means necessary in this high office; the ability to read is all that is required, and the next in the family, after the death of a Kadi, is, whether wise or foolish, immediately vested with the authority. The Kadi of Morzouk is a black man, named Mohammed el Habeeb; he is able to read pretty fluently, is very superstitious, and writes charms of more efficacy than any other man in the country. All the principal towns have Kadis; but the office is not, as in the capital, hereditary. The better class of the people, or those who have some property,[280] are distinguished from the poor by being admitted into the Sultan’s presence, and living in every respect better than the Arabs and the other natives. They have great power to oppress and ill treat their inferiors; yet are as free with their slaves as with each other, and associate as much with them. A slave will come and sit down with his master, though not on the same mat, and join in the conversation, amusement, or meal, even without a shirt on his back; when the master wears his best clothes, however, he is too dignified to permit such freedom.

The Fezzanners are possessed of but little courage, spirit, or honesty, and are as completely submissive to their tyrants as oppression could wish: they seem insensible of their abject state, never having known freedom, or having been exempt from the caprice of their rulers. There is little chance, therefore, that amongst such men, any struggles for liberty should be made; and it never enters their heads to take advantage of the power they possess from their situation in the desert to render themselves independent of Tripoli. The Arabs, and particularly those of the tribe Waled Suliman, of whom I have already spoken, were once dangerous, lawless freebooters, but are now at an end. When the Sultan goes to Tripoli, which he generally does once a year, he leaves his eldest son to command in his absence, under charge of whoever may, at the moment, be most in favour; this decision, or more properly those of his governor, are equally to be enforced as the Sultan’s own orders.

Mukni’s military force, if he presses the Arabs into his service, may, on an emergency, amount to 5000 men. No Fezzanners are ever allowed to go on military excursions, being considered too pusillanimous to be trusted; but they pay deeply for their exemption from bearing arms, by being obliged to support those who do. There are no wars in which the Sultan is called upon to engage; but his love of gain, and the defenceless state of the Negro kingdoms[281] to the southward, are temptations too strong to be resisted. A force is therefore annually sent, not to fight (for the Negroes cannot make any resistance against horsemen with fire-arms) but to pillage these defenceless people, to carry them off as slaves, burn their towns, kill the aged and infants, destroy their crops, and inflict on them every possible misery. These inroads have sometimes been conducted by Mukni in person, and in his absence, by some of his principal men; his son, however, is now thought old enough to make his initiatory campaign. In addition to the people usually ordered to attend these expeditions, many Bedouins from the desert near Sockna and Benioleed join them; also some of the Tibboo of Tibesty and Gatrone, in hopes of obtaining a share in the plunder. The wars thus made for the purpose of carrying off slaves, or invading enemies countries, are called Ghrāzzie. There are no permanent or hereditary feuds existing between tribes, or even families in Fezzan, as the warlike race of independent Arabs no longer exists. The Tibboo and those Arabs who inhabit the southern districts of Fezzan, are distinct from each other; and the native people, living in towns, cannot have the appellation of tribes applied to them.

No Barbary or Negro Chief, or indeed any of their people, are able to resist a bribe; much might therefore be done by securing the good will of the Sultans of the interior kingdoms; and they might, by presents properly applied, form together such a barrier against the inroads of Mukni, as would enable them to secure their independence, and prevent the annual seizure of multitudes of their subjects. Though amongst themselves slavery might (and doubtless would) exist; yet it would not, with such arrangements, extend so far as it does at present. The blacks alone, in consequence chiefly of Mukni’s incursions, are always engaged in[282] indemnifying themselves for the losses he occasions them. All their prisoners are sold as slaves, and the money or goods arising from such sale appropriated chiefly by the kings of the country.

In Fezzan the punishment for crimes is as in Tripoli, though hanging is not commonly practised, strangling being more to the Sultan’s taste. If a man is found murdered, and the authors or instigators of his death are unknown or unconvicted, the inhabitants of the town, in or near which the body is found, are obliged to pay to the Sultan a fine of 2000 dollars. If a corpse is found on the desert with marks of violence on it, the people of the districts which border that desert must pay the requisite sum. Should the murderer return after a few months, he escapes notice, provided the penalty be paid; but this cannot be done either by the principal or his relations. Mukni was himself in this predicament some few years since, when he murdered the broker of the British consulate at Tripoli; the Bashaw affected to be ignorant of his flight, and after he had remained six months with the Arabs, allowed him to return to Tripoli, where he was as well received as if he had been an innocent man. The family of a criminal is never involved in his punishment, that is to say, they are not dishonoured or disgraced; but if the convicted person is sentenced to lose his property, all his immediate dependants are reduced to beggary. A grand-daughter of the last rightful Sultan is at this moment a common beggar; yet, while every one allows her to be noble, they are unable to relieve her, except with a little corn or some dates.

The general appearance of the men of Fezzan is plain, and their complexion black; the women are of the same colour, and ugly in the extreme. Neither sex are remarkable for figure, height, strength, vigour, or activity. They have a very peculiar[283] cast of countenance, which distinguishes them from other blacks; their cheek bones are higher and more prominent, their faces flatter, and their noses less depressed and more peaked at the tip than those of the Negroes. Their eyes are generally small, and their mouths of an immense width, but their teeth are frequently good: their hair is woolly, though not completely frizzled. The females bear children at 12 and 13 years of age, and at 15 or 16 their breasts fall, and they assume the appearance of old women; in some few instances, however, they bear children until 35 years of age. They are a cheerful people, fond of dancing and music, and obliging to each other. The men almost all read and write a little; but in everything else they are very dull and heavy: their affections are cold and interested, and a kind of general indifference to the common incidents of life marks all their actions: they are neither prone to sudden anger nor exertion, and are not at all revengeful.

In Morzouk the men drink a great quantity of Lackbi, and are very good humoured drunkards. The Arabs practise hospitality generally, but amongst the Fezzanners that virtue does not exist; they are, however, very attentive and obsequious to those in whose power they are, or who can repay them tenfold for their pretended disinterestedness. Their religion enjoins, that should a stranger enter while they are at their meals, he must be invited to partake; but they generally contrive to evade this injunction, by eating with closed doors. The lower classes are, from necessity, very industrious, women as well as men; they draw water, work in the gardens, drive the asses, make mats, baskets, &c. in addition to their other domestic duties. People of the better class, or more properly who can afford to procure slaves to work for them, are, on the contrary, very idle and lethargic; they do nothing but lounge or loll about, inquire what their neighbours have had for dinner, gossip[284] about slaves, dates, &c.; or boast of some cunning cheat which they have practised on a Tibboo, or Tuarick, who, though very knowing fellows, are, comparatively with the Fezzanners, fair in their dealings. Their moral character is on a par with that of the Tripolines, though, if any thing, they are rather less insincere. Falsehood is not considered as odious, unless detected; and when employed in trading, they affirm that it is allowed by the Koran for the good of merchants. However this may be amongst themselves, I must say that I never could find any one able to point out the passage, authorising these commercial falsehoods.

The Marāboots are greater liars and rogues than other people, their reputation shielding them from suspicion. I have, indeed, seen amongst these saints some really good and honest men; but these are lost in the general wickedness of the community. Generosity is a virtue so completely unknown here, that it may be said scarcely to exist. Contempt of religion, of holy men and books, are crimes equally heinous with theft. They are rigid and bigoted Mohammedans, of the sect of the learned Malek, one of the four expounders of the Koran, and they worship with all the prostrations and rites peculiar to that sect. The Mamlukes, and ourselves, who were considered as such, are authorised to worship as Hanefis, which is the superior of the four sects; but the Maleki being the form here used, every one complies with it. A belief of the evil eye, devils, gholes, genii, and spirits, is universal; charms and fasting till sunset, are a sure preventive of mischief.

The people attached to the Mosques are the Kadi, who is the head; the Imaum or priest, who, in the absence of the Kadi, prays and preaches; and the Mouadden or crier, who calls the people to prayers, and repeats the responses. None of these men, except the Kadi, have any privileges, but are, in every respect, like the[285] rest of the town’s-people, having the same complement of wives and concubines, and dressing in the same manner. It was the custom with former Sultans to grant them a handsome allowance; but this is not observed by the present ruler, and should they not be fortunate enough to possess any garden of their own, they subsist on charity. They are not connected with, or have any thing to do with the state, neither have they any influence over each other, or the people, unless they are outwardly or really religious; in which case, their prayers, either verbal or written, are much sought after and well paid for. Intellectual knowledge is here at a stand, or rather I should say, on the decline, as none of the Mohammedans, in this part of the world, have books on any but religious or superstitious subjects. Their prejudices and fanaticism prevent the introduction of any new customs, and put a stop to all chance of improvement.

There are persons called Fighi (from “faquire,” a poor man), who subsist by writing letters, and are employed to read those received by the principal inhabitants, who pay them in corn. All the Sultan’s papers and letters pass through the hands of his scribes, who, in consequence (though his purchased slaves), are men of importance, and they accordingly give themselves great airs, knowing that their master, being unable to read, cannot do without their services. Few men can read from any book but their own, which they have used from infancy. Old Hadje Mahmoud, our neighbour, had gone through the same volume every morning for forty years, and yet was unable to repeat one page of it by heart. There were certain passages of it, which, on reading, regularly caused him to exclaim, “God bless me! wonderful! extraordinary! God is great!” as if he had never seen or heard of the contents before. Many of the Fighis, however, have[286] good memories, and by constantly repeating sentences of the Koran for thirty or forty years, manage to know it by heart.

The lower classes work neatly in leather; they weave a few coarse barracans, and make iron work in a solid though clumsy manner. One or two work in gold and silver with much skill, considering the badness of their tools; and every man is capable of acting as a carpenter or mason. The wood being that of the date tree, and the houses being built of mud, very little elegance or skill is necessary. Much deference is paid to the artists in leather or metals, who are called (par excellence) “Sta,” or master; as, “leather master,”—“iron master,” &c.

No individuals arrive at any eminence of character, or, from their abilities, are exalted above the people, except such Marāboots as have most cunning and hypocrisy. They become privileged, courted, and revered while living, and prayers are addressed to them for their mediation, after they are dead. The language here is Arabic, but differs materially from the dialect of Egypt.

From the constant communication with Bornou and Soudan, the languages of both these countries are generally spoken, and many of their words are introduced into the Arabic. The family slaves, and their children by their masters, constantly speak the language of the country whence they originally come. Their writing is in the Mogrebyn character, which is used, I believe, universally in western Africa, and differs much from that of the east. The pronunciation also is very different, the Kāf ق being pronounced as a G, and only marked with one nunnation, thus ف, and the F is pointed below ڢ. They have no idea of arithmetic, but reckon every thing by dots on the sand, ten in a line; many can hardly tell how much two and two amount to. They expressed great surprise at our being able to add numbers together without fingering.

[287]Though very fond of poetry, they are incapable of composing it. The Arabs, however, invent a few little songs, which the natives have much pleasure in learning; and the women sing some of the Negro airs very prettily while grinding their corn.

The lower class and the slaves, who, in point of colour and appearance, are the same, labour together. The freeman, however, has only one inducement to work, which is hunger; he has no notion of laying by any thing for the advantage of his family, or as a reserve for himself in old age; but, if by any chance he obtains money, remains idle until it is expended, and then returns unwillingly to work.

The females here are allowed greater liberty than those of Tripoli, and are more kindly treated. The effect of the plurality of wives is but too plainly seen, and their women in consequence are not famed for chastity. Though so much better used than those of Barbary, their life is still a state of slavery. A man never ventures to speak of his women; is reproached if he spends much time in their company; never eats with them, but is waited upon at his meals, and fanned by them while he sleeps; yet these poor beings, never having known the sweets of liberty or affection, are, in spite of their humiliation, comparatively happy.

The authority of parents over children is very great, some fathers of the better class not allowing their sons even to eat, or sit down in their presence until they become men: the poorer orders, however, are less strict.

There are no written records of events amongst the Fezzanners, and their traditions are so disfigured, and so strangely mingled with religious and superstitious falsehoods, that no confidence can be placed in them; yet the natives themselves look with particular respect on a man capable of talking of “the people of the olden time.” Several scriptural traditions are selected and believed.[288] The psalms of David, the Pentateuch, the books of Solomon, and many extracts from the inspired writers, are universally known, and most reverentially considered. The New Testament translated into Arabic, which we took with us, was eagerly read, and no exception made to it, but that of our Saviour being designated as the Son of God. St. Paul, or Baulus, bears all the blame of Mohammed’s name not being inserted in it; as they believe that his coming was foretold by Christ, but that Paul erased it: he is, therefore, called a Kaffir, and his name is not used with much reverence.

slavery and the slave-trade.

In Morzouk about a tenth part of the population are slaves, though many have been brought away from their countries so young as hardly to be considered in that light. With respect to the household slaves, little or no difference is to be perceived between them and freemen, and they are often entrusted with the affairs of their master. These domestic slaves are rarely sold, and on the death of any of the family to which they belong, one or more of them receive their liberty, when, being accustomed to the country, and not having any recollection of their own, they marry, settle, and are consequently considered as naturalized. All slavery is for an unlimited time, unless when a religious feeling of the master induces him to set a bondsman free on any great festival, on the occasion of a death, or, which not unfrequently happens, from a wish to show his approval of the slave’s services.

It was, when the people were more opulent, the custom to liberate a male or female on the feast of Bairam, after the fast of Rhamadan. This practice is not entirely obsolete, but nearly so. The slaves are procured from the inland traders, or on those lawless expeditions I have already mentioned.

[289]Respecting the offspring of slaves, it may not be uninteresting to observe the regulations existing in Fezzan, which are, as far as I can collect, the same as in all Moslem countries.

A Khādem خعدم, or negress, bearing a child by her master, cannot afterwards be sold, but must be maintained for the remainder of her life by him, or any person to whom he may marry her; and her child is free, and equally entitled to support.

A negress having a child by any man but her master (even though the parties should be married), is the mother of a slave, she herself not being free.

Should the female slave of one man be with child by the male slave of another, the infant so born becomes the property of the master of the female, and can, as well as its mother, be sold.

A child, the offspring of a free woman by a slave, partakes of its mother’s state, and is free.

It not unfrequently happens that masters allow family slaves to marry without liberating them; but their children are slaves, and can be sold, although it is not considered honourable so to dispose of them. These children, and, indeed, all those born in the country, are called Shushan شوشان.

[290]CHAPTER VIII.

Arrangements for our Departure from Morzouk — Parting with the Sultan — Leave Morzouk to return to Tripoli — Sleep at Dgleim — Mode of conducting a Kafflé of Slaves — Arrival at Ghroodwa — Pass two Days at Sebha — Are joined by more Kafflés — Marriage of an Arab — Account of the Wadey Shati — Arrive at Temenhint — Zeghen Om el Abeed — Pass of Kenair — Pass over the five Days Desert to Sockna — Troubles at Sockna — Further Description of that Place.

During the few days I remained in Morzouk after my return from the south, my time was much taken up in visiting and endeavouring to relieve a poor boy who had a locked jaw. He was in a state of great debility when I first saw him; one of his hands, which had been injured by a weight falling on it, and which accident occasioned the disease, was in a terrible condition, uncleaned, and smelling most offensively. He had not for many hours taken any nourishment; but I succeeded in forcing out one of his front teeth, and making him swallow some soup and milk, with a dose of bark twice a day. He died on the 5th of February of exhaustion, in defiance of my utmost care, and the numberless charms which were written on his skin. I have observed that the Fighis, who compose these charms, hold out that it is wicked to read or copy one of them if it has been written for any particular person, and that the original alone may be read by the owner. In order to avoid unthinkingly reading charms which they have purchased, the Fezzanners immediately[291] enclose them in a small case of leather or cloth; if this is not to be procured, they carefully tie up the paper with cord or thread.

It has erroneously been supposed that the Moors or Arabs will not permit any one to draw views or figures, in consequence of a prohibition to that effect in the Koran, evidently taken from our Second Commandment. As far as regards myself, I certainly found no opposition in taking sketches, farther than being told that it was forbidden to make likenesses on paper or otherwise, as the Romees, or Christians, worshipped such images. I explained to them, however, that it was not for a religious purpose that I employed my pencil, but merely to make resemblances of my friends: all jealousies then vanished, and I was ever after quietly suffered to proceed. It was a matter of much speculation and wonder that I could possibly contrive to represent such little men on paper, and they never failed to trace a likeness to some one of the company present, even although the colour of the skin, or the costume itself, might be different. In one instance I excited evident jealousy in the Sultan, who could not be persuaded that a Negress I had drawn was not one of his favourites; and he asked me, in no very gentle manner, how and where I could have seen her, as she was confined to the Castle, and was visible to no one but himself? Many of the people, on first taking up a drawing, did not appear much struck with it; but no sooner had they discovered the eyes than their astonishment and delight were expressed by loud laughter, by cries of Allah! Allah! and by placing the back of the open hand against the forehead. Few, however, confined themselves to this mode of admiration, but boldly pushed at the drawing with two fingers, one for each eye, to the great risk of its entire destruction, exclaiming, “There are his eyes; ’tis Abd Allah, Mohammed, or some other of our friends. Look at his eyes! there are two of them! God is merciful! How wonderful! Well![292] I never thought a man could be put upon paper. That’s the very Kaftan he bought of Hadje Mahmoud! And look, he has a nose and mouth too, oh! oh! oh! Allah! Allah! Allah!”

Fighi Sālem, a friend of ours, was particularly anxious that I should give him, before my departure, a stock of medicines, such as would enable him to become a father. I constantly made some excuse, but he was so pressing, that, unwilling to own my want of ability to comply, I gave him a compound of the dust of our medicine chest, which I pompously assured him was excellent, and would produce the desired effect. I recommended to him, when taking the prescription, to shut one eye while he drank, or to hold his ears; which he promised faithfully to observe, and I make no doubt was anxiously awaiting the result.

I made up some packages of medicine, which I presented to Mukni, begging him to accept also a small still which he had borrowed, and which I knew he never intended to return. He asked it first for the purpose, as he said, of making caraway water; but I strongly suspect it was employed in composing something more congenial to his palate, as his Negresses kept the still on the fire night and day, and much mystery was observed on the occasion. Belford was sent for once or twice to put it in order, Mukni allowing him to enter the Haram attended by one of his sons.

I sold our small horse for twenty dollars, and hired camels to bring home our goods as far as Sockna at one mitgal (or at the rate of the exchange of gold, one dollar three-fourths), the kantar.

We had a japanned tea-tray, which was considered by far the finest thing ever seen in Morzouk. This I presented to Hadje Mahmoud for the improvement of his family. He had often extolled it highly, and whenever he brought any one to visit us, begged that his friend might be indulged with a sight of it. We at last discovered that he wanted it to show to his Negress, who was with[293] child by him (to his great boast, as he was seventy-five years of age), that she might produce a handsome boy, all his family being horridly ugly, and, like their father, very short; and the lady being near her time, the gift was most thankfully received. I was promised a very handsome ewe and ram of the Soudan breed, which were to accompany me to England; and Aleiwa sent me, as a present, a very fine Maherry, which he had ridden himself from Borgoo. It was quite white, and very fleet and docile.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by D. Dighton.

A Tuarick on his Maherrie.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

Hateeta, a Tuarick of the tribe of Benghrasāta at Ghraat, of whom I have before spoken, came to take leave of me. He now pressed me very much to promise him, that on my return to Africa, I would pass through his country, of which he is Chief, and take him with me to the Negro land, adding, that if I would bring him a sword like the one I wore, he should be perfectly content. He is the only Tuarick I ever saw, who was not an impudent beggar, or who made presents without expecting a return. He brought me some curious little cords, made of the hide of an antelope; and as a proof of attachment, gave me the dagger he wore on his wrist, and which was finished in a superior style: he gave me, besides, a saddle cloth for my Maherry, and instructed me how to mount it. I made him accept, in return, a pound of gunpowder; and we parted with mutual promises of being always friends. Yussuf’s mother made me a large quantity of dweeda, cusscussou, and tikkery, a cake made of dates, flour, and spices, and sent me some very fine dates for my friends in England. I spent my time, whenever I was free from the attacks of hemma, which generally confined me about four hours daily to my bed, in visiting the slave markets, and attending the merchants, with many of whom I was on very good terms; which led me to expect a good reception from them, in case, according to my promise, I should visit their native countries, on my return to Africa. Every thing being in readiness for[294] our departure, and Lizari having, though with some difficulty, obtained the Sultan’s permission to go to Tripoli, we took leave of our friends.

journal from morzouk to tripoli.

Wednesday, Feb. 9th. Therm. 1°. 30′. below 0.

This morning we prepared to go, and at nine all was ready, and I went to take my farewell of the Sultan, who affected to shed tears, and to feel as much regret at parting with me as if I had been his own son. He very injudiciously reminded me of Mr. Ritchie’s having asked him to cash my bill, declaring his readiness to have done so, and adding a great deal in favour of himself and his willingness to accommodate us on all occasions. For the credit of my deceased friend, I thought proper to contradict him; and without farther ceremony taxed him with telling me an untruth, which at once silenced him on this subject. He then confided to me his intention of going in a few months into Bornou, in which kingdom he proposed establishing himself as Sultan. He begged that I would soon return, to accompany him thither, and teach his people how to fire his three four-pounders. Of course I made him no promises on this head. On my rising to take leave, he said, “Sayd, I hope you will come and see me again; for I have always been your friend, and was Yussuf’s also. I am convinced that you will tell this to your Sultan, and that I have done every thing you required of me.” I at once put a stop to these false assertions, by exclaiming, as before, that he did not speak truth; and waving my hand in token of farewell, took my departure, though certainly not without some apprehension that he would endeavour to detain me. These apprehensions naturally arose from an idea that my return might perhaps be arrested in the same manner as that of[295] Hadge Osman, which will be better explained by the following anecdote. When Mukni first obtained possession of Fezzan, Hadge Osman, the principal Mamluke, had a severe dispute with him, which appeared to have been amicably settled, Mukni laying his hand on his heart, and professing much friendship, as he was in the habit of doing when most disposed to mischief. On leaving Mukni’s presence, however, the unfortunate Mamluke, with his two sons, was hurried to a dungeon, and immediately strangled! That I should have been suffered to quit without interruption the territories of this treacherous man, was a subject of amazement to all; particularly as I had openly espoused the cause of Lizari, and it was known that he intended accompanying me to Tripoli. I succeeded, however, in reaching the house of Lizari, whence we rode away together. We were accompanied by some of the principal people as far as Dgleim, where we arrived at sunset, having journeyed east by north thirteen miles from Morzouk. My Kafflé consisted of Belford and myself, and eight loaded camels, four Arabs, our two Maherries, two sheep, and my horse. Lizari’s was composed of sixteen Khādems, or females, and three male slaves, his own Negress, four loaded camels, a Maherry, which he rode, and two Arabs. We were all in high spirits, our little party rejoicing at the idea of returning home, and Lizari at having escaped the malice of Mukni. Our friends remained with us all night, and we arranged together many plans of future meeting.

February 10th. Thermometer 0°.—At 8.15. our kind friends took leave of us, Yussuf and old Hadge Mahmoud sobbing loudly, and Mohammed looking very gloomy. Poor little Barca, the boy whom Yussuf had lent us for so long a period, appeared quite inconsolable. I wished to have brought him away; but, to my great regret, his master would not sell him to me, though I offered my horse in exchange for him. I really felt much concern at parting[296] from these kind-hearted people, who had, to the best of their abilities, often befriended us, and to whom we owed so many and weighty obligations. The day was fine, our camels good, and we set out at a brisk pace. The Shreef Sadig, who had been encamped at a little distance from us, now became our messmate. His Kafflé consisted of four girls, three men, four camels, and three Arabs. Lizari and myself joined our stock, which Rahmata his Negress, who was an excellent cook, made into a nice mess for us every night.

Had I trusted to Mukni’s professions, I should have been in some danger of starving on my road homeward. He told me repeatedly not to think of preparing food for my journey, as he had commanded his slaves to make for me cusscussou, flour, and dried meat. He also assured me, that on the day of my departure, I should receive from him an order on all the towns through which I should pass to supply myself and animals with dates, &c.; but, after all, no one part of these fine promises was fulfilled, which added one more proof to the many I had before received, of Mukni’s falsehood and insincerity.

Our road lay over a desert, without the least sign of a shrub, or any living creature. A strong cold east wind blew with great force, as it met with no impediment, and quickly chopped our lips and skin. The Negroes wore their travelling dresses, which being new and clean, looked very neat. The girls have green or yellow caps, with a large flap on each side; shirts of blue or white cotton, a petticoat or wrapper of the same, and a good warm jercad or barracan. It is to be observed, that masters do not at all times take equal care of their slaves; but that fearing the bad effects of cold weather, the merchants are in winter more attentive to their comfort than at any other season; and this for their own advantage, since it prevents the Negresses from becoming thin and consumptive (which want of clothing would otherwise subject them[297] to be), and makes them bring a better price to their owners. The males are not so carefully attended to, having generally only a long shirt and barracan. Both sexes have sandals of camel’s hide; the girls walk by themselves, and the men follow the camels. At one o’clock they are all watered like cattle, out of large bowls, placed on the ground, from which they kneel and drink. Children are thrown with the baggage on the camels, if unable to walk; but if five or six years of age, the poor little creatures are obliged to trot on all day, even should no stop be made for fourteen or fifteen hours, as I have sometimes witnessed. We passed a Kafflé of about twenty camels from Tripoli, with a chowse of the Bashaw, loaded with corn for Morzouk; they informed us that the Bashaw had sent an army against Augela, and that the plague had ceased at Tunis and Jerba. At four we turned from the road to go to a well, Ghroodwa being considered too long a journey for the slaves: we had travelled until that time north 40° east nineteen miles. At 7.30. we arrived at Neshoua (a Wadey running east-north-east), having cleared north by west seven miles. A well of good water was here, and we lay down amongst the palm bushes. In unloading the camels, Belford’s Maherry took fright, and running on to the desert, his saddle fell off, and the beast lamed himself sadly by striking his toe against it: some Arabs from the neighbourhood seeing us cooking, came and supped with us. The mess of the slaves is provided before that of their masters; it consists of Bazeen, of which each one has a portion about as large as the double fist; and a bowl is filled with grease and pepper, into which they occasionally dip their paste. The daily allowance of food is a quart of dates in the morning, and half a pint of flour made into Bazeen at night. Some masters never allow their slaves to drink after a meal, unless at a watering place. When the meal is finished, they all lie down, the[298] females in one line, the males in another, and are covered over with sacking until morning.

February 12th. Thermometer 30° below 0°.—Water frozen, and the poor Negroes in great distress from the cold. At 8.20. loaded and proceeded along the edge of the Wadey. Belford walked for a time, and his camel appeared much swelled about the foot. Course north 75° east; Wadey about one mile in breadth, bounded on each side by the Desert. At one P.M. we stopped at Ghroodwa, having made twelve miles. Here is a fine Mosque and a tomb (which is kept constantly white-washed) over the grave of the third brother of Sidi Besheer, the Marāboot of whom I have before spoken. I bought a fine sheep for a dollar and a half.

February 12th. Thermometer 2° 30′.—At eight proceeded along the Wadey; at 9.30. arrived at the end of it, and found a well called Bir el Whishki, or well of the palm bushes. We were joined here by a chowse of the Bashaw of Tripoli, who had just come from thence with thirty camels’ load of grain; he said it was reported that the English Consul was coming to meet me at Benioleed. On leaving the well we entered again on a stony desert, and at 6.15. descended a rugged pass called Taneïa, to a plain hemmed in on every side by conical-shaped hills. At 6.40. we stopped for the night, having travelled north 33° east twenty-six miles. A large Kafflé of natives of the Wadey Shiati, وادي شدتي, passed us on their way to Morzouk, with grain, and to compliment the Sultan on his son’s return. We had many Arab games while sitting with the camel-men round our fires; and I now began to be well acquainted with these people, having occasionally been under the necessity of honouring one or two of them with a box on the ear. We were all very merry, and one of my people, Ibrahim el Fetaima, an Arab of Hoon, told us some very amusing stories.

[299]Sunday, 13th of February. Thermometer 3°.—Proceeded at 7.45. along the plain. At nine the hills opened on to a broad flat plain, bounded at about ten miles to the eastward by hills, which were a continuation of those we had passed. At 1.40. arrived at Sebha, having travelled north 33° east fifteen miles. Strong south wind blowing. We found under the walls where we encamped two Kafflés who were awaiting our arrival; one belonging to Hadge Mohammed el Turké, who had twenty-three Negresses and five men slaves; the other belonging to an old lame Turk called Baba Hassein, and consisting of twenty-one females and seven males: they had left Morzouk two days before us. In the evening all the village assembled outside the walls, to carry a bride in procession to her husband’s house. A camel was ornamented with a frame-work, covered over with carpets, shawls, and ostrich feathers; and the bride placed within it on his back. The camel was led by a relation of the bride, preceded by dancing people, music, mounted and dismounted Arabs, who shouted and fired, running backwards and forwards in front of the procession. The bridegroom walked before them, with a fan in his hand, and his fingers dyed with henna, loaded with tawdry clothes, and looking very solemn. The bride was carried round the town and gardens, and in the end conducted to her husband’s house. The village all night resounded with songs, and the shrill voices of the women; and we had several bowls of provisions sent out to us. We found the flies here very tormenting.

Drawn from Life by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by D. Dighton.

Camel conveying a Bride to her Husband.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

As I have frequently had occasion to mention Shiati, I now take an opportunity of saying that it is a district lying to the westward of Sebha; it is situated in a Wadey, and contains many towns. This Wadey runs east and west, or nearly so; and is divided into Wadey Shirghi, or eastern Wadey, and Wadey el Ghrarbi, or western Wadey.

[300]In Wadey Shirghi the towns are thus situated, beginning from the east. Ashkiddi اشكد, Ghiddi قدّي, Gelwas قلوس, Brak براك, which is two-thirds of a day from Sebha, and ten days from Gharian, is the largest of these towns. Zooiat زويات, Tamzawa طمرعوه, Gusser Sallām قسرسللم, Aggar اقار, Maharouga محاروقه, El Gerda القرد, Taroot طروت, Gootta قوته, Berghen برغن (two of that name), Temissan طمسان, Iddri يدري, which is a large village, and westernmost in the Wadey Shirghi. It is two days from Brak, and eight days from Ghadams.

Another wadey called El Agaal اللقعر runs parallel to the above. It is one day from Sebha, and has the following towns in it: El Abiad اللبياض, El Hamra الحمره, Khalifa خليفه, Bendoobaïa بندباي, Zueïa زويا, Ergābi ارقعبي, Tenāhmi طنامي, Gusser Saad قسر سعد, Gusser Sbaida قسر زبيده, Kharaig خريق. This is all the Wadey Shirghi.

The Wadey Ghrarbi begins from the east at Iddri Fegaige فقيج, Kertibi كرتبي, Garragarra قراقرا, Tuash طواش, Teweewa طويوه, Germa جرما, the ancient capital of Fezzan; Ghraraifi غرّايفي, Oubāri وببعري, seven days from Ghraat, which is about W.S.W. two long days from El Abiad, which is one day from Sebha. This is the Wadey Ghrarbi.

The people in the Wadeys are blacks and mulattoes as in Morzouk, and Arabs live amongst them. The villages contain from thirty to two hundred houses; many, however, are composed of palm huts. The people are very poor, but in the time of the Waled Suleman, who resided much amongst them, they were opulent. In some of the pools of stagnant water in the Wadey Shaiti are found small worms, of about the size of a grain of rice; these are collected in great quantities, and pounded with a little salt in a mortar, until they form a black paste, which is made into balls of about the size of the double fist, and then suffered to dry in the sun. These worms, which are called Dood, form one of the very few luxuries of Fezzan, as the poor people, when they have[301] a mess of flour, mix some of them with the sauce, to their Aseeda. They resemble very bad caviar in taste, and the smell is extremely offensive; but habit and necessity overcome all prejudices in this country, and I soon became very partial to them. Sand is an unavoidable ingredient in this paste, and the natives consider it as more wholesome in consequence. One or two families gain a good subsistence by preparing these worms for the market of Morzouk, and the neighbouring towns.

Monday, Feb. 14th. Therm. 3°.—Another Kafflé joined us from Morzouk, belonging to a native of Tripoli named Khalifa: those I mentioned before, set out this day for Temanhint. Belford’s Maherry was here so lame, that I had him fired all round the foot by Ibrahim, who was now become very useful to us. The manner of firing camels is by a very thin red hot iron, which is curved so as to be easily turned round the foot: they have these irons of different lengths and sizes, for the particular part to be burned. I hired another camel for Belford to ride on, at the rate of two dollars, from hence to Sockna, agreeing that it should carry two skins of water on passing the Soudah.

As I had nothing better to occupy me, I mounted my own Maherry, with a Tuarick Rahela, or saddle, and practised riding him according to their manner, which is very difficult, and not used in Fezzan. I fortunately succeeded much beyond my expectation. A town called Gurda قردَه, is S.S.E. one mile from Sebha.

Tuesday, 15th Feb.—At 7.30. went on, after having been most hospitably treated by Lizari’s friends. Our road was over a barren plain, until 8.30. when we ascended a mountain called Ben Areif بن اريف, by a pass named Hormut ben Areef, bearing N. 55°. E. of Sebha. At nine we descended to a stony plain, bounded close to the right by table-topped hills: to the left were a few insulated sugar-loaf[302] hills of yellow limestone. At eleven the plain became more distinct; distant hills to the right, and desert plain extending to the left: this latter was called El Ghrazzie الغرازي. At 1.15. mountains closed in, in the form of a crescent, having two black hills half a mile from the road, called Roos Ghraab روس غرعب, or the heads of the ravens. At two arrived at Temenhint طمنحنت, having travelled N. 56°. E. 15 miles. In the evening we had occasion to buy straw for the camels, in a way I had never before seen, of the people who came out from the town to trade with us. Shreef Sadig soon instructed me in this new mode of barter. The person who has to sell mentions what he wishes in exchange for certain commodities, whether oil, liquid butter, or shahm, which is a kind of salted fat much resembling bad tallow in taste and smell. If liquids, he pours water into a pot in proportion to the quantity of oil or butter he requires; if solids, he brings a stone of the size of the shahm, or other article demanded. The buyer pours out water, or sends for smaller stones, until he thinks a fair equivalent is offered. The quantities then agreed for are made up to the size of the stone, or the depth of the water.

Temenhint is so completely surrounded by date trees, that it is not seen from the road. It is a small walled village, and considered by traders as the most inhospitable in Fezzan.

Wednesday, 16th. Therm. 1°.—At 7.30. started. Stony desert to the left and right, with bushes occasionally. At 9.45. descended to a sandy hatïa, called Hatia Gurmayda حاتيم قرميده. At 4.30. arrived at Zeghen زيغن; having travelled N. 75°. E. 22 miles. We built up our goods under the walls, and lay there. Having been so long accustomed to black faces, I fancied that the natives, who are entirely a white population, looked sickly. The women are reputed to be very handsome; but I did not enter the town, and if I had done so, should not have seen them. We had numerous visitors, and a large supply of food, Lizari’s general acquaintance[303] enabling us to procure whatever we wanted. They gave us an account of a wedding which had taken place that morning, speaking much of the beauty of the bride; and on hearing her named, we found that she was the very girl whom Lizari intended demanding of her father on his return from Tripoli. He was much confounded, but bore with great good humour our joking him at being too late. The successful lover was aware of Lizari’s intentions; and on hearing he had set out from Morzouk, instantly demanded, and bore off the prize.

Thursday, February 17th. Thermometer 0.—At eight we set off over an uneven plain to a stony desert, a cold north wind blowing. After passing some hills, we arrived at the Hatïa, and wells of Om el Abeed, ام العبيد, having gone north 50°. E. twelve miles. We met a few Arabs from Sockna, who said that Sidi Mohammed ben Shaib was expected, on his way to the Sultan of Bornou, with presents from the Bashaw: they also said an Englishman was with him; but I concluded the report to have originated in its being known at Tripoli, that Belford and myself were to have accompanied him. In the evening, we filled and mended our Gerbas, and otherwise prepared for passing the five days’ desert now before us. The Arabs amused themselves by placing a camel’s skull on a rising ground, and firing ball at it, all resting their guns; only one, however, struck it. I rose to fire; but they all laughed at me for not placing my gun on a branch, or otherwise steadying it; I nevertheless struck the head twice, when, resolving not to lose my reputation as a good shot, I laid down my gun with indifference, pretending I could hit it as often as I pleased. The Arabs were astonished (and I must own I was equally so, being but an indifferent shot in general), and gave me the title of Bendag, or marksman.

Baba Hassein, whom we again joined at Zeghen, had never[304] given his Boozaferr, بوزفرّ, or footing in the country, which I mentioned our having done at Sockna, or more properly in the Soudah mountains. The Arabs in these cases procure either the skeleton of an animal, or some carrion, and, digging a grave, bury it, howling as if for a deceased friend. All the night they imitate the cries of wolves and hyænas, as if in search of food, saying, “Where is our Bouzaferr? we are crying for our Bouzaferr; the natives are starving; give your Bouzaferr.” The buried bones are intended to imply a starved friend, who is supposed to be unable to rest till the survivors are fed. The old man was, however, deaf to all their hints, and in consequence the Arabs made a little grave (for him, as they said), and left him, not without a few hearty wishes that some harm might befall him.

As we sat round our little fires, during our march over the desert, we amused ourselves with a variety of Arab games and puzzles, and a few clumsy tricks with date stones, and much laughing and joking passed off our evening very pleasantly, until sleep seized us, and we then laid ourselves down on the sand round the fire until morning.

Friday 18th. Thermometer 2°.—As there was at this place great plenty of Agool, and other shrubs for the camels, they were, owing to a concerted scheme of the Arabs, not to be found; we therefore were destined to pass the day here, in spite of all our threats and remonstrances. One of a party of Arabs, who had joined our Kafflé at Sebha, and from whom I hired the camel which Belford rode, offered one for sale. It would not, like other camels, eat dates, and no food was to be found in the track we were to pass. We consequently despaired of its being able to get through the desert; and I, thinking to make a good bargain with him, offered him for it two dollars, or ten shillings. He refused this, and went away; but an Arab soon after brought me the animal, having purchased[305] it for me for a dollar and one third, 6s. 8d.! I killed it, and made every one merry, as it was sufficiently large to afford, for freemen and slaves, each two days’ allowance; it was a Maherry from Borgoo, and I suppose weighed upwards of 600 lbs. The hungry Arabs had many quarrels in cutting it up; and I sometimes feared there would be mischief amongst them; but the altercation ended, like other quarrels amongst these people, in great noise, and biting tongues at each other.

I never before had an opportunity of observing how water is procured from the belly of a camel, to satisfy the thirst of an almost perishing Kafflé. It is the false stomach which contains the water and undigested food. This is strained through a cloth, and then drank; and from those who have been under the necessity of making use of this beverage, I learn that the taste is bitter. As this animal had recently drank, its stomach was nearly full. I amused myself in making observations on its skin and skeleton, and in planning the formation of a boat; and I found that a most excellent contrivance might be made from them, for the purpose of crossing rivers; the back-bone being used as the keel, and the ribs as timbers. The formation of the chest of a camel resembles the prow of a Portuguese bean-cod, or fishing-boat. Indeed, it was in consequence of hearing the Arabs always calling it Markab, or ship, that the idea first occurred to me.

Saturday, 19th February. Thermometer 1°.—Having filled water for five days, we set out over black stony hills, bounded to the north-westward at the distance of a mile from our track by a sandy desert. At nine, a hillock of a singular form, resembling a turret, and called Amaymet Saad, bore north 52° east. As it stands at the entrance of a pass we were to ascend, we proceeded towards it; a strong east wind blowing very sharply. We met a man on his way from Sockna, who informed us that the Consul had been at[306] Benioleed. The Negresses had, from the time of our setting off, been collecting wood, and the poor creatures were each laden with stock for two days. We passed a grave, which was ornamented by an inverted gourd at the head. The person buried there was a drunken man, a native of Sockna, who had been in the habit of carrying letters or orders across the desert, whenever the Sultan required it, and was able to pass it on foot in three days, at about forty miles a day. It once happened that a letter was to be brought from Sockna to Zeghen, and this man was selected for the purpose; he was drunk at the time, yet insisted on having his gourd full of Lackbi, instead of carrying, as usual, a small skin of water at his back, promising, however, to drink enough at Gutfa, a well at the foot of the mountains. He set out in this condition, and was found dead with his empty gourd by his side, within an hour’s walk of the well we had left, and so finished his task; he was accordingly buried here, as a warning to all topers.

At 12.6. P.M. came to the sand, and passed over it until 1.30. when we reached very steep, irregular sand hills, which we found great difficulty in ascending, the camels falling repeatedly. Having cleared these hills, we ascended a plain by a pass called Kenaire كنير, to the eastward of which, at the distance of a mile, is the turret I have already mentioned. Through the sand hills, I observed a singular line of rocks, resembling the scoria of the lava of Vesuvius, and about ten feet in breadth, running north and south for about five hundred yards. The mountains over Om el Abeed, which we had just left, run east and west, until lost in the distance. The hills we ascended were of limestone and flint, very precipitous, and facing to the southward, running east-south-east and west-north-west. The plain was covered with a white crust or clay, with here and there bare rock intervening.

At 3.40. P.M. we passed over a few sand hills, called El[307] Ramle Shraiya, or the small sands. At 4.15. came to a black stony flat. 4.45. passed a long line of stones facing the east, called “Sala el Sultan, or the praying place of the Sultan;” a former Sultan having prayed here while passing the desert with a numerous army. At 6.30. arrived at a spot called Gheranfāta, which is generally a resting-place, and is marked by two or three basaltic heaps: we had advanced to the pass, north 45° east, twelve miles, and from it north 52° east, the same distance.

Observed this day that the driver of one of the camels, which had joined us at Zeghen, was a blind man: he held by the animal’s tail, and was in the habit of going constantly over this uneven, and, in some places, dangerously steep track between Sockna and Morzouk. I learnt from Khalifa that one of his Khādems had died in the morning, and that he had stopped behind to bury her.

Sunday, 20th February. Thermometer 30′ below 0°.—At 7.30. passed over some gravelly plains as the day before. The horizon was as perfectly level as that of the sea. We saw a great deal of Shrab شراب, or false water. This plain is scattered with the carcasses of the numerous animals which have died on it after passing the mountains. No ravenous animals are found here, so that it is rare to see a skeleton deprived of flesh. At 1.30. we passed El Ramle Kebeer, or the large sands, which is a range of sand hills running to a great distance to the east-south-east from our right hand. At 6.30. stopped, having travelled north 35°, east 35 miles. The slaves were much fatigued, and I placed a couple of little children on my horse, whilst I rode on a camel. Belford’s Maherry was in very poor plight; but I determined, if possible, to get him to Sockna. The hills of El Gaaf, which are placed on the right and left of the road before us, bore thus: north-east point of the western range north 27° east; west point of the eastern range north 66° east. A raw night, much sand blowing over us.

[308]Monday, 21st February. Thermometer 3°.—At 7.15. set off. At nine, passed the eastern Gaaf, and at ten the western. 11.20. rose gradually to the beginning of Soudah. I walked, and my two camels were made use of by some of the poor fatigued Negresses, who were ready enough to mount them. We passed over a plain of white shining stones, called El Maytba Bayda الميتبايده, and then over a black one called El Maytba Soudah الميتباصوده, which is covered with large detached black masses of basalt. At 2.15. descended to a long wadey, having a few Talhh trees طالح, and running north and south, called Temesheen طمشين. At four passed this, and ascended with difficulty to another mountain top. At five we descended by an equally dangerous track to a narrow wadey, called Finger فنقر, where, as the slaves were very much exhausted, we lay for the night. My own Maherry had fallen very lame this day in consequence of the sharpness of the rocks we passed over; I therefore lightened his load, and allowed no one to mount him. A remarkably high and black mountain, called Kohol كخل, or black, bore north-west about ten miles. We had proceeded this day north 35° east, 30 miles.

Tuesday, February 22nd.—At 7.20. went on. Thermometer 5°. A very fine morning. At noon we passed over a wadey, called Zayra زيرا, with many shrubs in it, on which a few poor shepherds from Sockna were feeding their flocks. From 2. to 2.50. passed over a mountain top, called Dahr t’moumen دانحر تمومين, or “the Believer’s back.” At 5 stopped on a wadey, having travelled north 35°, east 14 miles. We were every evening much amused by a little Tibboo boy, called Moosa, about five years of age, whose master was always in the Kafflé next to us. This child had picked up a few words of Arabic, and spoke very prettily. The chief amusement of his master, and the Arabs who were with him, was to make Moosa dance, and then fight another boy of double his age. Whilst[309] sitting opposite to each other by the fire, their masters made them fight with lighted sticks. Moosa, who always was the first to be enraged, began to call the other boy an infidel, to curse his father, and to use many other equally insulting speeches, which the Arabs taught him. The elder boy, provoked in his turn, then rose to revenge himself, when the little fellow darted at his legs, and by biting them unmercifully, was always sure of gaining the victory. The Moors never took the trouble of collecting wood for their fires, but waited until every Kafflé had supplied itself, when they sent Moosa to steal what he could. Owing to his small size, he succeeded in these pilferings, to my great amusement, for I found that though he stole from every one else, he never robbed me, but even supplied me when I was in want of fuel. He was repeatedly offered to me as a present by his master, and I have since been sorry I refused him: he was jet black, and extremely pretty. In all the difficult passes he rode on my right knee, telling me the way in which he was caught, and many long stories besides. If his master’s camels or mine chanced to stray, he would arm himself with a stick and go in search of them, nor would he give up the chase till he had driven them back; he was indeed a most engaging child, and I became very fond of him.

Wednesday, 23rd February. Thermometer 4°.—At seven the camels took the road by a wadey to the left, whilst I and the slaves went over an almost inaccessible mountain, called Nufdai نوفدي, which brought us to the well at its foot, called Gutfa قتفا, about three miles distant from our last sleeping place; the water here is very good. We stopped an hour at the well to water and refresh the slaves and animals, and then wound along a wadey having many small Talhh trees in it, until we had made about six miles north-east, the mountains opening out on the left.

Old Baba Hassein, the Turk of whom I have made mention as[310] not giving his Bouzaferr, was now become quite a standing joke amongst the Kafflé. He spoke very bad Arabic, which, with his being very lame, and always requiring, when he walked, to be supported by two Negresses, made him the constant subject of ridicule. He had almost famished his slaves and camel-men, allowing them to drink once a day only, though he had a plentiful stock of water. Having a pipe, he amused himself with it day and night; and as smoking was to him the height of enjoyment, and he always rode a camel, he affected to wonder that the poor slaves should be fatigued or in want of refreshment. Every other owner had brought ready ground corn with him for the food of the Negroes; but Baba obliged his poor tired females to pound their corn every evening after their fatiguing march, in wooden mortars, which he had brought for the purpose. Though the whole Kafflé had been straitened for water, he actually brought two whole skins full to the well, and the Arabs told me that his slaves lay down and drank of it like camels. This man had been, about six years before, robbed of all his goods by the Tuarick, of the tribe of Haggar, when on the confines of the kingdom of Kashna, on his way from Tunis; but his address, or roguery, more than supplied his loss. He arrived almost naked at Sakkatoo, the residence of Bello (son of the celebrated Hatman Danfodio), the Sultan of the Fellata, introducing himself as a Shreef, or descendant of the Prophet, and telling a piteous story of his losses, which he since owns to have been greatly exaggerated. Bello, believing him to be a Shreef, took compassion on him, and made him a kingly present of a hundred Negresses, some of whom, then with him, were really beautiful; he also supported him for some time. The old man had traded with the Negresses, and had made a great deal of money, with which he was now returning.

We were also accompanied from Zeghen by an old Arab, who appeared to have nothing to do with loading or unloading the[311] camels, and who always prayed and slept apart from the Kafflé. I supposed him to be the father of some of the camel-men, and frequently gave him food, until I learnt that he was related to none of our companions, and that he had but one object in coming with us, which was to live upon us. He had a voracious appetite, and finding he could not obtain food at home without working for it, had been for many years in the habit of passing this desert with the Kafflés, on whom he quartered himself: his character was well known, yet the Arabs were unable to shake him off, fearing he would spread a report that they allowed him to starve, while they had plenty, which would have been a great reproach to them. At the well where I killed the camel, I gave him two days’ allowance, or about four pounds of food, which he devoured at once: he then dined with my drivers, and again with the Shreef Sadig’s men, and even managed to coax the hungry slaves out of part of their dinner. Having lost his teeth, he never chewed, but bolted his food, and was a complete glutton.

Thursday, Feb. 24th. Therm. 4°.—The Sheikh of Sockna, who was on his way to congratulate the Sultan, met us here and gave me fifty dollars, with letters from the Consul, Dr. Dickson, and Mr. Carstensen, who were all well. He also informed us of the death of the Bashaw’s eldest Mulatto son Sidi Mourad, of a pestilential disorder, which, he said, was reported to be the plague. We dressed ourselves in our best clothes, and passed on, in company with Lizari, before the Kafflé, for the town of Sockna, to prepare houses. After proceeding for about two hours over a plain sprinkled with shrubs, we passed a sandy flat and date trees: at about two miles from the town, having traversed north-east nearly fourteen miles, arrived at the town of Sockna. Before we entered it above a hundred friends of Lizari, who was once acting, and is now[312] nominal Kaid of Sockna, came out to welcome him; and I, as his friend, received every attention. We had good houses provided for us; and the Kafflé arrived soon after; but notwithstanding the respect shown us by some of the inhabitants, there were others who very much molested us; and the boys were, I think, the most impudent I ever met with, even in the most riotous and disorderly streets in London. Finding we were strangers in the country, they amused themselves with rushing by dozens into our room, to stare at, and to rob us, if they could. When their curiosity had ceased, their talents for tormenting commenced; and a good camel whip became at last my only resource against their impertinence. After I had succeeded in turning them out, they surrounded the door, all being ready for a run, and called out, “Bring the whip, bring the whip! d——n your father! here are plenty of boys peeping!” At last I was obliged to rush out upon them, and catching two of the offenders, flogged them heartily; they then began to discover, that though a stranger, I was not to be trifled with.

I must observe that some of the men of Sockna were also most intrusive and impudent beggars. They crowded in upon us ten and twenty at a time, one party leaving us only to make way for another equally troublesome; one asked for powder, another for flints, knives, scissars, and all kinds of articles: at first I felt ashamed to turn them out, and therefore had recourse to entreaty that they would go away; but this had not the slightest effect, and I was obliged finally to show that I had profited by Mukni’s instructions, and to get rid of them by main force.

Sunday, February 27th.—To my great dismay I was again attacked by hemma, and was also under the painful necessity of killing my largest Maherry, finding he had broken his toe. I had intended him for Sir Joseph Banks. He was the finest I had ever[313] seen: seven feet eight inches from the ground to his hump, which was a low one. I was offered two dollars for him, but preferred killing him, to feed ourselves and fellow travellers. As we had to hire fresh camels here, we discharged those which had brought us from Morzouk, and I was heartily glad to get rid of the Sockna drivers, who are never contented, always trying to deceive, and never assisting any one.

We found that the Bashaw had sent chowses with eight horses, the property of his late son, to be disposed of in Fezzan for Negroes, and the purchasers were to sell them in the interior, so that they might never again be seen at Tripoli. The news brought by these people occasioned a general mourning, and the women, this day and the preceding one, were out on the sands, howling, beating the Tubbel, or alarm drum, tearing their hair and faces, and committing all sort of extravagancies, which always ended in frenzy, though they would in their hearts have rejoiced to learn that the whole Koramanlie race was extinct.

Almost all the houses here have, in the principal rooms, a black line drawn round them about breast high, with wetted gunpowder. If the woman of the house is delivered of a male child, this precaution prevents Iblis and the devil’s children, or imps, from coming into the room to tease or injure him; or, what is worse, to make him squint.

Our friend and travelling companion, Sadig, who had always been very agreeable and cheerful, this day left us, to our great regret, on his return to his native town, Wadan; whither he invited me to accompany him, assuring me that I should drink nothing but sweet milk and Lackbi, and that at every meal a new dish of whatever description I chose should be prepared for me. It was his intention to send his slaves to Mesurata on the sea-coast, to exchange them for sheep.

[314]The mothers here, and indeed all the town’s-people, were at this time in great alarm, having heard that an Orfilly, or Arab of Benioleed, was prowling about in search of some child, whom he intended to kill and eat. This wretch had, from the effects of a loathsome disease, lost his nose, and been otherwise disfigured. Some one had prescribed to him, or he himself had conceived this dreadful remedy for his sufferings; and, in consequence, was on the watch for some young victim, in whose warm blood he was to wash himself, and then devour its flesh. An infant girl of two or three years of age had, a short time before, been rescued from him, and he was now wandering about the neighbourhood in search of another child. The Sockna Arabs had all agreed to shoot him if they could meet him, and Lizari had also given his promise to despatch him if he came in his way.

The Orfilly Arabs have almost universally a bad character, and are much disliked, not, however, without reason. A man murdered or robbed, a house fired, a camel stolen, or any lawless act, is almost always traced to an Orfilly; and certainly a more insolent, thievish, and begging set of men I never saw. They even exceed the Sockna men in this particular: “Give me, give me,” is their cry from morning till night.

The language of Sockna, as I mentioned when first we visited it on our way to Morzouk, is the same as that of the Tuarick, and is only spoken in this town; their neighbours of Hoon and Wadan not understanding it at all. I subjoin a few words, supplied by one of the natives.

Those words which I have marked with A are either Arabic, or derived from that language. The natives call their language Ertāna.

Monday, February 28th. Thermometer 9°.—This morning being[317] the first of their Spring, and a day of general rejoicing, it is the custom to dress out little tents or bowers on the tops of the houses, decorating them with carpets, jereeds, shawls, and sashes. A gaudy handkerchief on a pole, as a standard, completes the work, which is loudly cheered by the little children, who eat, drink, and play during the day in these covered places, welcoming the spring by songs, and crying continually, “O welcome spring! with pleasure bring us plenty.” The women give entertainments in their houses, and the day is quite a holiday. From the top of our house these little bowers had a very pretty effect, every roof in the town being ornamented with one. They are called Goobba.

I saw this day four ears of corn perfectly ripe, which was very early for the season. The gardens here are excellent, comparatively with the others in Fezzan. They are surrounded by mud walls. Lemon trees had been lately introduced from Tripoli, and promised well, but too young to bear fruit. The dates here were very fine, and there were several sorts peculiar to Sockna. I was confined the chief part of the day to my bed with hemma.

No Arab that I ever met with has any idea of sweet milk, or, more properly, cannot conceive why it is not equally good when sour. As I was unable in my weak state to eat the food of the country, I made all the exertions I could to procure sweet milk; for though a great deal was brought me, it was always sour, and when I objected to it on that account, they said, “It is but now from the ewe, we mixed it with other to make it good.” Thus they always milk their ewes, mixing the fresh and the stale milk. As I had been four days confined to my bed, and constantly longed for this beverage in its sweet state, my repeated disappointments were severe.

In the gardens are found two kinds of rats, which, from the[318] description given of them, must be curious. I despatched a man to catch me some, promising him a dollar if he brought four. One sort is black, and burrows in the ground; the other yellow, with a white belly and red eyes, and lives principally amongst the boughs of the palm trees.

Tuesday, Feb. 29th.—A man arrived from my friend, the Shreef Sādig, bringing two letters, one from himself, and the other from his brother the Shreef Abd el Ateef. These letters contained many kind wishes that I might succeed in all my undertakings, and return to their country; and concluded by saying, that prayers had been offered up in their Mosque for my safety. Four ostrich eggs, and two skins of peculiarly fine dates, accompanied these kind epistles.

Never was I so much out of patience with any people as with the natives of this place; night and day my door was surrounded, not by the poor alone, but by high and low. I really envied poor Belford his deafness, for had I too lost my hearing, I might have enjoyed a little peace. If any of these people obtained admittance, they sat down, and could not be induced to move for an hour or two, all the time flattering and begging. Ill as I was, these tormentors never allowed me to close my eyes. Belford, besides being deaf, understood but little Arabic, and could not assist me in keeping them off; consequently I was continually obliged to answer questions, to admit some, and to turn out others, and was thereby thrown into a fever far more severe than that which at first attacked me. The flies literally covered the walls, and fell by spoonfuls into all we eat or drank; in fact, so many evils overwhelmed me at once, that I have ample reason to recollect Sockna, and the miseries I endured there are too strongly imprinted on my mind to be ever forgotten. I managed, in spite of my weakness, the foregoing night, to go out[319] with a man to see his wife, who was afflicted with sore gums. She was handsome, with large black eyes, and a complexion almost as fair even as that of an Englishwoman. I prescribed as well as I could, by advising her to bleed, and then to wash her gums with bark, which I gave her, and which, I afterwards heard, completely cured her. My fee was honey from Soudan, meat, and what was of far more value than all, about a gill of sweet milk. We heard this day of the arrival of our friend Bouksaysa at Hoon, his native place, with a large Kafflé.

Wednesday, March 1st.—We were to have set out this morning; but, like true Arabs, our camel-men said their animals were ready, when they knew the contrary, and after being kept all day in suspense, we were obliged to defer our departure until the morrow. I know not how I should have managed to hire camels here, had it not been for my friend Lizari, who, while I was ill, took a great deal of trouble on himself. I was very anxious to obtain the longitude of this place, and twice corrected the chronometer by equal altitudes; but it went so badly, and stopped so often, that I gave up the attempt. I was this evening much amused by a boy who came from Hoon to see me, or rather to beg some money. He was the person I mentioned, as having advocated slave-hunting so amusingly to Mr. Ritchie and myself, when we were at that place: he came to the door and begged admittance, knowing that we were eating; some others also came begging at the same time, and wishing to turn him away; on which a vehement dispute arose as to who had the greatest right to my bounty. The boy said he came with me from Tripoli, the year before, in the same Kafflé, which they all agreed was no reason at all; but when he added that Mr. Ritchie and I had given him some money, and that he was therefore my friend, and had a right to expect more, all yielded to his superior claims. An Arab, when you have once[320] treated him kindly, thinks himself entitled to be ever after a burthen on you, and to beg, or perhaps to steal, from you as long as he lives.

The Tripoli money is the currency of Sockna, which occasions great losses to the people, who are obliged to pay their taxes to Mukni in Spanish dollars, which they buy at extravagant prices. The Bashaw’s coin is now almost worthless.

It is not the custom here to bury the dates, which in consequence are very fine, and free from sand; but they keep them in store-huts built for the purpose. I imagine that their being so exposed may account in some degree for the multitude of flies found here.

All the houses are built on the same plan, having a small square court in the centre, from which a few steps lead to an open gallery, which is the principal room. The other rooms are on the ground-floor, and one or two open from the gallery; they have no windows, but receive their light from the doors, which are all curiously chequered and striped with a kind of black paint made from burnt wool, mixed with gum-water. As they are composed of many rounded pannels of date-wood, some appear like the backs of large old books. A little blackish rat was brought to me, which was really very curious; it had a head resembling that of a badger, with the same peculiar marks by the side of the face; its tail was long, black, and rather bushy. Belford and myself contrived to make a cage for it out of a tin canister, and I discovered that it had the power of clinging to the bars, and climbing with its back downwards: it was very fierce, but I had great hopes of being able to bring it home, as well as three other animals, called by the Arabs Dthub ظمب, which resembled lizards in many respects, but were much more clumsily formed, and slower in their motions: their tails were broad, and covered with scaly spikes, and they could hang by their fore paws, which they had the power of closing on any[321] object: their head and nose much resembled those of the hawk’s-bill turtle, and to a certain degree, they changed their colour as cameleons do.

I was rubbed this day with a mixture, which the Arabs consider excellent in cases of fever, and which really, though it made me very dirty, rendered my skin quite comfortable: it was composed of a small aromatic seed, the name of which I have forgotten, with lavender from Tripoli, and cloves, pounded together, and mixed with oil and vinegar; it is rubbed over the whole body and head, until nearly dry. My doctress was a white woman of Tripoli, who, in fear of her life, had escaped from thence.

About eighteen months before this period, the Bashaw, one evening, surprised his black wives and a party of their female friends, making merry, or in other words, very drunk and noisy, and playing all sorts of extraordinary pranks; on sight of him they fled in all directions, leaving in his presence, his wife or wives, with this Tripoline woman and a Negress slave. The latter had her throat cut immediately in the presence of her mistress, the wives were threatened with death, and the white woman, named Sleema, the doctress above-mentioned, received five hundred bastinadoes; she was then allowed to depart, but the Bashaw afterwards thought proper to send after her, with an order that she should be strangled. She was fortunate enough to escape, and after wandering about for some time, attached herself to Lilla Fātma, who was also exiled and given to Sheikh Barood, with whom she arrived safely at Fezzan. The poor woman, owing to severe illness, was on the brink of the grave during her stay at Morzouk, which made her determine on leaving the place, and braving every danger by a return to Tripoli. On my coming away, she put herself under my protection, and I promised to intercede with the Bashaw for her pardon. As she was emaciated and very weak, I allowed her to mount my camels,[322] and I fed her during the journey. She certainly was not a very interesting figure, being much marked with the small-pox, and resembling, in form and person, a little fat man; and I was well aware that I should not make a very beautiful or virtuous addition to the Tripoli ladies: feeling, however, great pity for her, I consented to take her under my charge. Lilla Fātma, whom this unfortunate female had served for a whole year, allowed her to come away without giving her even a shirt, or money to help her on her journey.

Thursday, March 2nd.—We left Sockna, and rested for the day at some palms and sand hills, called Hammam, جمّام, four miles north of the town, where we found our former fellow-travellers already lying with their Kafflés. I last night had one of the yellow rats brought me, much resembling those found in Morzouk, having a sandy red back, and white belly; I put it into the cage with the other, who killed and partly ate it before morning. The first is called Guntsha قنشا. Before we set off this day, our friend Abd el Rahman gave us a fine bowl of milk and dates. My camels were hired at the rate of two dollars the Kantār, the drivers feeding themselves: some of the animals carried six Kantār, and were very fine creatures, in excellent condition. I perceived here that my Maherry, which I had sent out while we were at Sockna to feed in company with the camels, had received some injury in his foot, and was again lame. None of the camel men would allow Sleema, the white woman who had escaped from Tripoli, to ride, even though I offered three dollars for her passage, their animals being too heavily laden. The poor creature was therefore, in despair, obliged to return to Sockna. I gave her all the money I could afford, which was three dollars, promising to mention her to the Consul, in case she came to Tripoli and took refuge under our flag. She was all gratitude, and went crying back again to the house of a woman she had known when at Tripoli, and who had maintained her while we were at Sockna.

[323]CHAPTER IX.

Leave Sockna — Stop at Hammam — Well of Temedd — Sufferings of the Slaves — Arrive at Bonjem — Danger on the Desert — Zemzem — Sofageen — Storm in the Mountains — See two Roman Ruins — Arrive at Zleetun — Description of that Place — Leave Zleetun — Visit Lebida — Illness — Arrival at Tripoli — Account of the Negroes of the Kafflé — General Notices of the Desert — Belford’s bad State of Health — Departure from Tripoli — Pass Quarantine at Leghorn — Return over the Continent to England.

Friday, 3rd of March.—Hadge Mohammed brought a poor girl to me for advice. She was very feverish and light-headed, and complained of excessive pain in the chest, for which I bled and gave her some cooling medicine. At seven we proceeded, having filled water for three days, the well immediately before us being unfit to drink; our road lay over a gravelly plain. At 12.15. mountains closed in from the left to those on the right, which at the distance of half a mile ran parallel to our road; they were of yellow limestone and sand, and all table-topped. We passed along a Wadey closely bounded by mountains, until two, when we stopped for my patient, who had lagged behind; her unfeeling master, contrary to my earnest request, having suffered her to walk, while he lazily rode a camel. She arrived in about an hour, very weak, and in much pain; and would have been beaten, had I not interposed. I gave her some cotton impregnated with lemon-juice, to steep in water,[324] which a little refreshed her. A strong sand wind set in from the westward, and much distressed us: we had no remedy for it, but to lie down, and occasionally to rise and free ourselves from the heaps of sand which rapidly collected over our clothes. We had made this day north by east seventeen miles. In the evening, the wind having somewhat abated, I got a piece of leather sewed on to the hard skin under my Maherry’s foot.

Saturday, March 4th.—Fine morning. We went on about two miles to a well called Temedd, the water of which is black, and resembles in taste Glauber’s salts, and cabbage water. My horse refused to drink it; but a large supply was laid in for the poor slaves. At 9.30. left the well, and at 10.15. turned off through two mountains north-east by east. The Wadey we had just left runs three miles north of the well, and is called Tarr. At 10.15. opened on a gravelly plain; at five stopped amongst a few little low bushes. The pass through which we had come bore south 15° west, and we had made from it about fourteen miles. We had a strong blinding sand wind blowing over us all this day from the westward.

The poor girl who had ridden on a camel was now free from fever, but very weak and low-spirited. I gave her good water and cusscussou.

Sunday, 5th of March.—At 7.30. we went on, still over a sandy plain, with a few small shrubs; a strong wind, with much sand, blowing from the north-west. These winds blow in sudden gusts, and remind me of the whirlwinds called “cats’-paws” in the navy. The Negress being unable to sit upright, was lashed on the camel she rode. She continually asked for water, and complained of a severe pain in her side. I had applied a blister to it overnight, but I suspect the pain it gave her caused her to remove it. Her master troubled his head very little about her; and her voice[325] was, in consequence of her sufferings, so feeble, that had I not rode near her, and supplied her with water, she would have perished from thirst. At 4.50. came to rugged ground; and at 5.20. mountains closed in to the left: passed at the foot of one. At six stopped, having made about twenty-five miles north. I persuaded the girl’s master to let her remain under my care until she was a little recovered, as I should then be enabled to bestow more attention on her than he could, or was inclined to do: at this time she was very cold, quite speechless, and unable to swallow. I wrapped her up in my carpet, and made two of her fellow slaves chafe her hands and feet; but our efforts to save her were useless, and she breathed her last at eight o’clock, having, poor girl! suffered much agony. Her fellows in misery exhibited a striking difference between the mourners of civilized towns and those of savage countries: instead of screaming, and working themselves up into frenzy, they sat silent, dejected, and bathed in tears, their scanty meal remaining for a time unnoticed and untouched. The country of this poor girl was Waday, where Arabic is spoken. She was handsome, and about fourteen years of age. She told me in the morning that the fatigue of the day would kill her; and that I was the only person, except her companions, who had treated her kindly since she was taken from her mother. She had been ailing for a long time, as she said; but her master was a hard man, and she feared to complain.

Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon.

On Stone by D. Dighton.

A Slave Kaffle.

London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821.
C. Hullmandel’s Lithography.

Monday, March 6th.—The girl was buried near the road; and at 7.30. we went through a pass called Hormut t’uziz, خرموت توزيز, for five miles. At ten passed an insulated hill of gravel, resembling a tent in form, and called El Khayma, الخيما, or the tent. We proceeded north 25° west through the pass, a strong south wind blowing. At twelve the tent bore south 15° east four miles. At 1.15. came from an uneven stony desert, bounded on the right by mountains,[326] to heavy sand, called Wadey Booatila, وادي قواتلا, or “the father of Atila trees.” At 2.30. entered a broad pass; had steered from the last bearing north 16° east four miles. Two little black boys this day rode my horse, which I led; and one of them showed his gratitude to me by bringing me as a present, his allowance of dates, tied up in the tail of his shirt. At 5.45. came through Hormut t’Mohalla, خرموت المخالّه, or “the pass of the army,” to a broad plain, on which we stopped at six, having from 2.30. steered north seven miles. The slaves were very much fatigued, and with great difficulty came up with us. I always observed that the females were much less exhausted by travelling than the males; the former walked together and sung in chorus, nearly the whole day, which enlivened them and beguiled the way. Lizari had four little girls, of whom the eldest was about eight, and the youngest four years old; these children were continually playing and running after each other, yet the smaller one was always as lively after a day’s march, as at first setting out: she was apparently so little fatigued in an evening, as to be frequently reproved for keeping every one awake by her gambols. There was a merry boy too, who frequently kept the Kafflé in a roar of laughter, by mimicking the auctioneer who sold him, and several of his countrymen, at the Morzouk market a few weeks before.

Tuesday, 7th March, very cloudy close weather.—At 7.30. set out over very uneven stony ground and small sand hills, which at half a mile to the eastward, increased in size and formed a large belt of sand, about nine miles in length:—observed very distant mountains in the same direction. The road was over a bed of gypsum, partially covered in several places, by sand and white snail shells. At three passed the natural turret called Bazeen برزين, and came to the Wadey Klia قليه. We had proceeded north to Bazeen, and from it N.N.W. Myriads of sand flies distressed us very[327] much by the sharpness of their bite. At seven we stopped at the wells and castle of Bonjem بنجم, having made thirty-five miles. We were all on the alert this night, having been informed that a party of Orfilly, or Arabs of Benioleed, were encamped in a small cluster of date trees which were in sight from the well, and robbing every one that passed. They had tapped all the palms, and were living on lackbi, and the flesh of any stray camels they could find. A little artful boy, under pretence of wanting a skin of water, came to the well to reconnoitre, and on being questioned, gave some very suspicious answers; however, I suppose the report he made of our being constantly on guard secured us a quiet rest. A very heavy dew fell during the night; and we were aware that wild animals were prowling round us.

Wednesday, March 8th.—Having filled four days’ water, at twelve went on and encamped about four miles N.W. of Bonjem, to let the camels feed on the bushes, which were in great number. The day was very sultry, and the slaves had oil given them to grease themselves. I observed, that near the wells of Bonjem, the ground swarms with a species of tick, which attacks man and beast, is very nimble, and causes severe pain by its bite.

Thursday, March 9th.—We set off at eight in a very thick fog, which rendered it impossible to distinguish objects at a few yards distance. Our road was over a hilly gravelly ground, and we passed one or two Wadeys thickly set with bushes of talhh. Here I had an attack of hemma, and remained behind with my horse, that I might lie down and relieve the pain. At about one o’clock, being a little recovered, I mounted and followed the track of the camels, but soon lost it in a gravelly plain. I proceeded, in hopes of again finding it; but as we were amongst steep hills, all of nearly the same appearance, I could form no idea between which of them the Kafflé had taken its course. I ascended the highest hill to look[328] for it, straining my eyes in all directions, but to no purpose: I succeeded, however, in galloping back to the spot where I had last seen the tracks, and fired my gun, but nothing replied to me, or broke on the awful stillness around. My situation now became very alarming, and my spirits began to sink, when I viewed the fearful prospect before me, which, if I failed to regain the Kafflé, threatened me with the horrors of a lingering and painful death.

I examined my saddle-bags, and found that they contained not a single article of provision; my powder-horn had unfortunately been left on my camel; my note-book, however, was luckily in my possession, and on looking over it, I found, what was of some importance to me, that I had marked all the back bearings. I knew, that whether I advanced or retraced my steps, I should equally be two days distant from a well, and was aware that, even in reaching one, I might not have power to get at the water; my horse, at any rate, was not likely to survive two days’ privation of it. In this extremity, and not knowing what direction to take, I found my only resource to preserve life, supposing I obtained water, would be to kill my poor animal, and to subsist on his flesh, with the hope of being, in the meantime, relieved by some passing traveller: but this chance was very remote, the road we were pursuing being but little frequented; and as to any other means of extricating myself, I could devise none. After some time passed in reflecting on what might probably be my melancholy fate if left on the desert, a sudden impulse induced me to trust to the guidance of my horse, and, giving him the reins, I allowed him to take what course he chose, little imagining how nearly I approached the end of my difficulties. Whilst proceeding on my way, almost hopeless of extricating myself, and in a direction quite contrary to that which I had fancied to be the right one, I unexpectedly perceived that I had crossed the track, and was actually in a Wadey full of talhh trees,[329] bearing evident marks of having been recently passed over by our camels. Following this sure guide, I soon found myself once more in the safe path, and my feelings at such unlooked for and providential deliverance may be more easily imagined than described. As I was riding slowly along, I discovered, out of the track, a poor Negress lying under a bush, where, overcome by fatigue and illness, she had stopped behind, unregarded, to die.

Having myself so recently escaped the horrors of a lingering death, I felt tenfold commiseration for this poor helpless being; and having with some difficulty placed her on my horse, I took her quietly along; at such a pace indeed, as much to retard coming up with my people, whom I found in great alarm about me. They feared I must have strayed on the desert, or have fallen on the road from sickness; and such were their kind feelings towards me, that they sent a camel and a supply of water, provisions, and a carpet, with two men, to seek for me in all directions. I met them at 5.30. soon after they set out, and found that the Kafflé had, on my account, stopped for the night two hours before.

When I took the slave to her master, who was not aware of her being missing, he gave me no thanks, nor allowed the poor exhausted creature any food or refreshment; and had I not been present to prevent it, he would no doubt have added to her sufferings by a severe beating. We had made, as nearly as I could judge from our winding roads, N. 15°. E. twenty-five miles.

Friday, March 10th.—At seven we set off; road over small stony hillocks. As Hadge Mohammed, who was master of the Negress, preferred riding his camel to letting her do so, I gave her up my horse. We passed through many Wadeys full of bushes—a light shower at noon, with the wind from the northward—saw several hares; and many snakes, not venemous, were killed by the people. I astonished them by taking one or two live ones in my[330] hand: saw a very large herd of antelopes, which I was silly enough to follow; but, of course, without reaching them. At five stopped, having made about twenty miles N.E. We had a fine night, with much dew. The poor Negress was very ill and weak, although in no pain; her master pretended to be convinced that she was only affecting sickness, and beat her accordingly.

Saturday, March 11th.—At 7.30. A.M. we set out; road as yesterday. At noon came to the Wadey Zemzem زمزم, in which we found a well, of apparently Roman workmanship, and 84 feet in depth: the water was salt, and very putrid. This Wadey is of great length, running N.E. and S.W. Gherzeh is situated in it, and it runs to the sea at Tawurgha. We made eight or nine miles north; my poor Maherry was again very lame; put another sandal on him: fine warm day. A general washing and greasing took place with the whole Kafflé.

Sunday, 12th March.—We proceeded at 7.30. A.M.; road as yesterday: had a stock of water for three days. I saw a large bird resembling a goose in form; body and neck white, wings of a dusky white, barred with dark brown; it escaped me in the bushes. At four came to a stony plain, with small shrubs. At six stopped, having made about twenty miles N.W. by N.: thick oppressive weather, with swarms of sand flies; the slaves very much fatigued. I saw several coveys of partridges, and shot some birds resembling thrushes in size, but with longer tails, and of a reddish brown colour: they fly in flocks, and in their restlessness and twittering much resemble sparrows. We lay amongst some bushes, and secured our animals, as we were on the centre of a desert, and feared their straying.

Monday, 13th March.—We went onwards at 7.30. over a stony plain until noon, when we came to a broad Wadey of sand, having a few scattered shrubs, and a strong south wind darkening the air[331] with clouds of sand. Came to a well, but found it dry: our water was out, having been distributed without restriction. This caused no little sensation in the Kafflé, as we were said to be two days from any other well; fortunately, however, the Arabs, in wandering about, found one which had been newly made amongst some hillocks, about a mile from our track. Many flocks of large blue pigeons were flying round us. I shot one in very good condition. We travelled north-north-west ten miles.

Tuesday, 14th March.—At 7.30. went on, the weather very fine; had two fruitless chases after partridges and gazelles. The sick Negress rode my horse, and was abused every five minutes by her master for feigning sickness. I yesterday shot an owl of the size of a dove, and having very beautiful plumage; its eyes were marked black and yellow in circles, and it had those bunches of feathers, called horns, on each side the head. This day it became so putrid that I was obliged to give up the idea of stuffing it. At about a mile from our resting-place, was the water I have spoken of. We filled our gerbas there, but it was very bad, and my horse, as in a former case, refused to drink it. At 5.30. we halted, not having made more than fifteen miles, as our camels stopped repeatedly to eat. We went on about north-north-west: passed this day several spots with young corn growing, belonging to the Orfilly Arabs. The wadey we were in is called Sofajeen صوفجين, and is of great extent from east to west.

Wednesday, 15th March.—We found that three of our camels had strayed in the night, two of mine, and one of Lizari’s. We sent Arabs in search of them, and waited until noon, when we loaded the other camels, leaving the loads of the stray ones with two Arabs, together with some water and provisions. As there was no water for the slaves, we were obliged to move on, intending to[332] send camels back from Zleetun, when, fortunately, our wanderers made their appearance.

A fine cold north wind from the sea reminded us that we were once again in its vicinity. At three, clouds rose round us, and very heavy rain fell on the neighbouring hills, accompanied by thunder and lightning: it soon after reached us, and we encamped in a small wadey, having travelled north six miles. The provisions of the whole Kafflé had nearly failed, and many of the Arabs had, during this day, only a handful of dates.

Thursday, 16th March.—Heavy black clouds all round us. At 7.15. we set off, but at eight were obliged to stop again (having gone north one mile and a half). The rain falling in torrents, we put up our tents and goods, as well as the time would admit, on a rising ground near a wadey, which was soon partially flooded. I sheltered twenty-six poor shivering girls and four boys in my tent, and we were of course pretty well crowded. I managed to put dry clothes on some of them, and to make them more comfortable. At noon the rain ceased for a time, and we had occasionally light showers during the rest of the day. Belford and myself sallied out, and, kneeling down, drank sweet water for the first time since leaving Tripoli, with a zest greater than any toper ever felt on tasting the most exquisite wine. I observed that the fresh water caused me very severe pain in the bowels, and occasioned a sensation of fulness in the chest. A snake was killed by the Negroes, nearly seven feet in length, but so much mutilated that it was impossible for me to skin it.

Friday, March 17th.—Last night the poor sick Negress died from fatigue and the united effects of cold and rain. Showers during the night. The morning was fine, and at seven we took our road over a flat of yellow sandy earth, covered with grass and small[333] bushes; in many places the ground bore marks of the plough. At noon we had travelled north 10° west, ten miles, when the sky became much overcast. We lost our road until this period, and now having found it, proceeded north 20° east. At five the rain came on, and we encamped on some small hillocks in the wadey, having made fourteen miles since noon. Total, twenty-four miles. The latter part of our road was hilly and full of wadeys. Our tents were no sooner pitched than very heavy rain came on, in a tremendous storm (called Gherra قرّه by the Arabs): thunder and lightning close to us. The noise was tremendous, and the wadey before us was quickly filled with a roaring torrent, sweeping all before it: happily, the tents were on a rising ground, which prevented them from being washed away. The mountain torrent continued all night. I had often heard these storms spoken of, but always imagined that the accounts given of them were much exaggerated; I now found that the description did not at all come up to this night’s tempest. Sixteen poor Negresses took shelter with me, and remained under the carpet, full of gratitude at being protected from a storm, the noise of which made them tremble.

Saturday, 18th March.—A fine morning; fresh north-east wind blowing. We had a general clothes drying, and the slaves were oiled. At nine went on over high hills covered with stinted bushes. We saw a few Arabs with their cattle and flocks in the wadeys. At noon, having passed over a green plain, came to the gardens and corn-fields of Zleetun زليتن. The country was very flat, and some spots of near a mile in length appeared as if they had been flooded during the night. The ground was so slippery that some of the camels fell with their loads, and were with great difficulty re-loaded and placed upon their legs again. The nature of the foot of a camel is such, that the animal never falls or stumbles when on flat or dry ground; even on rocks it is sure-footed, but on mud it feels[334] its inability to walk, and trembles at every joint, slipping, or rather sliding as it goes. It sometimes happens that a fall on wet ground occasions the death of the animal by splitting open its fore legs. Old Baba Hassein’s camel fell first, with him upon it, which raised a general shout of joy throughout the whole Kafflé. The Arabs most religiously believed that the tempest of yesterday, and the falls of to-day, were owing to his never having given his Bousaferr; and to the same cause was attributed our many delays in coming from Sockna, because “Ma fi el Barca مافي الباركا” there was not the blessing on the Kafflé.

A considerable time elapsed before we succeeded in finding the Gusba, or Castle; at last, to our great delight, we gained an entrance, though not till after we had all been well drenched by two or three heavy showers. My fellow travellers took such rooms as had roofs water proof, while Belford and myself preferred pitching our tent in the yard; by that means avoiding, in some measure, the multitude of fleas found in these buildings. We had travelled this day north 15° east, seven miles.

I think it necessary to mention, that near our last resting-place I found two Roman ruins, one about a mile north-east of the other. In one, the foundations of two or three rooms are perfect, as are the bases of some very large pillars; the other has part of a wall standing, with several square niches in it. The stones which compose these buildings are some of them seven feet in length by three in breadth, and appear to have been mortised into each other.

On our rising the tops of the mountains we observed with great joy the sea, beating on some shoals at a distance from the shore; but we could not see the beach, as it was hidden from us by the sands of Zleetun. To the great astonishment of my fellow travellers, who no doubt thought me mad, I chanted God save the King, and Rule Britannia, as loud as I could roar. The poor slaves looked[335] forward to the mighty river before them with wonder and fear, and I believe at that moment all the stories they had heard of “the people on the great waters who eat the Blacks,” recurred to their imagination. It blew a heavy gale from the north-east, and the white foam added not a little to the imposing appearance of this (to them) terrific water.

The houses of Zleetun are scattered about amongst palms and olive trees, which cover a space of ground of three or four miles in extent. Corn is cultivated in great quantities.

Sunday, 19th March.—This place is particularly blessed in possessing the remains of a great Marāboot, who is buried in a really handsome Mosque, ornamented with minarets and neat cupolas, and white-washed all over. The name of the Saint is Sidi Abd el Salām. His descendants are much respected, and are called Waled el Sheikh والدالشيخ, “Sons of the Elder;” they think themselves authorised to be the most impudent begging set of people in the whole Regency of Tripoli. I was on the point of kicking out of my tent one of them who would not understand the monosyllable no in answer to a request which he made me for some powder in the name and on account of his illustrious ancestor; but luckily Lizari came in at the moment and prevented me; and he afterwards told me I might as well have thought of kicking a descendant of the Prophet himself.

The whole of the surrounding country is most luxuriant in corn, dates, and olives, and is quite level. The Castle in which we were is of the true Arab character, built of mud and gravel, and swarming with vermin. The rooms are round the large courtyard, and their roofs, being flat, are the platforms for one or two four-pounders. Two markets are held here weekly; one on a Friday, in front of the Castle, the other on a Tuesday, near the Marāboot’s tomb. The country is governed by a Mamluke of the Bashaw, who has the title of Kaid. If I may judge from the number of drunken men[336] who were at the market, Lackbi is pretty universally drank. I bought a very fine sheep for a dollar and a quarter. Every thing here, as in Tripoli, is in the hands of the Jews: they are artisans and merchants, having dealings from one farthing up to hundreds of dollars; they also distil brandy from the dates, and find a very ready sale for it. Some small vessels bring goods to Zleetun; but as there is no roadsted, they anchor in the offing when the wind is from shore. Hills of sand obstruct the view of the sea at about a mile from the houses, and goods are carried that distance by camels.

I here unfortunately lost my black rat, which I had rendered quite tame; having appeared sick and drooping, I let it out of its cage, and wrapped it up in my barracan, the warmth of which so far recovered it, that, to my great regret, it made its escape: my other animals and serpents were alive and well.

Monday, 20th March.—As the corn was not ready for the slaves, we were obliged to stop over this day. I was much amused by the songs of the Negresses while pounding wheat; they sang all their country airs in chorus, and there was in their wildness much beauty. Their Boori, or songs used in sorcery, were particularly striking, and they kept time to the music with their wooden pestles and glass armlets, which sounded like cymbals. One of the songs was thus explained to me: the three girls who sung it were pounding in the same mortar, and regulated their beating according to the circumstances of which they sung. At first they pounded slowly, one telling the other two that they must keep up their spirits, as the warriors would soon be at home, and their lovers would bring more trophies than any one else; they then increased their time, and sang a song of triumph, the warriors being supposed to have returned; when suddenly they beat without measure, singing in a very shrill and rapid manner as for one who was dead. They then ceased beating altogether, and sung a trio, in which two endeavoured[337] to comfort the girl who had lost her lover, she appearing inconsolable. At length they agreed to have recourse to sorcery, to ascertain if he died nobly. A goat was supposed to be killed, each of them examining its entrails, and singing several incantations, until a happy sign was discovered, when they resumed their pestles, winding up with a very beautiful chorus. The master of the girls forbade their singing any more, even though I earnestly requested that they might be suffered to continue; he said it was unholy, and that they were as great Kaffirs now, as before they acknowledged our Lord Mohammed to be the Prophet of God.

Tuesday, 21st March.—At eight we left the Castle, and passed over a sandy flat, the sea being hidden from us by the sand hills. At noon we crossed a romantic water-course, having a small limpid stream running through it. We saw here the remains of a magnificent aqueduct, which once ran to Lebida. At a short distance from one another were many small edifices resembling the mouths of wells, which were once used as communications with the aqueduct; these little buildings are seen all the way to Lebida, and show what course the aqueduct takes. At two we separated from the Kafflé, and went to the ruins of Lebida, which stand near the sea, and are surrounded by sand hills formed against them. The country inland of these hills, being highly and most luxuriantly cultivated, presents a pleasing aspect. As I was still very unwell, and little able to walk up the sand hills, I visited but three or four of the buildings, of which the lighthouse appeared the most extraordinary. Other ruins, which have once been fortresses, are formed of immense masses of stone.

The remains of the foundation of the ancient city wall are on a gigantic scale, and several pillars yet remain of the same description as those taken away in the Weymouth store-ship. My time being limited, and this place having before been visited and described by[338] persons of more science and ability than myself, I did not attempt to search for any inscriptions. My short visit, however, afforded me much gratification, and I returned to the track of my companions, whom I came up with at seven, having travelled north- north-west thirty miles.

Wednesday, March 22nd.—I found myself much better. Fine morning. At seven we pursued our course over mountains covered with verdure, and at nine came to a Roman well standing at the foot of an old castle, which appeared to have an arched communication with it, to be used in time of war. This well was in a narrow deep ravine, which the castle commanded. We found the old Turk and his slaves waiting for us at the well; they had gone past us in the dark. The old man was in great wrath; some thieves having come in the night and robbed him of five hundred weight or a camel load of dates: suspecting his own hungry Arabs, he had ordered them to lie at a distance from the sacks. They told him they would pray to God that he might suffer for his suspicion; and were therefore not sorry to see him so soon punished for it. Some Bedouins among the rocks in the pass were the robbers; one of his Negresses saw them in the act, but feared to wake her master, because he once beat her for disturbing him while asleep. When the old man related to me his misfortune, I gave him no consolation, but said I admired the ingenuity of the thieves; and all our Arabs tauntingly told him that he had now paid his footing.

We passed many fine corn-fields, and several enclosures with vines and figs, apparently very flourishing. Many large flocks were feeding on the plains. At three we stopped, one of Hadje Mohammed’s camels having fallen from weakness. Lizari’s Maherry followed his example, on which he sent the Arabs back to kill the animal, and they brought the meat to the Kafflé, portioning it[339] out to all. Many hints were given me that I ought to kill my lame animal, but I would not understand them, as I thought he might still be serviceable to me. Several Arab wanderers came to partake of our feast; and we were obliged, when it grew dark, to give warning that any stranger seen walking near the Kafflé would be fired at. One of the Sheikhs, who had flocks near us, sent us some oranges, which we devoured, rind and all, in a moment. Our road had been so very circuitous that I could not be accurate as to the bearings, but as near as I could judge we had gone west-north-west eighteen miles.

I was so ill on our march this morning as to be under the necessity of stopping with the camel I rode, and lying on the ground, an Arab remaining with me. I was seized with such violent trembling, that the man was obliged for some time to sit on and hold me down to prevent my injuring myself. I suffered much agony, and the most intolerable thirst; to assuage which the kind Arab went about two miles back on his road to bring me water. He was so long absent, that I began to despair of his return; my fever each moment increased, and my thirst, in consequence, became so excessive, that observing my camel, which was at a little distance from me, making water, I resolved to attempt reaching him, and endeavouring to avail myself of a resource, which, under any other circumstances, would have filled me with disgust. Weak and exhausted as I was, and with no alternative but to drink, or, as I thought, to expire, I was about to catch and swallow the nauseous draught, when, at that moment, I perceived my trusty Arab ascending a hill, and advancing towards me. Those only who have experienced the agonies of suspense, or the torments of parching thirst, can conceive my sensations when he joined me, bringing the wished-for beverage; which, after all, was only dirty water in a goat-skin, but which I thought delicious, and drank with delight and[340] gratitude. After about three hours my fit went gradually off, and my man holding me carefully on the camel, brought me at nightfall to the Kafflé, which had waited for me. We were encamped at Wad el Meseed واد المسيد, a river of no magnitude, running through steep sandy cliffs. We had made about twenty miles west-north-west.

Friday, 24th March.—I found myself very weak, but much better. Belford continued quite deaf, but we were in high spirits at the idea that our journey would soon be at an end, and that we should once again behold our dear friends. We proceeded at seven, our road being chiefly along the sea-coast. At eleven passed Wad el Ramle, or “the sandy river,” which is a small stream, running through sand hills: on its borders are luxuriant fields of corn. At three the man whom I had sent forward with a letter to the Consul brought me news that he proposed coming out to meet us. At four we entered Tejoura تاجوره. I was on a camel anxiously looking out for him, when himself, his two sons, Dr. Dickson, and Messrs. Carstensen, came galloping towards us. I soon slipped down on my legs, but was obliged to stop them, for they would otherwise have passed on without recognizing either Belford or myself, so much was our appearance altered. We pitched our tent in a space near the great Mosque, and passed the evening most agreeably. The Consul’s sons remained with me, but the rest of the party were obliged to go on to Tripoli, promising to meet me on the morrow, and to accompany me into the town. We had a fine Arab supper cooked by Lizari’s Negress, and were all Kaffirs enough to drink wine, and even to eat some pork, when Lizari was out of the way.

Saturday, March 25th, 1820.—Exactly one year from the day we left Tripoli, we re-entered the town, accompanied by the Consul and Mr. Carstensen. All our friends received us most kindly, and I was fortunately enabled on that evening to send a letter to Lord[341] Bathurst, informing his Lordship of our safe return. I lodged our goods in the Portuguese consular house, with which Col. Warrington had kindly accommodated us, though not without having repeatedly pressed us to make his own house our home.

Notwithstanding my happiness at once more joining my Christian friends, I really felt no small regret at taking leave of our poor fellow travellers, many of whom I knew were destined to proceed to Tunis and Turkey. Their good humoured gaiety and songs had lightened to me many hours of pain and fatigue, and their gratitude for any little benefits I had it in my power to confer had quite warmed my heart towards them. Even when so exhausted as to be almost unable to walk, these poor creatures showed few instances of sulkiness or despondency; the first stanza of a song having been sung by one, enlivened the whole Kafflé, who immediately joined in chorus. Their patience under fatigue, and endurance of thirst, was very extraordinary. Khalīfa’s girls were allowed to drink only once in twenty-four hours, yet they were always cheerful.

I was frequently amused by observing the pains taken by these innocent savages to adorn themselves; their love of finery never ceasing, even when no one was near to admire them. Though overcome by privation of every kind, and by the fatigue of a long day’s journey, they employed themselves in converting into neck ornaments, snail shells, berries, or any other whimsical objects they could meet with. Those who possessed rings, bead bands for the head, or silver ear-rings, never failed to put them on when they stopped for the night, washing and oiling their skins whenever they had an opportunity; they also constantly used Kohol to blacken their eyelids, and to make different marks on the face.

One of the women of the Fellāta had a little male child, which was carried by turns by the whole Kafflé. Her milk had failed her, and this poor infant had nothing to nourish him but a mixture of cold[342] water and flour, unless I sometimes gave him some cusscussou. He, as well as his mother, was a shade lighter than a mulatto, which is generally the colour of their tribe.

Several of the girls carried with them an instrument called Zantoo. It is a long gourd hollowed out, having a hole at each end, and is played by striking one end against the calf of the leg, and occasionally stopping the other by a quick blow of the open hand. It has a very pleasing effect when well played, and the glass armlets, which are sometimes worn to the number of eight or ten on each arm, add to it a pretty tinkling sound. Whenever a party had a little outwalked the Kafflé, and sat down to rest, the Zantoos were set in motion, and were accompanied by their plaintive national airs. The wild music and picturesque appearance of these resting-parties was very pleasing, and I seldom passed one of them without having a lively chorus addressed to me.

There is a small bush found on the Desert, called by the slaves Wussawussa, with leaves resembling those of box in form, but tender, and having a very salt taste; these the slaves collected whenever they could, and boiled with their evening meal; and the flavour is not unpleasant.

In some of the wadeys were many thorny bushes bearing small black berries, called Dummagh ظماخ or “brains,” which have a very sweet, but at the same time astringent taste, and of which these poor girls always brought me large supplies, in return for my assisting those who were fatigued or thirsty. In fact, Belford and myself, being the only persons who did not beat or ill treat them, became great favourites; and my talents in particular were so highly appreciated, that not a male or female slave tore or wore out their sandal leathers, but they were immediately brought to me to be repaired, as I had always some leather in my pocket for that purpose: I thus became cobbler to the whole Kafflé.

[343]None of the owners ever moved without their whips, which were in constant use; that of Hadje Mohammed more so than the rest: in fact, he was so perpetually flogging his poor slaves, that I was frequently obliged to disarm him. Drinking too much water, bringing too little wood, or falling asleep before the cooking was finished, were considered nearly capital crimes, and it was in vain for these poor creatures to plead the excuse of being tired; nothing could at all avert the application of the whip. No slave dares to be ill or unable to walk; but when the poor sufferer dies, the master suspects there must have been something “wrong inside,” and regrets not having liberally applied the usual remedy of burning the belly with a red hot iron; thus reconciling to themselves their cruel treatment of these unfortunate creatures.

I settled with my camel-men the day after my arrival in Tripoli, and having great reason to fear that Belford’s health was too much injured to proceed immediately, I agreed to remain there a short time, that he might be benefited by the advice of my friend, Dr. Dickson, who had kindly taken him under his care: he had been for six months afflicted with dysentery, was quite deaf, and so reduced as to be nearly a skeleton.

I think it right to account for what otherwise might be attributed to neglect, my having, in the latter part of our journey, omitted to notice the variations of the Thermometer from the 28th of February to the present time. Not using my tent, I found much difficulty, in so large a Kafflé, in preventing stray camels or the slaves from treading on the Thermometer; and it was so frequently in danger of being broken, that I found no correct rate could be kept, and therefore gave up the attempt.

[344]of the desert.

Having, from the time of leaving Tripoli until my return from Fezzan, been constantly on the Desert, I shall endeavour to give a description of the country so called. In all our maps, Sahāra is the appellation used to distinguish that immense tract, known also by the name of the Great Desert.

Oasis is the term used for fertile spots or islands, said to be situated on the Sahāra; and Fezzan is supposed to be one of these Oasis: whereas, it is now evident, that it also is a Desert, with the exception of palms and small gardens, cultivated with great labour and difficulty, in the immediate vicinity of towns. No herbage ever grows spontaneously, except in wadeys or amongst rocks; and these in such small patches, that I never yet saw a spot covered with verdure of the size of a table, unless in the mountains near Tripoli. The Arabs have a name for every description of waste or desert, viz. the following:

Sahār is the name commonly used to particularise that description of Desert which is of sand alone, forming a plane surface, without either stones, rocks, water, or any sustenance capable of supporting animal or vegetable life, with a smooth horizon and without beaten paths.

Ghrood are those species of sand hills which I mentioned having once or twice passed in Fezzan: they are of an indefinite height,[345] some being so steep as to be entirely impassable: others, and indeed all of this particular name, are traversed with difficulty. In some instances, palms grow on these hills; which are generally situated on the borders of stony plains, where the wind has collected and formed them.

Sereer is the appellation of gravelly plains, from which the sand has been swept by the force of the winds; and it is on this kind of Desert alone that sand hills are found. The gravel is generally of a small size: in some instances, rounded as pebbles on a sea beach; in others, sharp and pointed, as if recently broken; and a third kind is not unfrequently seen, covering spaces of many miles in extent, of stones which have a shining exterior, as if highly polished.

Warr is a rough plain, covered with large detached stones lying in confusion, and very difficult to pass over. The tops of mountains, particularly the Soudah, are distinguished by this name: it is, in fact, applied to such tracts of country as are only travelled with the greatest fatigue and difficulty, on account of the many obstacles thrown in the way by stones, small hillocks, &c.

Hatïa implies a spot which possesses, in a slight degree, the power of fertility, and produces a few small stinted shrubs, scattered at intervals, on which camels may make a scanty meal, or travellers a fire.

Wishek: sand hills or plains, which afford only wild, unproductive, or uncultivated date bushes, are called by this name. All Wishek bear the appearance of having been formerly what are called

Ghrāba, which is a term always used to distinguish parts which produce cultivated or fruit-bearing palms, but having no town near them; the owners of the dates only coming in the season to collect them. Zezeera is a term also used in common with Ghrāba, but I believe only by Fezzanners.

[346]Soobker is the designation of salt-plains, which are marshy in winter, and in summer become broken and rough by the influence of the sun; or of that particular species found in Fezzan, where the salt and earth or sand are so closely combined, as to form a substance resembling stone, and equally hard to cut or break. One of these plains, between Trāghan and Māfen, is about three or four miles in the broadest part, and above twenty-five in length.

Wadey is a term of which I have frequently made use, yet I have given but a slight explanation of. It is a valley in which shrubs grow, or through which the rains form a temporary stream. Near Tripoli the Wadeys are sometimes the courses of impetuous torrents; but in Fezzan, where rain is almost unknown, they are smooth dells, very rarely producing a single plant. A small rift in the mountains, capable of containing only eight or ten camels abreast, is as much a Wadey as a large valley containing a town or towns, and the date trees belonging to such settlements.

Gibel, or Mountain, is a term I need not explain; but merely as showing that it is by no means a matter of course that a Desert must be flat, or nearly so, as even in the kingdom of Fezzan, mountains are very numerous.

Sahāra, therefore, is only applicable to sandy districts, and the Arabs only use the word Berr بار, or country, as a general term. In no part of the Desert, which I have seen, or of which I could obtain accounts, does it appear that water is found on the surface: hence it seems extraordinary, that wild animals should exist; yet antelopes, buffaloes, and some other animals, are, in different places, very numerous. Rats are frequently found to burrow in plains twenty or thirty miles distant from shrubs, and their food is unknown; no birds being found there, and the small lizards and snakes, as well as the few insects, being too active to be caught by them. In some parts, the only living creature seen for many days is a small insect[347] somewhat resembling a spider, called Naga t’Allah نعقاتالله, or the “She camel of God.” Beetles are also seen where Kafflés rest, or in the vicinity of shrubs; and their curious tracks in the sand are so marked, that I have sometimes traced the same insect for a mile or two as I rode along.

Nothing can be more awful than the stillness which prevails, more particularly when the surface is sandy. I have sometimes walked at night from the Kafflé, so as to be beyond the noise made by the camels or horses, and have experienced a sensation I am unable to describe, as I felt the wind blow past me, and heard the sound which my figure caused it to make, by arresting its progress. Near towns, or in places where animals can exist, the slow melancholy cry of the hyæna or jackal is frequently heard during the night, when these animals prowl round the Kafflé.

The appearance of water on the sandy and gravelly deserts is very frequent, and is generally so well defined, that it would be difficult to distinguish it from a river, were it possible that both could be seen at the same time. It is called Shrab شراب by the Arabs, who often amused themselves by calling to us that water was in sight, until we became accustomed to the appearance. Of this curious phenomenon so much has been said by various writers, that any attempt at description on my part would be unnecessary. The looming of objects when the sun is at its greatest strength, is very striking; as from the vapour which rises, they are, at a slight distance, much obscured. I have frequently, in riding along, been delighted at observing in the distance, a tree which appeared sufficiently large to shade me from the sun, and to allow of my reposing under it, until the camels came up; and have often quickened my pace in consequence, until, on a near approach, it has proved to be nothing more than a bush, which did not throw a shade sufficient even to shelter one of my hands. Sand hills deceive still more,[348] always appearing very distant when the sun is on them; and it has often happened, that I have been startled by seeing a man or camel rise close to me, on the top of one of the apparently distant hills. The excessive dryness of the Desert is in some places very extraordinary, particularly to the southward of the Soudah mountains, where, in going to as well as coming from Fezzan, I observed that our clothes, and the tails of our horses, emitted electric sparks.

Water is not to be found by digging in all parts of the Desert; but is more particularly difficult to find in the Sereer, or gravel, which generally lies over sand stone. In two instances I have seen remains of pits which had been dug to one hundred feet without coming to water. The wells which are on the Desert are generally found in Wadeys or in the sandy country; and in all those I have seen, the water was salt and putrid, but the putrescence diminished after a quantity had been drawn. Some wells have only a sufficiency for the supply of five or six horses at once, and are a long time before they again fill. These wells which were so scantily supplied, I observed, were always in a soft clayey rock; but those which kept themselves tolerably full, were in a yellow clay. The depths vary from 6 or 8 feet to 70 or 80.

In almost every part of the stony desert, small piles of stones are frequently discovered, which are erected by travellers as marks to direct them across the country, or in the event of their missing their route, to assist them again to find it. These little heaps are called Aālum علم, or “teachers;” and some become so remarkable, as to acquire other names, and to be favourite resting-places for Kafflés.

About the beginning of April, a dangerous fever broke out and was making great ravages in Tripoli, many of the inhabitants dying[349] daily in the town and gardens. On my arrival, I made an attempt to obtain an interview with the Bashaw, but his highness was not at first sufficiently disengaged to allow of my paying my respects to him. At the end of a fortnight, however, I was admitted to an audience, and was accompanied by the British consul; who jointly with myself, thanked him for the attention which had been shown to the Mission, by the people of the interior, in consequence of his patronage.

The Bashaw was much amused by my having acquired the language and accent of Fezzan, and conversed with me for some time, asking me a variety of questions respecting what had occurred to me on my journey. He promised, that on the event of my returning to Africa, I should always be secure of his friendship: and on my taking leave of him, desired I would offer his compliments to my Sovereign.

It would be useless and uninteresting were I to relate the trifling incidents which occurred to me during the remainder of my stay at Tripoli. I shall therefore merely mention, that on the 14th of May I procured a passage to Leghorn for Belford and myself, taking with me my horse, which was a gift from the Bashaw, and a Maherry, or courier camel, which I intended to present to his Majesty George IV.

Dr. Dickson was unwilling to allow of Belford’s undertaking the voyage, fearing that his weakness would not enable him to resist any severe weather; but as Belford thought himself equal to the attempt, and as we were naturally impatient to return to England, I resolved no longer to delay my departure. I cannot omit the opportunity here offered me of expressing my sense of the kindness invariably shown me by Col. Warrington, the British Consul; from whom, as well as from his family, I received the most unremitting attention. I can only sincerely lament my total[350] inability to do justice to his friendship, evinced towards me not only in his official capacity, but individually, and on all occasions where he had the power of serving me. To some other most kind friends, who assisted me in the hour of need, I have also to offer my sincere tribute of thanks.

Myself and suffering companion left Tripoli on the 19th of May; and, after a passage of ten days, arrived at Leghorn. Belford was again so ill, that I found it necessary to call in the assistance of a medical gentleman, who visited him frequently at the Lazaretto. Our quarantine was twenty-five days, in a good airy situation; on leaving which we removed to the town, prior to setting out overland for England. We hastened to change our dresses, and to shave our beards, though not before we had been unwillingly exhibited to many curious, and, in some cases, troublesome visitors, who came to view us in our Moorish costume.

During the time of our quarantine the minister of Mohammed Ali, the Bashaw of Egypt, honoured me with a visit; and after asking me many questions, and ascertaining my knowledge of Arabic, made known to me that his master was about to send, on a progress of discovery, a large armed force, southward and westward from Egypt, and that he was particularly anxious to engage some European to accompany them, in order to survey the countries which they proposed exploring. He hinted, that on the event of my offering my services, I should, no doubt, be very flatteringly received, and that a most liberal allowance would be made for my outfit, as well as for my services; and the month of November was the period fixed for the departure of the expedition: in short, he held out so many advantages, that I only refused on the score of my being in the service of my own government, who might, perhaps, again require me to return to Africa. From the plan thus laid down to me, I saw clearly, that on the event of my accompanying[351] the Bashaw of Egypt’s army, I could with ease ascertain the situation in which the Niger ended, as I should have to pass into a country from whence I well knew how to proceed, and to which, should I ever again return to Africa, I would immediately make my way.

On the 29th of June we left Leghorn; and passing overland, arrived in London on the 29th of July, 1820. In travelling through France I was so severely attacked by ophthalmia, as to be nearly deprived of sight; but on my arrival in England, I soon recovered. Belford continued still deaf and much emaciated, and, as I feared, with little prospect of ever regaining health or strength. I must observe, in justice to this my faithful, though humble companion, that during the service on which we were engaged, both prior to, and after the death of Mr. Ritchie, his conduct was such as to ensure my perfect esteem and confidence. He did not possess the advantages of birth or education; but his quiet, unobtrusive manners, and excellent disposition, made ample amends for these deficiencies. In the most trying moments, when all distinction between man and man is levelled, he never lost sight of the respect he considered due to me; but in sickness faithfully nursed me, and in health implicitly obeyed all my directions.

On my arrival in London, I waited on Earl Bathurst, to acquaint his lordship with the result of the mission; and delivered up the whole of the public papers belonging to the late Mr. Ritchie.

[355]APPENDIX.

METEOROLOGICAL REGISTER.
MORZOUK.

We set out at this time on our journey to the south; for account of Thermometer see Journal.

[361]OBSERVATIONS.

I here subjoin a short account, by Professor Buckland of Oxford, of a few specimens of the rocks and minerals of Tripoli and Fezzan, which I was enabled to collect in the course of my tour.

It appears to Mr. Buckland, from these specimens, that the kingdoms of Tripoli and Fezzan present, in their geological structure, a striking resemblance to the rocks of Europe; and are composed of strata, which are distinctly referrible to the three following formations:

1. The Basaltic Rocks appear to constitute the great chain of the Soudah or Black Mountains, near the northern extremity of the kingdom of Fezzan, not far from Sockna; they extend in breadth nearly 100 miles from north to south, and run as far as the eye can reach from east to west.

2. The Tertiary Limestone, or Calcaire Grossier, containing marine shells in a state of delicate preservation, is found in Tripoli, on the two opposite edges of the desert that lies between the town of Benioleed and castle of Bonjem, and appears to be of the same age and formation with depositions of a similar kind that occur in Malta and Sicily, and on the north side of the Mediterranean, on the coasts of Italy and France.

3. The New Red Sand Stone formation appears under its usual form of loose red sand, accompanied by salt and gypsum, and[362] associated with beds of a calcareous breccia, cemented by magnesian limestone, and with beds of compact dolomite.

There are no primitive rocks, and one specimen only which seems referrible to a granular quartz rock, more ancient than the new red sand stone.

A short descriptive catalogue of the specimens which have been brought home, with the assistance of the map in which all the names alluded to are inserted, will give the most ready information they are calculated to afford.

The specimens are as follow:

basalt.

No. 1. Basalt, nearly black, much impregnated throughout with carbonate of lime, and interspersed with small circular cells, that are partly or wholly filled with common or with magnesian carbonate of lime. The decomposition of this rock forms small spherical fragments of considerable hardness, the surface of which, by long exposure, has acquired a kind of polish or glossy aspect, and is irregularly pitted or indented all over with small cavities of various depths, from the destruction of the calcarous matter that originally filled them.

A similar appearance of glossy polish is found on all the calcareous specimens from this country, which appear to have been long exposed to the action of the atmosphere. In some of these the surface is entirely smooth and even; in others, it is furrowed over with minute grooves and channels, intersecting each other with irregular curvatures, and resembling the appearance produced on the surface of compact limestone that has been submitted to the action of acids, or corroded by small marine worms.

It is not easy to determine the cause of this irregular destruction of the surface of limestone, whose substance appears to be entirely uniform: it is probably the same that gives it the glossy polish; but it seems doubtful, whether the agent producing it be the continual[363] drifting of fine siliceous sand, or the action of the atmosphere under exposure to a burning sun. A similar gloss appears on the surface of many fragments of flint and compact siliceous limestone that have been long exposed on the surface of the soil, on the summit of Martre near Paris; and in this case, I think, it can only be referred to the action of the sun and atmosphere.

The chain of the Soudah or Black Mountains appears to be composed of this basalt; they rise to an elevation of about 1500 feet, being situated at a short distance on the south from Sockna, and extending about 100 miles in breadth from north to south, and in length as far as the eye can reach, from east to west; they are perfectly barren, of irregular form, occasionally broken into detached masses, and sometimes rising into cones. Their elevated plains are in some parts covered with the small spherical shining fragments above described. The latitude of this chain is from 28·40. to 27·30. north. Traces of basalt occur also near Tripoli, in lat. 32. at a spot called Black Dog, on the north of Beneabbas, and in a valley through which the road passes from Beneabbas to Benioleed.

2. An unrolled agate from Om el a Beed, near Zeghen, on the south of the Black Mountains. The occurrence of fragments of basalt, in this same neighbourhood, renders it probable that basaltic rocks exist in Situ, near the Pass of Kenair.

tertiary formations.

3. Two species of cardium, in a state of delicate preservation, resembling that of the shells of Grignon, near Paris, and embedded in a loose white sand, which has the appearance and degree of adhesion of coarse white sugar, from a gravelly plain on the north of Bonjem.

4. Slightly crystalline limestone, of a dark yellow colour, and loaded with fragments of organic remains, amongst which the most distinct are referrible to the genus Ostrea and Pecton. It is found in a mountain of Tripoli, thirty miles south of Benioleed. This[364] limestone appears to be nearly of the same era with the Calcaire Grossier of Paris, and is separated only by a large desert plain from the deposit of shells last mentioned at Bonjem. The probable connexion of these strata with the tertiary formations in other adjacent parts on the coast of the Mediterranean, has been already suggested.

5. Soft, highly calcareous marl stone, of a light mottled gray colour, resembling in appearance the chalk marl of England: it is said occasionally to be streaked with red, and to contain modules of flint. It occurs in the Mountains of Mejdool, in lat. 26.

6. Quartzose sand dispersed through a matrix of indurated green clay, and affording the materials of which the town of Traghan is built.

It is probable that these two last specimens, 5 and 6, are from strata not more ancient than the chalk of England, and possibly connected with the tertiary formations, No. 3 and 4.

new red sand stone.

7. Sand collected fifty miles on the north of Sockna, during a gale of wind from the drift sand, which is blown about the desert. It is composed of extremely minute grains of red semi-transparent quartz; observed with a lens, these grains appear to be rounded fragments, and present no crystalline facets. They possess, in a strong degree, that peculiar tint of red, which has caused the name of red sand stone to be applied to certain extensive formations which it pervades in Europe.

The frequent occurrence of salt springs, and of rock salt and gypsum in the deserts of Africa, goes far to identify the sand of this continent with the new red sand in the south of England, which is characterised by containing similar mineral substances. It is still farther allied to it in being accompanied by strata of calcareous breccia and beds of limestone; in all of which magnesia is a considerable ingredient.

[365]8, 9, 10. Ferruginous concretions, forming aetites or geodes in the red sand shore. The broken fragments are compact, sonorous, and of a dark liver colour, having a shining polished surface. The sand which formed their matrix still adheres to the exterior of some of them. They occur on a plain and a mountain near Om el a Beed. In lat. 27°⁵⁄₁₀: they are here so abundant, as almost entirely to cover the ground, and impart to it a dark red colour. This accumulation of them probably arises from the wind having drifted away the fine sand, in which they were formed, leaving behind the heavy bodies in question.

A little farther north, at the foot of the Pass of Kenair, near some steep sand hills, is a narrow bed almost entirely composed of tubular concretions of iron of similar origin, irregularly ramifying through the sand like roots of trees, and producing a rugged appearance, which at first sight resembles a bed of lava.

11. Flat lamina of variegated sand stone, held together by a calcareous cement, and covered on each side by small spherical tubercles closely studded by the side of each other. Similar concretions are common in the imperfect beds of sand stone strata of all formations.

12. Flesh-coloured marl, full of small irregular crystals of selenite. The colour of this marl resembles that of the rock marl of England: it is from a plain near Gatrone, lat. 25°.

13. Fibrous gypsum passing into foliated, apparently from a matrix of ochreous marl stone.

14. Crystals of calcareous spar imbedded in yellow-ochre. Found with No. 13, in the same mountain with the Calcaire Grossier, No. 4, thirty miles south of Benioleed.

15 and 16. Fibrous and foliated gypsum from a similar matrix of ochreous marl to No. 13 and 14, and found on the same plain, near Bonjem, with the two species of cardium, No. 3.

It is probable these last four specimens come from a stratum[366] more nearly allied to the gypsum formation of Paris than to the red marl to which I have referred the other specimen of gypsum, No. 12.

magnesian limestone, or dolomite.

17. Limestone, very compact, and strongly impregnated with magnesia, and is of a yellowish white colour; occurs split into small laminated fragments, like broken tiles. The ground is covered with these fragments, which break and rattle under the feet like pottery. It is found in the plain between Zuela and Omesoguin, lat. 26°.

18 and 19. From the plain that lies between the Black Mountains and Pass of Kenair. Both these specimens are compact limestone, of a dark flesh colour, and contain much magnesia. This plain is covered with small shining fragments of this limestone, particularly near El Gaaf; and their exposed surfaces are corroded and furrowed over with the small irregular grooves and channels already mentioned in the note to No. 1.

20. Flesh-coloured dolomite, mottled with yellow. From the north base of the Black Mountains.

21. Hard compact dolomite, of an ochre yellow colour. From the Well of Gutfa, between the north base of the Black Mountains and town of Sockna.

22 and 23. Brecciated dolomite, of yellowish white colour, full of knobs and concretions of the same. Found on the plain near Sockna.

24 and 25. Brecciated dolomite, of dark flesh colour, full of small angular concretions of the same substance, but in more compact state than that which forms the cement by which they are held together. These are found near the compact flesh-coloured dolomite, No. 18 and 19, in the plain of El Gaaf.

All the above specimens, from 17 to 25, are much impregnated[367] with magnesia, and distinctly referrible to similar strata that form subordinate beds in the new red sand-stone formation of England; and they seem to occupy a similar position in the red sand-stone of the desert plains that lie on the north and south side of the basaltic chain of the Black Mountains in Fezzan.

26. A pudding-stone, composed of pebbles of dolomite, united by a granulated calcareous cement. Taken from a Roman castle at Bonjem. The surface of this specimen has the same glossy polish which has been before mentioned in some others.

27. Specimen of the materials of which the Castle of Zuela and many other old castles are constructed. It is an artificial compound, made up of small grains of quartz of the size of millet seed, imbedded in a cement or paste of yellowish marl, which effervesces rapidly with acids: there is no more marl than is sufficient to hold together the grains of quartz. Buildings are constructed of this material by pressing the composition into cases, which are removed when it is dry.

28. Milk-white compact carbonate of lime. From the plain between the Black Mountains and Pass of Kenair. It is beautifully furrowed over with small channels and grooves, like No. 18 and 19.

29. White limestone, of coarser grain. From ditto.

30. White limestone, filled with grains of fine white quartz. From ditto.

31. White limestone. From the north base of the Black Mountains.

32. Compact yellow carbonate of lime, having a polished glossy surface, beautifully furrowed, and resembling a bit of yellow bees’ wax. From the north base of the Black Mountains.

These last specimens of carbonate of lime are found with those of dolomite described immediately before, and seem to belong to the same formation with them.

[368]It appears then, as far as can be collected from the few specimens above described, that on each side of the central basaltic chain of the Soudah or Black Mountains, the plains of the desert are composed of red sand and sand-stone, containing gypsum and rock salt, and associated with beds of dolomite and common carbonate of lime. All these characters identify most distinctly the sand of the desert of Africa with the new red sand-stone of England. There are no specimens which indicate the existence of any other formations on the south side of the Black Mountains from lat. 29° to 24°, except the marl-stone and green clay (No. 5 and 6); which lead us to suspect strata of tertiary formation in lat. 26°, near Mejdool, on the east of Morzouk. At the north base of the central chain, strata belonging to the same red sand-stone formation seem to extend nearly to Bonjem on the frontiers of Fezzan and Tripoli; where the basis formations appear, and probably repose on them in irregular patches in the desert that divides this place from the mountains on the north of the town of Tripoli. These mountains extend east and west nearly parallel to the coast of the Mediterranean, from long. 15° to 13°; but as no specimens have been brought home from them, it is impossible to do more than conjecture to what formation they belong: from notices inserted in the map, they appear to contain trap and calcareous rocks. The nearest point from which we have a specimen is Benioleed (No. 4): and this is probably referrible to the calcaire grossier of Paris.

One solitary specimen from the eastern extremity of these calcareous mountains possesses no character sufficiently distinct to show whether it be calcaire grossier or jura limestone. It seems, however, to belong to one of these two formations.

The only specimen remaining to be described is No. 34; a yellow quartzose sand-stone, having a glassy fracture, and in some of its component grains having a sapphire blue colour. It resembles[369] the sandstone of which is composed the statue of the Old Memnon in Egypt; and was found near the north base of the Black Mountains. As it is not a rolled pebble, it indicates, that in addition to basalt there are strata of ancient quartzose sandstone in this chain, which forms nearly the centre of the line along which the specimens above described have been collected.

[371]INDEX.

• Afno. See Soudan.
• Aghades, a district of Soudan, notice of, 131, 132.
• Agrab el rah, or scorpion of the wind, notice of, 184.
• Agram, salt lakes of, 245. Probably the same with the salt lakes of Domboo, ibid.
• Agriculture, of the Arabs, 44. Of Fezzan, 275.
• Amaymet Saad, pass of, 305
• Amusements, of the African Arabs, 52.
• Animals, found in Fezzan, 271—273.
• Antiquities, ruins of, discovered at the well of Bonjem, 66. Near the castle of Zleetun, 334. At Zelida, 337, 338.
• Ants, devastation of, in Fezzan, 187, 188.
• Arabs, general character of, 38, 39. Their dress, 39, 40. Arms, 40. Two classes of, 41. Their tents described, ibid. Government of their tribes, 42. Religion, ibid. Marriages, 42, 43, 299. Their cattle, accustomed to subsist without water, 44. Their agriculture, ibid. Produce of their flocks, 45, 46. Quality and value of their horses, 46, 47. Mode of shoeing adopted by them, 48. Diet of the Arabs, 48—52. Their amusements, 52. Forms of courtesy, 53. Their ignorance respecting Europe, 53, 54. Account of the tribe, called Waled Suliman, 54, 55. Notice of the Orfilly tribe, 34—36. And of the tribes of Sockna and the frontier of Fezzan, 79, 80. Their method of preparing meat for a journey, 219.
• Areg el Libben, (village), 205.
• Arms of the Tripolines and Arabs, 40, 41. Of the Tuarick, an African tribe, 110.
• Aseēda, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 49, 50.
• Aselis, a species of reptile at Morzouk, described, 184.
• Atila, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 50.
• Baba Hassein, a Turkish trader, anecdotes of, 303, 304, 310. Is plundered by some Arabs, 338.
• Bahr el Ghazal, a province in the interior of Africa, notice of, 127. Productions, ibid. [372]Dress and manners of the inhabitants, 127, 128. Vast quantities of petrified bones found there, 128.
• Bairam, feast of, how observed, 108, 109.
• Barracan, an article of African dress, described, 17, 39.
• Barter, singular mode of, 302.
• Bashaw of Tripoli, public progresses of, described, 15, 16. Funeral of his grand-daughter, described, 19, 20. Interview of the author with, on his return from the interior, 349.
• Bastinado, punishment of, how inflicted, 17.
• Baths of Tripoli, described, 16, 17.
• Batus or Battus, (Mountain), 22. Account of the Sheikh of, 27, 28. And of the Jews who are resident there, 28.
• Bazeen, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 49, 50.
• Bedouins, or wandering Arabs of Northern Africa, account of, 41—54.
• Belford (John) accompanies the mission to Africa, 2. His Arabic appellation, 7. In imminent danger of being stung by a venomous snake, 82. Is employed to construct a carriage for the Sultan of Morzouk, 179. Success of his work, 180, 181. Account of his illness, 194, 195, 241, 247, 350. Returns to England, 351. The author’s honourable testimony to his character, ibid.
• Bello, a Fellata chief, account of, 138.
• Ben Arief, mountain and pass of, 301.
• Beneish, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.

• Benewaleed,	⎱ ⎰	town of described, 161—163.
  Benewazeed,

• Benghāzi, (town) itinerary to, 243. And from thence to Derna, ibid, 244.
• Beni abbas, a village in the Gharian mountains, arrival at, 25. Description of its subterraneous habitations, ibid, 26. Hospitable reception of the author and his party, by the Sheikh of, 26, 27.
• Benioleed, village of, 34. Wretched condition of its inhabitants, ibid, 35, 36. Their number, 36.
• Bergoo, or Borgoo country, productions of, 251, 255. Character and manners of the inhabitants, 251, 252, 254. Arab mode of making them captives, 255. Itinerary from Tegerry to, 264. And from Borgoo to Waday, 267.
• Bidriah, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
• Bilma, itinerary to, from Tegerry, 265.
• Bir el Wishki, well of, 298.
• Birnie, a town in the Bornou country, account of, 123. Bearings of various places there, 126, 127.
• Bones, (petrified), discovered in the interior of Africa, 128.
• Bonjem, (well of), 65. Account of Roman antiquities in its vicinity, ibid, 66. Revisited by the author, on his return to Tripoli, 327.
• Borgoo. See Bergoo.
• Bornou (country), boundaries of, 123. Vocabulary of its language, 122. Chief towns, 123. Rivers and lakes, 124, 125. Dependent provinces of, 126—128. Bearings of different places in, 126, 127. Government, 128, 129. Dress and customs of the people of Bornou, 130. Itinerary from Kashna to, 141. Exports to, from Fezzan, 152—154. Imports thence, 154—157. Articles of commerce between Bornou and the Tibboo, 159. Description of the women of Bornou, 161.
• Bornouse, or African and Arab cloak, described, 6.
• Bouzafer, a kind of footing analogous to that of crossing the line, notice of, 81.
• Bread, Arab mode of baking, 51.
• [373]Buckland, (Professor), observations of, on the rocks and minerals of Tripoli and Fezzan, 361. Basaltic rocks, ibid, 362. Tertiary formations, 361, 363. New red sandstone, 361, 364—366. Magnesian limestone, 366—369.
• Buffaloes of North Africa, notice of, 76.
• Bugs of Fezzan, 186.
• Burials, African mode of, 19, 20. Account of the burial-places at Morzouk, 99.
• Camels, extraordinary mode of travelling on, 114, 115. Arab mode of firing, when lame, 301. Water, how obtained from the stomach of, to satisfy the thirst of almost perishing travellers, 305.
• Cannibalism practised at Yemyem, 142, 143.
• Castle of Morzouk, description of, 98, 99.
• Cattle of the Arabs, accustomed to subsist without water, 44. High prices of, at Morzouk, 177.
• Charms, prevalence of, among the Arabs, 31, 52.
• Coffee, a preventive of thirst in hot climates, 93.
• Commerce, articles of, between Fezzan, Soudan, Bornou, and Waday, 152—157. Between Fezzan and Egypt, 157—159. Between Bornou and the Tibboo, ibid. Between Tuat and the Tuarick, ibid, 160.
• Corn, African mode of grinding and preparing, 178.
• Corna, a species of fruit, notice of, 274.
• Cookery of the Arabs, described, 49—51.
• Costume of the Tripoline men, described, 6, 7. Of the women, 17, 18. Of the Arabs, 39, 40. Of the people of Sockna, 73. Of the Tuarick, an African tribe, 109, 110. Of Bornou, 130. Of the women of Bornou and Soudan, 161. Of the inhabitants of Morzouk, 168—172. Particularly of the children and court of the Sultan, 176, 177. Of the Tibboo women, 225, 226. And of the Tibboo men, 228.
• Courtsey, forms of, among the Arabs, 53. And among the Tibboos, 232.
• Cuscussou, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 48, 49.
• Dahr t’Moumen, plain of, 81.
• Dances, indelicate, of the Northern Africans, 63. Account of the dances at Morzouk, 172—175. And of a Tibboo dance, 226, 227, 233.
• Date-trees, at Sockna, notice of, 72. Notice of the date harvests, 163. And of the dome-date, 242, 245. Mode of preserving dates at Sockna, 320.
• Deesa, a species of rusk, used as fodder for horses, 236.
• ———, (village), hospitable reception of the author at, 257, 258.
• Derna, (town), itinerary to, 243, 244.
• Desert, near Tripoli, described, 21. Of Sbir ben Afeen, 83. Perilous travelling through, 84. Of five days’ journey through, 305—312. Description of the Great Desert, 344. Various appellations given to parts of it, ibid, 345, 346. Awful stillness of, 347. Phenomenon of the Seráb, 347. Wells, occasionally found there, 348. Extreme heat of the desert, 83.
• Dgleim, village of, 87.
• Diseases, prevalent at Morzouk, and their treatment, 106, 107.
• Doodroo river, course of, 133.
• Door, a species of worm, notice of, 300. Prepared as an article of food, 301.
• Drawing, not prohibited by the Arabs, 291.
• Dress of the Tripoline men, 6, 7. Of the[374] Tripoline women, 17, 18. Of Bornou, 130. Of the women of Soudan and Bornou, 161. The men at Morzouk, 169, 170. And of the women, 170, 171. Especially of the children and court of the Sultan, 176, 177. Of the Tibboo women, 225, 226. And men, 228.
• Drunkenness, prevalence of, at Tripoli, 13.
• Dummagh, a mountain shrub, notice of, 29.
• Dupont, (M.) joins the mission to Africa, as naturalist, 1. Assumes an Arabic appellation, 7. Resigns his office, 20.
• Dweeda, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 50.
• East wind, effects of, 94.
• Education, state of, at Morzouk, and in Fezzan, 186, 187.
• Effa, a venomous snake, account of, 82.
• Egypt and Fezzan, state of the commerce between, 157—159.
• El Bakki, (village), notice of, 234.
• El Bedere, bearings of, 211.
• El Gaaf, hills of, 307.
• El Grarat Arab Hoon, plain of, 69.
• El Guasem, (village of), 29.
• El Ramle Gebeer, a range of sand hills, 307.
• El Kelb Assoud, (mountain), 23.
• El Khayma, mount, bearings of, 325.
• El Maytba, Bayda and Soudah, plains of, 308.
• El Ramle Kebeer, sand hills of, 83.
• El Ramle Shraya, sands of, 83.
• El Wiakh, well of, 267.
• Elood, (mountains of), 68.
• Emzairaat, (wadey of), 81.
• Eructation, filthy practice of, at Tripoli, 14.
• Evil eye, charms against, 31.
• Farmela, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
• Fever, Arab remedy for, 321.
• Fezzan, boundaries of, 270. Aspect of the country, ibid. The author’s entry into the kingdom of, 68. Journey in, 69—152. State of cultivation, 271. Articles of commerce carried thence, to Soudan, Bornou, and Waday, 152—154. Articles received in return, 154—157. Exports of the Fezzan merchants to Egypt, 157. Imports, 158. State of education in this country, 186, 187. Abundance of ants and bugs there, 187, 188. Revenues of the Sultan, 188, 189. Character of the Fezzaners, 240, 280. Their appearance and manners, 283, 284. Mineral productions, 271. Animal productions of this country, 271—273. Vegetable productions, 273, 274. Agriculture, 275. And horticulture, 277. Chief towns, 275. Chief diet of the inhabitants, 276. Division and tenure of landed property, ibid. Weights and measures current in commerce, 277, 278. Government, 278—280. Punishments, 282. Character of the Marāboots, 284. State of education, 285. Manufactures, 286. Condition of slaves, 287. Of the women, ibid. Parental authority, absolute, ibid. Laws relating to the issue of slaves, 289. Traditions prevalent there, 287, 288. Geological observations on the mountains and rocks of, 361—369.
• Fighi, or men of letters, notice of, 285.
• Flocks of the Arabs, account of, 45, 46.
• Food of the Arabs, account of, 48—52.
• Fossil Bones, discovered in the interior of Africa, 128.
• Fuggha, (town), notice of, 243. Itinerary thence to Benghazi, ibid.
• Funerals, how solemnised at Tripoli, 19, 20. Of Mr. Ritchie, 192.
• Gafooly, a species of clover, notice of, 275.
• [375]Gatrone, (town), arrival at, 224. Described, ibid, 228. The author returns thither, from an excursion, 248. Fondness of the inhabitants for show, ibid. Arrival of the Ghrazzie, or slave-hunters, there, 249.
• Ghadams, a Tuarick town, notice of, 112. Its situation described, 161. Occupied by two hostile tribes, 162. Water, how distributed there, 163.
• Gharian Mountains, the author’s journey to, described, 21, 22. General appearance of the country in their vicinity, 23. Arrival at the foot of the Gharian pass, ibid. Its inhabitants nearly extirpated, 24. Account of their subterraneous habitations, 25. Hospitable reception of the author and his party, by a Gharian Sheikh, 26, 27. Arrival at Castle Gharian, 28. Ruin of a Roman building discovered in these mountains, 30. Account of the people of Gharian, 32, 33. Journey thence to Benioleed, 33, 34. Geological observations on the Gharian mountains, 361—369.
• Ghraat, a Tuarick town, notice of, 112, 113. Manners of the inhabitants, 113.
• Ghràba, a species of desert, defined, 345.
• Ghrazzie, or slave-hunters, arrival of at Gatrone, 249. Account of their excursion, 250. Their manner of making captives, 255. Their return to Morzouk, 261. Observations on the Ghrazzie, 262. Mode of dividing the captives, ibid. Slave markets, 263.
• Ghrood, a species of desert, defined, 344.
• Ghroodwa, (village), notice of, 86, 87, 298.
• Ghrowāt, (village), 203.
• Gibbi, or south wind, effects of, 94.
• Gla, (mountain), 64.
• Gooberr, a Fellata town, notice of, 141.
• Gonja, country, notice of, 160.
• Government of the Arab tribes, 42. Of Bornou, 128, 129. Of Tembuctoo, 147. Of Fezzan, 278—280.
• Guasem, (village), notice of, 29.
• Guatela, (mountains), 68, 69.
• Guddub, a species of clover, notice of, 275.
• Gundy, an animal so called, described, 31, 32.
• Gurd or Gurda tree, botanical notice of, 234. Its pod and leaves delineated, 235.
• Gussar Hallom, castle of, 257.
• Gusser Turk, castle of, described, 28, 29.
• Gutfa, well of, 81, 309. Curious ceremony performed there, 81.
• Hadje Hajeel, (village), notice of, 203, 204.
• Hamera, (village), notice of, 210.
• Hand, cutting off, a punishment for theft, 17.
• Haousa, country, boundaries of, 149. Vocabulary of its language, 149—151.
• Hatia, a species of desert, notice of, 345.
• Hegira, festival of the commencement of, 185.
• Hoon, (a town of Fezzan), notice of, 75. The author attends public worship at the Mosque there, 77, 78.
• Hormut Emhalla, pass of, 68.
• ——— t’Mohalla, pass of, 326.
• ——— Taad atar, pass of, 69.
• ——— t’Uziz, pass of, 325.
• Hornemann, the traveller, notice of, 133.
• Horses, Arabian, account of, 46, 47. How shod, 48. Singular mode of swimming them over the river Tsad, 124, 125.
• Horticulture, state of, in Fezzan, 277.
• Houses at Morzouk, described, 96. At Sockna, structure of, 320.
• Ibrahim Zubbo, an Arab tribe, notice of, 142.
• Inscription, ancient, at Tripoli, 18. At Bonjem, 66.
• Itinerary, from Kashna to Sakkatoo, 140.[376] Into Bornou, 141, 142. From Morzouk to Tuat, 144. And to Kashna, 131. From Fuggha to Benghāzi, 243. From Benghāzi to Derna, ibid, 244. From Yent Werda, 265. From Tegerry to Bilma, ibid.
• Jerba, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
• Jibn, or Arabian cheese, notice of, 45.
• Jufara, wells of, 223.
• Kabra, the port of Tembuctoo, notice of, 145.
• Kadi, jurisdiction of, in Fezzan, 279, 280.
• Kaffir, or unbeliever, who are so called, 160.
• Kanem, barbarous irruption into, by the Sultan of Fezzan, 129.
• Kasarawa, (well of), 236.
• Kashna, Itinerary from Morzouk to, 131. Account of the road from Kashna to Soudan, 132. Rivers of this district, 133. Cowries current there for coin, 138. Manufactures, 139. Itinerary from Kashna to various places in Soudan, 140—142.
• Kattagum river, course of, 133, 134.
• Kenaire, pass of, 306.
• Khod el Khadem, mountain of, 69.
• Klia, (desert), painful journey across, 68, 69.
• Kohol, mountain of, 308.
• Language of Bornou, vocabulary of, 122. Peculiarity in, 198. Vocabulary of the language of Sakkatoo, 135—138. Of Tembuctoo, 146, 147. Of Soudan, or the Haoussa tongue, 149—151. Of Baghermee, peculiarity in, 198. Of Tibboo, 233. Of Sockna, 314, 316.
• Lebida, ruins of, 337.
• Lilla Fatma, an extraordinarily fat woman, account of, 62, 63. Accident to, in travelling, 86.
• Liver complaint, extraordinary remedy for, 220, 221.
• Lizards found in Northern Africa, notice of, 184, 185.
• Lyon, (Capt.) obtains permission to accompany Mr. Ritchie to North Africa, 2. Arrives at Tripoli, ibid. His interview with the Bey of Fezzan, 5. Assumes an Arabic name, 7. Acquires the habits of the Moslems, 8. Journey of, to the Gharian mountains, 21. Hospitable reception of him and his party by the Arabs of the Tripoline desert, 22. Arrive at the Gharian pass, 23. Journey through the mountains, 24—33. Arrival at Benioleed, 34. Description of the place and its inhabitants, 34—36. Return to Tripoli, 38. Journey thence to Morzouk, 55—87. Arrival there, 88. Exerts his medical skill in behalf of the Arabs, 67, 68. His residence in Morzouk, described, 96. Illness of, and of his companions, 100, 101. His mode of keeping the fast of Ramadan, 102. Prescribes for the Africans, 115—117. Prescribes for the children and negresses, 175. Sells one of his horses for the support of himself and his companions, 182. Generosity of a Mamluke to them, 183. Is stung by a scorpion, 184. Buries his friend, Mr. Ritchie, 192. Narrative of his own illness, 194, 195. Proceedings with respect to Mr. Ritchie’s effects, 195, 196. Apology of, for conforming to the Mohammedan worship, 199, 200. Journey to Tegerry, the southern limit of Fezzan, 202—238. Hospitable reception at Deesa, 257. And at Zaizow, 258. Returns to Morzouk, 259. A fête given to him by his friend Mohammed el Lizari, 268. Arrangements for his departure from Morzouk, 290.[377] Takes leave of the Sultan Mukni, 292, 294, 295. Arrives at Dgleim, 295. At Temenhint, 302. At Zegen Om el Abeed, 303. At the pass of Kenaire, 306. Traverses a desert, of five days in extent, to Sockna, 305—312. Illness of the author and his alarming situation in the desert, 327, 328. His providential deliverance, 329. Overtaken in a tremendous thunder storm, 333. Feelings on again beholding the sea, 334. Experiences a dangerous relapse on his journey, but recovers, 339, 340. Arrives at Tejoura, 340. And re-enters Tripoli, ibid. Has an interview with the Bashaw, 349. Embarks for Leghorn, 350. And arrives in England, 351.
• Mabrook, a town at the end of the great desert, notice of, 144.
• Mafen, (village), 257. Account of a remarkable plain of salt and earth, in its vicinity, ibid.
• Maghna, village, 209.
• Mahmoud, (Hadge), a friend of the author’s, notice of, 103, 104. Instances of his kindness, 192, 194, 196, 197.
• Mahommed el Mukni. See Mukni.
• Mamlukes, at Tripoli, engross all offices, 14. Disinterested generosity of one, to Messrs. Ritchie and Lyon, 183.
• Mandra, a tributary province of Bornou, notice of, 126.
• Mangelly, village of, 203.
• Manufactures of Soudan, 139. Of Tembuctoo, 146.
• Marāboots, or Mohammedan saints, two classes of, 8, 9. Procession of, described, 9—11. The author initiated by one, 12. Their tombs, regarded as sanctuaries, 38. The author visits one, near Morzouk, 102. Interview with one at Traghan, 205. Hospitable reception of the author by one at Gatrone, 229. General character of the Marāboots of Fezzan, 284.
• Marādi country, notice of, 143.
• Marriages, notices of, at Tripoli, 18. Of the Arabs, 42, 43. Ceremonial of a marriage at Morzouk, 185, 186. At the village of Sebha, 299.
• Matta Imhammed, mountains of, 69.
• Meat, Arab modes of cooking, 51. And of preparing for a long journey, 219.
• Medicine, state of, among the Arabs, 51, 52. And at Morzouk, 106, 107.
• Medroosa, (village), 235. The author’s dilemma there, 246.
• Mejdool, (village), 221, 222.
• Mejnine, castle of, 21. Arrival of the author and his party at, ibid.
• Melghra, wells of, 37, 61.
• Mellona, governor of Kashna, notice of, 135.
• Messhia, or gardens, near Tripoli, notice of, 15, 21.
• Meteorological Register, from May to December 1819, 355—359.
• Milk, different sorts of, used by the Arabs, 45.
• Mogatba, an Arabian dish, how prepared, 50.
• Mohammed ben Abd Alla, a friend of the author, account of, 104, 105.
• Mohammed el Lizari, a friend of the author, notice of, 104, 203. His unpleasant situation, 252. Gives a fête to the author, 268. Departs for Tripoli, 269.
• Mohammedans, treacherous conduct of, 200, 201. The absolute necessity for European travellers assuming their costume and mode of worship, illustrated, 199, 200.
• Mokhaten, (village), 205.
• Mountains of Fezzan and Tripoli, geological[378] observations on the structure of, 361. Basaltic mountains, 361, 362. Tertiary limestone, 361, 363. New red sandstone, 361, 364—369.
• Morzouk, the capital of Fezzan, the author’s journey to, described, 55—87. Arrival there, 88. Account of the place, 97. Castle, 98. Burial-places, 99. Diseases prevalent there, and their treatment, 106, 107. Itinerary thence to Kashna, 131. To the country of Tuat, 144. Water, how raised for irrigating the gardens in its vicinity, 169. Description of the principal Mosque, ibid. Dress of the men, 170. And of the women, ibid. 171. Notice of favourite dances there, 172, 173. Prices of provisions there, 177. Their quality, ibid. 178. State of education there, 186, 187. Number of Mosques, 199. Manner of selling slaves there, 268. Their condition, 288. Meteorological Register, kept at, 355—359.
• Mukni, (Mohammed el), Bey of Fezzan, character of, 3. Account of the manner in which he obtained his power, ibid. 4. Expresses himself favourable to the mission to Africa, ibid. The author introduced to him, 5. Extirpates the Waled Suliman tribe of Arabs, 55. His people live at free cost, among the natives, 64. His entry into the town of Sockna described, 70—72. In what manner he collected his tribute, 74. Ceremonies paid him on his departure from Sockna, 80. His reception on approaching the town of Morzouk, 88. His sentiments on English customs, 89. His lenity to one of his concubines, 91. Expedition of, against the Arab tribe of Tibboo Borgoo, 106. Ungenerous conduct of, to Messrs. Ritchie and Lyon, 117, 119. Invades the defenceless people of Kanem, 129. His barbarous treatment of the captives, ibid. Is apprehensive of being superseded by the Bashaw of Tripoli, 163. Whom he endeavours to propitiate, 164. Prepares for flight, 165. Is continued in his office, 263. His treacherous intentions towards Messrs. Ritchie and Lyon, 165, 166. Cultivates acquaintance with some Arab Sheikhs, 168. Extraordinary dress of his children, 176. Costume of his court, 176, 177. Has a carriage constructed for him, 179—181. Ceremonial of marrying one of his cast-off women, 185. Sources of his revenues and their amount, 188, 189. Anecdote of his treachery to a trader, 198. His reception of his son, on his return from a slave-hunting expedition, 261. Suggestions for preventing his predatory incursions into the Negro kingdoms, 281. His expedient for securing his duty on captured slaves, 268.
• Music of the Tibboos and of Fezzan, 234.
• Negroes, ill treatment of by the Mohammedans, 79. Painful march of some liberated Negroes, across the deserts, 92. Account of the traffic in, 120—122. And of the songs of the captive Negroes, 336, 337. Amiable character of the women, 140. In what manner the Negroes are taken captives, 255. Markets for the sale of, 263. Their condition in Fezzan, 287. Especially at Morzouk, 288. Sufferings of some Negroe-captives in their journey across the deserts to Tripoli, 296, 323, 325, 329, 332, 343. Scanty allowance[379] of food to them, 297. Their cheerfulness, under all their sufferings, 341, 342.
• Neshoua, (well of), 297.
• New Year’s Day, Mohammedan rejoicings on, 185.
• Nil, or Niger, a river of Bornou, notice of, 127. Its course, 145, 148.
• Nufdai, (mountain), 81, 309.
• Omeladam Tasfert, well of, 221.
• Omesogueer, (village), notice of, 221. Fabulous account of a Marāboot there, ibid.
• Ongornoo, a town in the interior of Africa, notice of, 127.
• Orfilly, tribe of Arabs, wretched condition of, 34—36. Their character, 314. Anecdote of one, ibid.
• Ostriches, observations on the natural history of, 77.
• Ovens of the Arabs, form of, 51.
• Parental authority, absolute, at Fezzan, 287.
• Park, (Mr.), observations on the fate of, 146.
• Population of Tembuctoo, accounted for, 145.
• Prostitutes, regulations concerning, at Tripoli, 13.
• Punishments, (Moorish), 16, 17. Of Fezzan, 282.
• Rats of Fezzan, notice of, 317, 318, 320.
• Religion of the Arabs, 42. Of Soudan, 139. Of the Tuarick, 112.
• Reptiles of Morzouk and its vicinity, 184, 185.
• Revenues of the Sultan of Fezzan, 188, 189.
• Rhamadan, fast of, strictly observed, 102. Extravagant rejoicings on its termination, 107.
• Ritchie, (Mr.) accepts the author’s offer to accompany him to Africa, 2. Arrives at Tripoli, where he is joined by Mr. Lyon, ibid. Makes an excursion to the Gharian Mountains and Benioleed, 21—38. Preparations for a journey into the interior, 56, 57. Journey from Tripoli to Morzouk, 58—87. Arrival at Morzouk, 88. His first appearance in a mosque, 95. Description of his residence in Morzouk, 96. His distressing illness, 100, 103. Recovers, 117. And prescribes for the Africans, 116, 117. Imposed upon by Mukni, 119. Whose treacherous intentions towards himself and Mr. Lyon, he discovers, 165, 166, 167. Relapse of Mr. Ritchie, 189. His death, 190, 191. And funeral, 192.
• Rocks of Fezzan, observations on the geological structure of, 361. Basaltic rocks, 361, 362. Tertiary limestone, 361, 363, 364. New red sandstone, 361, 364—369.
• Sadig, (Shreef), kind behaviour of, to the author, 313, 318.
• Sahār or Sahāra, a species of desert, defined, 344, 346. Phenomena of, described, 346, 347. Wells occasionally found there, 348.
• Saints, Mohammedan, account of, 8—12.
• Sakkatoo, a town of Soudan, notice of, 134. Itinerary from Kashna to, 140, 141. Vocabulary of the language of, 135—138.
• Sala el Sultan, or praying place of the Sultan, 307.
• Salt, remarkable incrustations of, in Fezzan, 205, 206. Plain of, 211.
• Salutation, Arabian mode of, 53.
• Samnoo, (village), notice of, 85.
• Sand winds, 70. Effects of, 83, 84.
• Sbir ben Afeen, a desert so called, notice of, 83.
• [380]Scorpions, prevalence of, at Morzouk, 183, 184. Notice of a species of, called the scorpion of the wind, 184.
• Sebha, (town), notice of, 85. Description of a wedding there, 299.
• Sereer, a species of desert, notice of, 345.
• Shahm, a preparation of sheep’s fat, notice of, 46.
• Shiati, (region of), account of, 299, 300.
• Shiblia, or camel litters, described, 59.
• Shirgi, or the east wind, effects of, 94.
• Shrab, or false water of the desert, 307.
• Sidi Besheer, (tomb of), notice of, 204.
• Sidrea, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
• Slaves and slave trade, of the interior of Africa, account of, 120—122. Amiable character of the females, 140. Account of an expedition of slave-hunters, 250. Their manner of making captives, 255; and of dividing them among the captors, 262. Notice of the slave markets, 263. Condition of slaves in Fezzan, 287. Especially at Morzouk, 288. Regulations concerning the offspring of slaves, 289. Sufferings of some negro captives in their journey across the deserts to Tripoli, for sale, 296, 323, 325, 329, 332, 343. Their allowance of food, 297. Cheerfulness under all their sufferings, 341, 342. Account of the slave market at Morzouk, 267, 268.
• Smeeran (mountain), 22.
• Sockna, a town of Fezzan, entry of the Sultan into, described, 70—72. Account of it, 72, 73. Its former state, 74. Ceremonies paid to the Sultan, on his departure thence, 80. The Author’s return thither, 309. Is beset with sturdy beggars, 310, 318, 319. Vocabulary of the language there spoken, 314—316. Festival of the return of spring, 317. State of the gardens, ibid. Mode of preserving dates there, 320.
• Songs of the Arabs, account of, 173, 174. Of some captive negroes, 336, 337.
• Soudan, Afno, or Haousa, rivers of, 133. Vocabulary of the language of, 135—138. Notice of the chief provinces and places in, 131, 132, 134. Manufactures of, 139. Ignorance almost universal among the natives, 139. Religion, ibid. Itinerary from Kashna, to various places in, 140—142. Exports to, from Fezzan, 152—154. Imports from, to Fezzan, 154—157. Description of the women of Soudan, 161.
• South Wind, effects of, 94.
• Spring, return of, celebrated as a festival, 317. Studies, course of, in Fezzan, 186, 187.
• Suarit (Mountain), 64.
• Subterraneous habitations, in the Gharian Mountains, described, 25, 29, 30.
• Sun, extraordinary effect of, 209.
• Superstitions of the Tuarick, an African tribe, 111.
• Taleb, village of, 209.
• Tar, how made by the Tibboo tribe, 235, 236.
• Tarr, Wadey of, 324.
• Tegerrina, village of, 32.
• Tegerry, the Southern limit of Fezzan, narrative of the Author’s journey to, 202—237. Arrival there, 238. Description of its castle, 239. Price of provisions there, 240. Its productions, 241. Superstitions of its inhabitants, 242, 243. Itinerary thence to Bilma, 244. The Author’s return there, 245. Itinerary thence to Bilma, 265.
• [381]Telemsen, desert of, 148.
• Tembuctoo, account of, 145. Its reputed immense population accounted for, ibid. Notice of its port, Kabra, ibid. Manufactures and dress of the people, 146. Government, 147.
• Temedd, brackish well at, 324.
• Temenhiut, or Temenhint (village), notice of, 85. Singular mode of barter practised there, 302.
• Temesheen, Wadey of, 308.
• Tents, Arab, described, 41.
• Terboo (village), notice of, 220. Wretched condition of its inhabitants, ibid.
• Terfaas, a species of root, notice of, 37.
• Terhoona, Arabs of, 37.
• Tessouwa (town), notice of, 189.
• Teweewa, desert of, 211.
• Tghrasat, Bazaar of, 32.
• Theft, how punished at Tripoli, 17, 64.
• Tibboo, or Slave Traders in the interior of Africa, account of, 120, 121. Articles of commerce between them and Bornou, 159. Dress and character of the Tibboo women, 225—227, 232; and of the men, 227, 228. Notice of the animals produced in their country, 231. Distance thence to Waday, 230, 231. Vocabulary of the Tibboo language, 233. Tibboo forms of courtesy, 232. Music of this people, 234. Their mode of preparing tar, 235, 236.
• Tibboos of Borgoo, account of, 251, 252, 254. Arab mode of making them captives, 255. Anecdotes of a Tibboo boy, 308, 309.
• Tibesty (region), notice of, 230.
• Touela (village), notice of, 209.
• Trade of the Tuarick, 114. Of the Tibboo, 120—122. Between Fezzan, Soudan, Bornou, and Waday, 152—157. Between Fezzan and Egypt, 157—159. Between Bornou and the Tibboo country, 159. Between Tuat and the Tuarick, ibid. 160.
• Traghan, date groves of, 205. Modesty of a Marāboot there, 206. Account of the castle and town, 207, 208.
• Travelling, mode of, across the deserts, 91—93. On camels, extraordinary mode of, 114.
• Tribute, how collected in Fezzan, 74.
• Tripoli, markets of, 12. Bazaars, ibid. Schools, ibid. Prevalence of drunkenness there, 13. Filthy practice of eructation, in all classes, 14. All offices held by Mamlukes, ibid. Description of the public baths, 14, 15. The Bashaw’s guards, 16. The punishment of hanging, how performed, ibid. Torture in use there, ibid. Bastinado, how performed, 17. Marriages and burials of, 18, 19. Adventures of a Tripoline woman, 321. The Author’s interview with the Bashaw of, on his return from his mission to the interior, 349. Geological observations on the mountains and rocks of, 361—369.
• Tripolines, dress of, described, 6, 7, 17, 18.
• Tsād, a river of Bornou, account of, 124, 125. Extraordinary mode of crossing it, 124. Notice of the inhabitants in its vicinity, 125.
• Tuarick (an African tribe), costume of, 109, 110. Arms, 110. Superstitions, 111. Language, ibid. Their extraordinary aversion to washing, ibid. Religion, 112. Notice of their chief towns, 113. Their[382] government, ibid. Trade, 114. Their extraordinary mode of travelling on camels, 114, 115. Articles of commerce between them and Tuat, 159, 160. Anecdote of one, 197.
• Tuat (country), situation, productions, and trade of, 143. Itinerary from Morzouk thither, 144.
• Tubbel, or drum of Fezzan, account of, 248, 249.
• Usadena, villages of, 32. Their distressed state, ibid.
• Vocabulary of the language of Bornou, 122. Of Sakkatoo, 135—138. Of Tembuctoo, 146, 147. Of Soudan, or the Haousa tongue, 149—151. Of the Tibboo dialect, 232. Of Sockna, 314—316.
• Wadan, (a town of Fezzan), notice of, 76. Character of its inhabitants, ibid.
• ———, (an animal and chain of mountains so called), account of, 76.
• Waday country, articles of export to, from Fezzan, 152—154. Articles given in exchange, 154—157. Distance from the Tibboo country to, 230, 231. Itinerary to, from Borgoo, 267.
• Wad el Nommel, or the valley of ants, wretched village of, 87.
• Wadey, a species of desert, notice of, 346.
• ——— Shirghi, chief towns in, 300.
• ——— Ghrarbi, chief towns in, ibid. Character and manners of the inhabitants of, ibid, 301.
• Wajunga people, notice of, 252. Account of their country, 266.
• Waled Suliman, an Arabian tribe, account of, 54—56.
• Warr, a species of desert, notice of, 345.
• Warral, a species of lizard, notice of, 184, 185.
• Washing, singular aversion to, of the Tuarick, an African tribe, 111.
• Water, Arab mode of carrying across the deserts, 93. How raised for irrigating the land near Morzouk, 169. How obtained from the stomach of camels, to satisfy the thirst of almost perishing travellers, 305.
• Wells of the great desert, observations on, 348.
• Werda, itinerary to, from Yen, 265.
• Wishek, a species of desert, notice of, 345
• Women of Tripoli, dress of, described, 17, 18. Arabian dress of, 39, 40. Conditions and dress of the women of Bornou and Soudan, 161. And of the Tibboo women, 224—227. Of the women in Fezzan, 287.
• Wudakaire, wells of, 223.
• Yemyem, inhabitants of, cannibals, 142, 143. Notice of this country, 143.
• Yen, (town), notice of, 265. Itinerary thence, to Werda, ibid.
• Yussuff, a Moor, benevolent conduct of, towards the author and his companions, 192—194, 203.
• Zaizow, (village), notice of, 205. Hospitable reception of the author at, 258.
• Zeighan, (village), notice of, 85.
• Zgar, wadey of, 81.
• Zibboon, an article of Tripoline dress, described, 6.
• [383]Zleetun, castle of, arrival at, 334. Notice of Roman ruins in its vicinity, ibid. Notice of the village, 335. Impudence of a Marāboot there, ibid. Markets and commerce, ibid. 336.
• Zuela, arrival of the author at, 212. His reception there, ibid. 213. Character of the inhabitants, 213. Singular instance of their ignorance, ibid. Description of a Mosque and other ancient Arabic buildings in its vicinity, 214—216. Ruins of the castle, 217. Hospitality of several Shreefs at, to the author, 217, 218.
• Zumeeta. an Arabian dish, how prepared, 50.