PUBLICATIONS

OF THE

SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY

SECOND SERIES

VOL.
II

ORIGINS OF THE ’FORTY-FIVE

March 1916

Edited by
WALTER BIGGAR BLAIKIE
LL.D.

EDINBURGH

Printed at the University Press by T. and A. Constable for the Scottish History Society

1916

I desire to express my thanks to the Government of the French Republic for permission to make transcripts and to print selections from State Papers preserved in the National Archives in Paris; to the Earl of Ancaster for permission to print the Drummond Castle Manuscript of Captain Daniel’s Progress; to the Earl of Galloway for Cardinal York’s Memorial to the Pope; to His Grace the Archbishop of St. Andrews for the use of papers elucidating the action of the Roman Catholic clergy in 1745; to Miss Grosett-Collins, who kindly lent me Grossett family papers; to Mrs. G. E. Forbes and Mr. Archibald Trotter of Colinton for private papers of the Lumisden family; to M. le Commandant Jean Colin of the French Army (author of Louis XV. et les Jacobites) for several valuable communications, and to Martin Haile for similar help.

To my cousin, Miss H. Tayler, joint author of The Book of the Duffs, I am indebted for transcripts of papers in the French Archives in Paris as well as for information from Duff family papers; to Miss Maria Lansdale for the transcript of the report of the Marquis d’Eguilles to Louis XV.; to Dr. W. A. Macnaughton, Stonehaven, for copies of the depositions referring to the evasion of Sir James Steuart; and to Miss Nairne, Salisbury, for the translation of Cardinal York’s Memorial.

I have also to acknowledge general help from the Hon. Evan Charteris; Mr. William Mackay, Inverness; Mr. J. K. Stewart, secretary of the Stewart Society; Mr. J. R. N. Macphail, K.C.; Mr. J. M. Bulloch, author of[Pg vi] The House of Gordon; Dr. Watson, Professor of Celtic History, Edinburgh; Mr. P. J. Anderson, Aberdeen University Library; Colonel Lachlan Forbes; the Rev. Archibald Macdonald of Kiltarlity; and the Rev. W. C. Flint of Fort Augustus.

I should be ungrateful if I did not make acknowledgment of the information I have received and made use of from five modern books—James Francis Edward, by Martin Haile; The King Over the Water, by A. Shield and Andrew Lang; The Jacobite Peerage, by the Marquis de Ruvigny; The History of Clan Gregor, by Miss Murray Macgregor; and The Clan Donald, by A. and A. Macdonald.

Lastly, I have to thank Mr. W. Forbes Gray for kindly reading and revising proofs and for other assistance; and Mr. Alex. Mill, who has most carefully prepared the Index and given me constant help in many ways.

W. B. B.

Page xxxix, lines 3 and 14, for ‘Excellency’ read ‘Eminence.’

Page 18, note 3, for see Appendix’ read ‘see Introduction, p. xxiii.’ [Transcriber’s note: found in footnote 140]

Page 47, note 1, for ‘John Butler’ read ‘John Boyle.’ [Transcriber’s note: found in footnote 180]

Page 113, note 3, last line, for ‘1745’ read ‘1746.’ [Transcriber’s note: found in footnote 323]

The Editor of ‘ORIGINS OF THE FORTY-FIVE’ requests members to make the following corrections:—

James Francis Edward, King James III. and VIII. of the Jacobites, the Old Pretender of his enemies, and the Chevalier de St. George of historians, was born at St. James’s Palace on 10th June 1688. On the landing of William of Orange and the outbreak of the Revolution, the young Prince and his mother were sent to France, arriving at Calais on 11th December (O.S.);[1] the King left England a fortnight later and landed at Ambleteuse on Christmas Day (O.S.). The château of St. Germain-en-Laye near Paris was assigned as a residence for the royal exiles, and this château was the home of the Chevalier de St. George for twenty-four years.

James II. and VII. died on 5th September 1701 (16th Sept. N.S.), and immediately on his death Louis XIV. acknowledged his son as king, and promised to further his interests to the best of his power.

The first opportunity of putting the altruistic intention of the King of France into operation occurred within a year of King James’s death, and the evil genius of the project was Simon Fraser, the notorious Lord Lovat.

Lovat, whose scandalous conduct had shocked the[Pg x] people of Scotland, was outlawed by the courts for a criminal outrage, and fled to France in the summer of 1702. There, in spite of the character he bore, he so ingratiated himself with the papal nuncio that he obtained a private audience with Louis XIV., an honour unprecedented for a foreigner. To him he unfolded a scheme for a Stuart Restoration. He had, he said, before leaving Scotland visited the principal chiefs of the Highland clans and a great number of the lords of the Lowlands along with the Earl Marischal. They were ready to take up arms and hazard their lives and fortunes for the Stuart cause, and had given him a commission to represent them in France. The foundation of his scheme was to rely on the Highlanders. They were the only inhabitants of Great Britain who had retained the habit of the use of arms, and they were ready to act at once. Lord Middleton and the Lowland Jacobites sneered at them as mere banditti and cattle-stealers, but Lovat knew that they, with an instinctive love of fighting, were capable of being formed into efficient and very hardy soldiers. He proposed that the King of France should furnish a force of 5000 French soldiers, 100,000 crowns in money, and arms and equipment for 20,000 men. The main body of troops would land at Dundee where it would be near the central Highlands, and a detachment would be sent to western Invernessshire, with the object of capturing Fort William, which overawed the western clans. The design was an excellent one, and was approved by King Louis. But before putting it into execution the ministry sent Lovat back to obtain further information, and with him they sent John Murray, a naturalised Frenchman, brother of the laird of Abercairney, who was to check Lovat’s reports.

It is characteristic of the state of the exiled Court, that it was rent with discord, and that Lord Middleton, Jacobite Secretary of State, who hated Lovat, privately[Pg xi] sent emissaries of his own to spy on him and to blight his prospects.

Lovat duly arrived in Scotland, but the history of his mission is pitiful and humiliating. He betrayed the project to the Duke of Queensberry, Queen Anne’s High Commissioner to the Scots Estates, and, by falsely suggesting the treason of Queensberry’s political enemies, the Dukes of Hamilton and Atholl, befooled that functionary into granting him a safe conduct to protect him from arrest for outlawry.

When Lovat returned to France he was arrested under a lettre de cachet and confined a close prisoner for many years, some records say in the Bastille, but Lovat himself says at Angoulême.

The whole affair had little effect in Scotland beyond compassing the disgrace of Queensberry and his temporary loss of office, but it had lasting influence in France and reacted on all future projects of Jacobite action. For, first, it instilled into the French king and his ministers the suspicious feeling that Jacobite adventurers were not entirely to be trusted. And second, Lovat’s account of the fighting quality of the Highlanders and of their devotion to the Stuarts so impressed itself on both the French Court and that of St. Germains that they felt that in the Highlands of Scotland they would ever find a point d’appui for a rising. Lovat’s report, in fact, identified the Highlanders with Jacobitism.

Scotland was the scene of the next design for a restoration, and the principal agent of the French Court was a certain Colonel Nathaniel Hooke. Hooke had been sent[Pg xii] to Scotland in the year 1705, to see if that country was in such a state as to afford a reasonable prospect of an expedition in favour of the exiled Stuart. In the year 1707, while the Union was being forced upon an unwilling population, and discontent was rife throughout the country on account of that unpopular measure, Hooke was again sent, and although not entirely satisfied with all he saw and heard, he returned with favourable accounts on the whole. Among other documents he brought with him was a Memorial of certain Scottish lords to the Chevalier, in which, among other things, it was stated that if James, under the protection of His Most Christian Majesty (Louis XIV.), would come and put himself at the head of his people in Scotland, ‘the whole nation will rise upon the arrival of its King, who will become master of Scotland without any opposition, and the present Government will be intirely abolished.’ It was some months before the French king gave any answer. St. Simon in his Memoires says that Louis XIV. was so disheartened by his previous failure that he would not at first listen to the suggestion of a French expedition; and it was only through the efforts of Madame de Maintenon that he was persuaded to sanction an invading force. Even then much time was wasted, and it was not until the spring of 1708 that a squadron was equipped under the command of the Admiral de Forbin, and a small army under the Comte de Gasse. Even when ready to sail, the constant and proverbial ill-luck of the Stuarts overtook the poor Chevalier. He caught measles, which still further delayed the expedition. By this time, naturally, the[Pg xiii] British Government had learned all about the scheme, and made their naval preparations accordingly. At last, on the 17th March, James, hardly convalescent, wrapped in blankets, was carried on board the flagship at Dunkirk. The squadron was to have proceeded to the Firth of Forth and to have landed the Chevalier at Leith, where his partisans were prepared to proclaim him king at Edinburgh. Possibly because of bad seamanship, possibly because of treachery,[4] the French admiral missed the Firth of Forth, and found himself off Montrose. He turned, and could proceed no nearer Edinburgh than the Isle of May, off which he anchored. There the British Fleet, which had followed him in close pursuit, discovered him. The admiral weighed anchor, and fought a naval action in which he lost one of his ships. He then retreated towards the north of Scotland. James implored to be set ashore even if it were only in a small boat by himself, but his solicitations were in vain. The admiral positively refused, saying that he had received instructions from the French king to be as careful of the Chevalier as if he were Louis himself; so Forbin carried him back to Dunkirk, where the heart-broken exile was landed on the 6th of April, having been absent only twenty days, and having lost one of the most likely opportunities that ever occurred for his restoration to his ancient kingdom of Scotland, if not to England.

After his return to France the Chevalier joined the French army. In 1708 he fought at Oudenarde and Lille, and the following year at Malplaquet. His gallant conduct won golden opinions from Marlborough and his troops. The[Pg xiv] British soldiers drank his health. James visited their outposts and they cheered him. What Thackeray puts into the mouth of a British officer well describes the situation: ‘If that young gentleman would but ride over to our camp, instead of Villars’s, toss up his hat and say, “Here am I, the King, who’ll follow me?” by the Lord the whole army would rise and carry him home again, and beat Villars, and take Paris by the way.’[5] But James stayed with the French, and the war ended with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. This treaty gave the crown of Spain to the Bourbons, Gibraltar and the slave-trade to the British, and pronounced the expulsion of the Stuarts from France. A new asylum was found for the Chevalier in Lorraine, which, though an independent duchy, was largely under the domination of France. The Chevalier’s residence was fixed at Bar-le-Duc, and there he went in February 1713.

In August 1714, on the death of Queen Anne, James made a trip to Paris to be ready for action should his presence be required, but the French Government sent him back to Bar-le-Duc. The death of Louis XIV. on 1st September 1715 (N.S.) was the next blow the Jacobite cause sustained. The government of France passed to the Duke of Orleans as Regent, and his policy was friendship with the British Government.

Then came the Rising of 1715, which began at Braemar on 6th September, followed by the English rising in Northumberland under Forster. The movement in England was crushed at Preston on 13th November, the same day that the indecisive battle was fought at Sheriffmuir in Perthshire.

[Pg xv]

Lord Mar made Perth his headquarters, and invited James to join the Scottish army. The Chevalier, who had moved to Paris in October, in strict secrecy, and in disguise, being watched by both French and English agents, managed, after many remarkable adventures, checks, and disappointments, to get away from Dunkirk on 16th December (27th N.S.), and to reach Peterhead on the 22nd. Thence he went to Perth, where he established his Court at the ancient royal palace of Scone. He was proclaimed king and exercised regal functions; some authorities say that he was crowned.[7] But James had come too late; mutual disappointment was the result. He had been assured that the whole kingdom was on his side, but he found only dissension and discontent. His constant melancholy depressed his followers. No decisive action was taken; the project had failed even before he arrived, and Lord Mar persuaded him that he would serve the cause best by retiring and waiting for a happier occasion.

James was forced to leave Scotland on 5th February 1716 (O.S.). He landed at Gravelines on 10th February (21st N.S.), went secretly to Paris, and concealed himself for a week in the Bois de Boulogne. Thence he went to Lorraine, where he was sorrowfully told by the Duke that he could no longer give him shelter. The power of Britain was great; no country that gave the exile a home could avoid a quarrel with that nation. The Pope seemed to be the only possible host, and James made his way to Avignon, then papal territory. But even Avignon was too near home for the British Government, which, through the French regent, brought pressure to[Pg xvi] bear on the Pope; the Chevalier was forced to leave Avignon in February 1717, and to cross the Alps into Italy. Here for some months he wandered without a home, but in July 1717 he settled at Urbino in the Papal States.

For a time the cares of the Jacobite Court were centred on finding a wife of royal rank for the throneless king. After various unsuccessful proposals, the Chevalier became engaged to the Princess Clementina Sobieska, whose grandfather had been the warrior King of Poland. The Sobieski home was then at Ollau in Silesia; and in October 1718 James sent Colonel Hay to fetch his bride. The British Government determined to stop the marriage if possible. Pressure was put on the Emperor, who had Clementina arrested at Innsbruck while on her journey to Italy. Here the Princess remained a prisoner until the following April. The story of her rescue by Colonel Wogan is one of the romances of history, and has recently been the theme of an historical romance.[9] Wogan brought the princess safely to Bologna, and there she was married by proxy to James on 9th May 1719. While Wogan was executing his bridal mission, the Chevalier, who had almost given up hope of the marriage, had been called away to take his part in a project which seemed to augur a chance of success.

On the collapse of the rising of 1715, the Jacobite Court, despairing of assistance from France or Spain, had turned for aid to Charles XII. of Sweden. Charles had conceived a violent hatred for George I., who had acquired by purchase[Pg xvii] from the King of Denmark two secular bishoprics which had been taken from Sweden by the Danes, and which had been incorporated in the electorate of Hanover. As early as 1715 Charles listened to a project of the Duke of Berwick, by which he should send a force of Swedish troops to Scotland, but he was then too busy fighting the Danes to engage in the scheme. In 1717 the Jacobites renewed negotiations with Sweden, and a plan was formed for a general rising in England simultaneously with an invasion of Scotland by the Swedish king in person at the head of an army of 12,000 Swedes. The plot came to the knowledge of the British Government in time; the Swedish ambassador in London was arrested; the project came to nothing; but in the following year a more promising scheme for a Stuart restoration was formed.

Spain, smarting under the loss of her Italian possessions, ceded to Austria by the Peace of Utrecht, had declared war on the Emperor and had actually landed an army in Sicily. In compliance with treaty obligations, Great Britain had to defend the Emperor, and in August 1718 a British squadron engaged and destroyed a Spanish fleet off Cape Passaro. Alberoni, the Spanish minister, was furious and determined on reprisals. He entered into an alliance with the Swedish king; a plan for invading Great Britain was formed, and negotiations were opened with the Jacobite Court. The death of Charles XII. in December detached Sweden from the scheme, but Alberoni went on with his preparations. A great armada under Ormonde was to carry a Spanish army to the west of England, and a subsidiary expedition under the Earl Marischal was to land in north-western Scotland. The[Pg xviii] Chevalier was summoned to Spain to join the expedition, or failing that to follow it to England. The fleet sailed from Cadiz in March 1719. James had left Rome in February, travelling by sea to Catalonia and thence to Madrid and on to Corunna. He reached the latter port on 17th April, only to learn of the dispersal of the Spanish fleet by a storm and the complete collapse of the adventure.

The auxiliary Scottish expedition, unconscious of the disaster, landed in the north-western Highlands; but after some vicissitudes and much dissension the attempt ended with the Battle of Glenshiel on the 10th of June—the Chevalier’s thirty-first birthday—and the surrender next day of the remainder of the Spanish troops, originally three hundred and seven in number.

James returned from Corunna to Madrid, where he lingered for some time, a not very welcome guest. There he learned of the rescue of Princess Clementina and of his marriage by proxy. Returning to Italy in August, he met Clementina at Montefiascone, where he was married in person on September 1st, 1719.

From this time forward until the end of his life, forty-seven years later, the Chevalier’s home was in Rome, where the Pope assigned him the Muti Palace as a residence, along with a country house at Albano, some thirteen miles from Rome.

In 1720, on December 20th by British reckoning (Dec. 31st by the Gregorian calendar), Prince Charles Edward was born at Rome, and with the birth of an heir to the royal line, Jacobite hopes and activities revived.

At this time the Jacobite interests in England were in charge of a Council of five members, frequently termed ‘the Junta.’ The members of this Council were the Earl of Arran, brother of Ormonde, the Earl of Orrery, Lord[Pg xix] North, Lord Gower, and Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester. Of these Atterbury was by far the ablest, and in England was the life and soul of Jacobite contriving. A great scheme was devised, which is known in history as the Atterbury Plot. The details are somewhat obscure, and the unravelling of them is complicated by the existence of another scheme contemporaneous with Atterbury’s, apparently at first independent, but which became merged in the larger design. The author of this plot was Christopher Layer, a barrister of the Middle Temple. Generally, his scheme was secretly to enlist broken and discharged soldiers. They were to seize the Tower, the Bank, and the Mint, and to secure the Hanoverian royal family, who were to be deported. The larger scheme of the Junta was to obtain a foreign force of 5000 troops to be landed in England under the Duke of Ormonde, and risings were to be organised in different parts of the kingdom. The signal for the outbreak was to be the departure of George I. for Hanover, which was expected to take place in the summer.

Layer, who does not seem to have been acting with Atterbury and the Junta until later, was in Rome in the early months of 1721, and there he unfolded his plan to the Jacobite Court. After he left, a plan of campaign was arranged which, however, seems to have been modified afterwards. The original intention was to begin the movement in Scotland, whither Lord Mar and General Dillon[12][Pg xx] were to proceed; and to accentuate the latter’s position as commander in Scotland he was created an earl in the Scottish peerage, although already an Irish (Jacobite) viscount. Lord Lansdowne was to command in Cornwall, Lord Strafford in the north, Lord North in London and Westminster, and Lord Arran was to go to Ireland. The Chevalier was to leave Rome when Mar and Dillon left Paris, and to make his way to Rotterdam via Frankfort, and there await events before deciding where it would be best to land. Things seemed to be prospering, but the English Jacobites did not sufficiently respond to the call for financial support. James, deeply disappointed, appealed to the Pope for help, only to be more bitterly mortified by his refusal. The Pope, in so many words, said that if the English Jacobites wanted a revolution they must pay for it themselves. The original orders for invasion were cancelled in April; but negotiations seem to have been continued with Spain through Cardinal Acquiviva, Spanish envoy at Rome, ever James’s friend. A revised plan of action was prepared. Wogan, who had been sent to Spain, had succeeded in procuring assistance from that country; ships had been prepared to carry a force of 5000 or 6000 men to Porto Longone, in the Isle of Elba, where James was to embark. In July, James was on the outlook for a Spanish fleet under Admiral Sorano.[13] But it was too late. The plot had been discovered, the demand for troops reaching the knowledge of the French ministers, who informed the British ambassador. Spain was compelled to prevent the embarkation, and King George did not go to Hanover that summer.

Mar had used the post office in spite of a warning by[Pg xxi] Atterbury not to do so; his correspondence was intercepted, and a letter was found which incriminated Atterbury and his associates. Government was not hasty in acting, and the first conspirator to be arrested was George Kelly, a Non-juring Irish clergyman who acted as Atterbury’s secretary. He was seized at his lodgings on May 21st; and he very nearly saved the situation. His papers and sword being placed in a window by his captors, Kelly managed during a moment of negligence to recover them. Holding his sword in his right hand he threatened to run through the first man who approached him, while all the time he held the incriminating papers to a candle with his left hand, and not till they were burned did he surrender. It was not until the end of August that Bishop Atterbury was taken into custody and committed to the Tower. His trial did not begin until the spring of the following year. Layer, who was betrayed by a mistress, was arrested in September and tried in November. He was condemned to death, but was respited from time to time in the hope that he would give evidence to incriminate Atterbury and his associates. Layer refused to reveal anything and was executed at Tyburn in May 1723, at the very time when the bishop’s trial was taking place in the House of Lords. Atterbury was found guilty: he was sentenced to be deprived of all his ecclesiastical benefices and functions, to be incapacitated from holding any civil offices, and to be banished from the kingdom for ever. His associates of the Junta escaped with comparatively light penalties. Kelly, sentenced to imprisonment during the King’s pleasure, was kept in the Tower until 1736, when he managed to escape, to reappear later in the drama. Atterbury went abroad and entered the Chevalier’s service. He died in exile at Paris in 1732, but he was buried in Westminster Abbey.

The failure of the schemes of Atterbury had a remarkable[Pg xxii] effect on the unfortunate Chevalier. Apparently weary of failure and longing for action, he wrote to the Pope on August 29th, 1722, offering to serve in a crusade against the Turks; but he was told it would not do, he must stick to his own task. To it he accordingly returned; and implicitly believing that his people were longing for his restoration, he issued a manifesto dated September 22nd, proposing ‘that if George I. will quietly deliver to him the throne of his fathers he will in return bestow upon George the title of king in his native dominions and invite all other states to confirm it.’[14] The manifesto was printed and circulated in England; it was ordered to be burned by the common hangman.

It is somewhat remarkable that although the Atterbury Expedition was to have been begun in Scotland, the records of the period make no mention of the project, nor do there seem to have been any preparations for a rising. The only suggestion of secret action being taken that I know of—and it is no more than a suggestion—is that in 1721, on the same day that General Dillon, who was to command in Scotland, was created a Scottish earl, a peerage was given to Sir James Grant of Grant by the Chevalier de St. George.[15] What the occasion of this honour may have been has never, so far as I know, been revealed.[16]

Jacobite affairs in Scotland at that time were administered by a Lanarkshire laird, George Lockhart of Carnwath. Lockhart had been a member of the old Scots Estates[Pg xxiii] before the Union of the kingdoms in 1707, and after the Union he sat in the Imperial Parliament until 1715. In that year he raised a troop of horse for the Jacobite cause, and after the rising he suffered a long imprisonment, but was eventually released without trial. From 1718 to 1727 he acted as the Chevalier’s chief confidential agent in Scotland. His system of Jacobite management was by a body of trustees, which was organised in 1722, and acted as a committee of regency for the exiled king. In 1727 Lockhart’s correspondence fell into the hands of Government and he had to fly the country. He was permitted to return in the following year, but lived for the rest of his life in retirement, and took no further part in Jacobite affairs.[17]

For some years after Lockhart’s flight, Scotland seems to have been without any official representative of the Jacobite Court. In May 1736, however, Colonel James Urquhart[18] was appointed, though under circumstances which have not yet been made known.

The proposed expedition connected with the Atterbury Plot was the last project for an active campaign of[Pg xxiv] restoration in which the Chevalier was personally to embark. Scheming, of course, went on, but only once after this did James leave Italy. In 1727, on the death of George I., he hurried to Nancy to be ready for any emergency, but the Duke of Lorraine had reluctantly to refuse him hospitality. He retired to Avignon, but, as before, the British Government brought pressure to bear, and he had to go back to Rome. Six years later, on the death of Augustus the Strong, he was offered the elective throne of Poland; but this he declined, saying that his own country engaged his whole heart and all his inclinations, though he regretted that his second son, Henry, then eight years old, was too young to be a candidate for the crown worn by his Sobieski ancestor.

Meanwhile his elder son, Charles Edward, was growing up, and the hopes of the party were fixed on his future. His father wished him to learn the art of war, so in August 1734 he was sent to join a Spanish army under his cousin, the Duke of Berwick,[19] who was engaged in the campaign against Austria, which brought the crown of Naples to the Spanish Bourbons. Charles, then not quite fourteen, took part in the siege and capture of Gaeta, a fortress in Campania, and accompanied Don Carlos in his triumphant entry into Naples as king on August 9th. The Prince won much credit for his conduct in the field, but this was the end of his experience of war, and his campaign had lasted only six days. His father was anxious to extend his military education, but France and Spain in turn declined to allow him to serve with their armies. Even the Emperor, about to make war on the Turks in 1737, refused to allow the young prince to accompany his army. European potentates were unwilling to receive Charles[Pg xxv] Edward even as a visitor. The Venetian minister in London was ordered to quit England on twenty-four hours’ notice, because his Government had shown civilities to the Prince on a visit to Venice. The British Government was too vigilant to hoodwink, too strong to offend. Peace reigned throughout Europe: Jacobite activity was dormant both in England and in Scotland: the royal exiles were isolated at Rome, and it seemed as if all hope of a Stuart Restoration had been abandoned.

The first to inspire the Jacobite Court with new life and hope, and set in motion the events which led up to the great adventure of ’Forty-five was John Gordon of Glenbucket. This remarkable man was no county magnate nor of any particular family. At this time he possessed no landed property; he was merely the tenant of a farm in Glenlivet, which he held from the Duke of Gordon. His designation ‘of Glenbucket’ was derived from a small property in the Don valley which had been purchased by his grandfather, and which he inherited from his father. He was not a Highlander, having been born in the Aberdeenshire lowland district of Strathbogie, but he had so thoroughly conformed himself to Highland spirit and manners that he had won the affection and confidence of the Highlanders of Banffshire and Strathspey. Glenbucket was at this time about sixty-four years old. In his younger days he had been factor or chamberlain to the Duke of Gordon, a position which conferred on him considerable influence and power, particularly over the Duke’s Highland vassals. In the ’Fifteen he had commanded a regiment of the Gordon retainers, and behaved with gallantry and discretion throughout the campaign.[20] About the year 1724 he had ceased[Pg xxvi] to be the Duke’s representative, but his connection with the Highlanders was continued by the marriages of his daughters. One of them was the wife of Forbes of Skellater, a considerable laird in the Highland district of Upper Strathdon; another was married to the great chief of Glengarry; and a third to Macdonell of Lochgarry.[21]

In the year 1737 Gordon sold Glenbucket, for which he realised twelve thousand marks (about £700); and he left Scotland to visit the Chevalier at Rome. On his way he passed through Paris, where he had an interview with Cardinal Fleury, the French prime minister. To the Cardinal he suggested a scheme of invasion, by which officers and men of the Irish regiments in the French service quartered near the coast could be suddenly and secretly transported to Scotland.[22] The Cardinal, whose general policy was peace at any price,[23] gave no encouragement to the scheme.

Glenbucket went on to Rome in January 1738: he delivered his message, was rewarded with a major-general’s commission,[24] and returned to Scotland. Immediately the Jacobite Court was filled with sanguine activity. What the terms of Glenbucket’s mission were, or whom he represented, have never been categorically stated. Murray[Pg xxvii] of Broughton hints that he only represented his son-in-law Glengarry and General Alexander Gordon.[25] Even if this limitation were true, it meant much. Glengarry was one of the greatest of Highland chiefs, while General Gordon was that Nestor of Scottish Jacobites who had been commander-in-chief after the Chevalier left Scotland in 1716, and whose opinions must have carried much weight. Although there is no direct statement of the terms of Glenbucket’s mission, its significance can readily be understood from the communication made to the English Jacobites. The Chevalier at once wrote off to Cecil, his official agent in London, informing him of the encouraging news he had received. The zeal of his Scottish subjects, he said, was so strong that he considered it possible to oppose the Scottish Highlanders to the greater part of the troops of the British Government then available, and there was good cause to hope for success even without foreign assistance, provided the English Jacobites acted rightly.[26]

At the time that the Chevalier’s message reached his adherents there happened to be in England a personage who bore the name and designation of Lord Sempill.[27] Though of Scots descent he was French by birth and residence. He was not familiar with English ways, and he did not understand English political agitation. Mingling for the most part with Jacobites avowed or secret, his ears were filled with execration of the reigning dynasty. On every side he heard the Whig Government denounced,[Pg xxviii] and he saw it tottering and vacillating. He mistook general political dissatisfaction for revolutionary discontent, and he came to the conclusion that the country longed for a restoration of the old royal line. Constituting himself an envoy from the English Jacobites,[28] he hurried off to Rome and reported to the Chevalier that the party was stronger than was generally believed, and that affairs in England were most favourable for action.

It is necessary here to relate how Glenbucket’s mission to Rome affected the Scottish Jacobites, and to introduce into the narrative the name of one who for five years was a mainstay of the Cause, though in the end he turned traitor.

John Murray of Broughton, a younger son of Sir David Murray of Stanhope (a Peeblesshire baronet of ancient family who in his day had been an ardent Jacobite), entered the University of Leyden in 1735, being then twenty years of age. In 1737 he had completed his studies and went on a visit to Rome, where he mixed in the Jacobite society of the place. Although he never had an interview with James himself, he frequently met the young princes, and he acquired the friendship of James Edgar, the Chevalier’s faithful secretary. Murray’s father had once been proposed as an official Jacobite agent in Scotland, and it seems highly probable that Edgar persuaded the son to look forward to assuming such a position. Murray left Rome to return to Scotland shortly before Glenbucket’s arrival in January 1738.

Glenbucket’s message had convinced James of the devotion of the Highlanders and the Jacobites of north-eastern Scotland, but he wished to know more of the spirit of the Scottish Lowlands. At the same time that he wrote to the English Jacobites, he despatched[Pg xxix] William Hay, a member of his household, to Scotland to make inquiries and to report. Hay overtook Murray who was lingering in Holland, and induced him to accompany him, as he was anxious to be introduced to Murray’s cousin, Lord Kenmure, an ardent Kirkcudbrightshire Jacobite. The acquaintance was duly made, and although no record is yet known of Hay’s actual transactions in Scotland, they can be conjectured with a fair amount of certainty from the results which followed them in spite of Murray’s disparaging remarks on his mission.[29] Hay visited the leading Jacobites, and it is difficult to doubt that he set in motion a scheme for concerted action. What is known is that he returned to Rome after three months’ absence greatly satisfied with what he had found. In the same year, presumably as the outcome of Hay’s mission, an Association of Jacobite leaders was formed, sometimes termed ‘the Concert,’ designed with the object of bringing together Highland chiefs and lowland nobles,[30] pledged to do everything in their power for the restoration of the exiled Stuarts. These Associators, as they were called, were: the Duke of Perth; his uncle, Lord John Drummond; Lord Lovat; Lord Linton, who in 1741 succeeded as fifth Earl of Traquair; his brother, the Hon. John Stuart; Donald Cameron, younger of Lochiel; and his father-in-law, Sir John Campbell of Auchenbreck, an Argyllshire laird. The position of manager was given to William Macgregor (or Drummond), the son of the Perthshire laird of Balhaldies.[31] In contemporary[Pg xxx] documents Macgregor[32] is generally termed ‘Balhaldy,’[33] and that designation has been used in this volume. Murray of Broughton did not belong to the Association, nor was he taken into its confidence until 1741. He, however, attached himself to Colonel Urquhart, the official Jacobite agent, and assisted him with his work. In 1740, when Urquhart was dying of cancer, Murray was appointed to succeed him.

In December 1739 Balhaldy was sent by the Associators to Paris, and from thence he went on to Rome. The Chevalier, greatly cheered by what he had to tell, instructed him to return to Paris and there to meet Sempill, who had become one of James’s most trusted agents. Sempill would introduce him to Cardinal Fleury, before whom they would lay the views of both the English and Scottish Jacobites.

Balhaldy returned to Paris, made the acquaintance of Sempill, an acquaintance which subsequently ripened into a strong political, perhaps personal, friendship. The interview with Fleury was obtained, and negotiations commenced in the beginning of 1740, about three months after the war with Spain, forced upon Walpole, had broken out.[34]

[Pg xxxi]

It is no part of my task to follow the intricacies of the negotiations between the French Ministry and the English Jacobites, except when they affect the affairs of the Scots, but here it is necessary to turn back for a moment to relate what took place after the English Jacobites received the Chevalier’s communication of Glenbucket’s message from Scotland.

Sempill, who had gone from England to Rome in the spring of 1738, was sent back in October with the Chevalier’s instructions to his English adherents to arrange for concerted action with the Scots. The English Jacobites formed a council of six members to serve as a directing nucleus. This council communicated the English views on the Scottish proposal to the Chevalier as follows. Although the Government, they said, had only 29,000 regular troops in the British Isles, of which 13,000 were in England, 12,000 in Ireland, and 4000 in Scotland, yet the rising of the Scots could not take place, as the King hoped, without foreign assistance. It would be a difficult matter to provide the Scots with sufficient arms and munitions, and even if this difficulty could be surmounted, it would take two months after they had been supplied before their army could assemble and establish the royal authority in Scotland; that it would take another month before the Scots could march into England. Meantime the English leaders would be at the mercy of the professional army of the Government which their volunteer followers, entirely ignorant of discipline, could never oppose alone. The principal royalists would be arrested in detail, and their overawed followers would hold back from joining the Scots. There were 13,000 regular soldiers in England. Government would probably transfer 6000 from Ireland, and the army would be further augmented by the importation of Dutch and Hanoverian troops. Probably 8000 men would be sent to the frontier[Pg xxxii] of Scotland. From this they concluded that a rising in Scotland without foreign assistance would involve possible failure and in any case a disastrous civil war, while, on the other hand, the landing of a body of regular troops would provide a rallying point for the insurgents. This force should be equal to the number of troops generally quartered about London and able to hold them, while the volunteer royalists would march straight to the capital which was ready to declare in their favour. They would then acquire the magazines and arsenals at the seat of government, and almost all the treasures of England (‘presque toutes les richesses d’Angleterre’). If at that juncture the Scots would rise, the Hanoverians would be driven to despair. No ally of the Elector, however powerful, would venture to attack Great Britain reunited under her legitimate sovereign. The requirement of the English would be 10,000 to 12,000 regular troops sent from abroad; without such a disciplined force the English Jacobites would not risk a rising.[35]

Sempill was sent by the Chevalier to Paris to lay these views before Cardinal Fleury. The Cardinal, peace lover though he was, felt that it would be absurd to neglect the assistance that the Jacobites might afford him in the complications which were certain to arise when the death of the Emperor Charles VI., then imminent, should occur.[36] When the English views of requirement were presented to him he received them sympathetically; said that the King of France would willingly grant the help the English Jacobites desired, but two things were absolutely necessary: he must have more exact information than had been given him with regard to what royalist adherents[Pg xxxiii] would join his troops on landing, and also as to those who would rise at the same time in the provinces. If the English leaders could satisfy His Majesty on these two points they might expect all they asked for.[37]

Such was the state of Jacobite affairs at the French Court when Sempill introduced Balhaldy to Fleury. I know of no categorical statement of the requirements that Balhaldy was to lay before the Cardinal, but from a memorandum he wrote[38] it may be inferred that the Associators had asked for 1500 men with arms, ammunition, and money. Fleury replied that his sovereign was greatly pleased with the proposals of the Scots, and that he approved of their arrangements on behalf of their legitimate king. France, however, was at peace with Great Britain, while Spain was at open war. King Louis would ask the Spanish Court to undertake an expedition in favour of King James to which he would give efficient support.[39] Shortly afterwards, the Cardinal was obliged to tell Balhaldy that Spain declined to entertain the proposal. The Spanish Court disliked the war with England, and was quite aware that it had been forced on Walpole by the Jacobites and the Opposition.[40] Spain was not going to embarrass the British Government by embarking on a Jacobite adventure.

Fleury then made a proposal that the Spanish Government should finance a scheme by which an army of 10,000 Swedish mercenaries should be engaged to invade Great Britain. While secret negotiation was going on between the French and Spanish Governments, knowledge[Pg xxxiv] of the proposal came to Elizabeth Farnese, Queen of Spain. Elizabeth, fearing that a successful movement for a Stuart restoration would put an end to the war with Great Britain which she strongly favoured, inspired a paragraph in the Amsterdam Gazette, which exploded the design before it could be accomplished.[41]

Driven at last from his hope of using Spain as a catspaw, Fleury informed Balhaldy that his master the King, touched with the zeal of the Scots, would willingly send them all the Irish troops in his service, with the arms, munitions, and the £20,000 asked for to assist the Highlanders.[42]

Balhaldy hurried back to Scotland with this promise and met the Associators in Edinburgh. Although the Jacobite leaders were disappointed that French troops were not to be sent, they gratefully accepted Fleury’s assurances, and in March 1741 they despatched the following letter to the Cardinal, which was carried back to Paris by Balhaldy.

The promises of assistance from the French Court brought by Balhaldy, and the letter of acceptance by the lords of the Concert constituted the treaty between France and the Scottish Jacobites which formed the foundation of all subsequent schemes undertaken in Scotland. Even in the end it was detachments of the Irish regiments, whose use was originally suggested by Glenbucket, together with a Scottish regiment raised later than this by Lord John Drummond, that formed the meagre support that was actually sent over from France in 1745.

Balhaldy returned to France almost immediately, and in the winter of 1740-41, he went to England where he met the Jacobite leaders, of whom he particularly mentions the Earls of Orrery and Barrymore, Sir Watkin Williams Wynne, and Sir John Hinde Cotton. With them he endeavoured to form a scheme of concert between the[Pg xl] English and the Scottish Jacobites, but without much success.[45]

It was not until after the signing of the letter to Fleury that Murray was taken into the confidence of the Jacobite leaders, and it was at this time that he first met Lord Lovat. This was also the occasion of his first meeting with Balhaldy; their relations at this time were quite friendly; Balhaldy handed over to Murray the negotiation of a delicate ecclesiastical matter with which he had been entrusted by the Chevalier.[46]

Another early duty was to raise money for the Cause, but to Murray’s mortification, he had to give up the scheme of a loan, because all the sympathisers to whom he applied declined to subscribe; not, they said, because they objected to giving their money, but each and all refused to be the first to compromise himself by heading the subscription list. At this time Murray was not permitted to undertake any active propaganda for a rising, as the associated leaders feared that by increasing the numbers in the secret there would be too great danger of leakage. The Associators preferred to keep such work in their own hands, and each of them had a district assigned to him.

After Balhaldy’s departure the unfortunate Associators were kept in a state of agonising suspense, for nothing was heard from France until the end of 1742. In December of that year, Lord Traquair received a letter from Balhaldy couched in vague terms, assuring him that troops and all things necessary for a rising would be embarked early in the spring. The scheme, he wrote, was to make a landing near Aberdeen and another in Kintyre. The whole tone of the letter was so confident that the Associators[Pg xli] felt that a French expedition might be expected almost immediately, and they were profoundly conscious that Scotland was not ready. So alarmed were the leaders at the possibility of a premature landing, and so uncertain were they about the promises vaguely conveyed in Balhaldy’s letter, that they determined to send Murray over to Paris to find out what the actual French promises were, and how they were to be performed; and moreover to warn the Government of King Louis how matters stood in Scotland.

Murray set off in January 1743. On his way he visited the Duke of Perth, then residing at York, making what friends he could among the English Jacobites. When Murray got to London, he was informed of Cardinal Fleury’s death,[47] which somewhat staggered him, but he determined to go on to France to find out how matters stood.

On arriving in Paris, Murray met Balhaldy and Sempill. Balhaldy was surprised and not particularly glad to see him, but he treated him courteously, and discussing affairs with Murray, he patronisingly informed him that he had not been told everything. Sempill was very polite. He told Murray that a scheme had been prepared by Fleury, but that the Cardinal’s illness and death had interrupted it.[48] Sempill also told him that luckily he had persuaded the Cardinal to impart his schemes to Monsieur Amelot, the Minister for Foreign Affairs. An interview with the Minister was obtained at Versailles, and on Murray’s explaining the reason of his visit, Amelot frankly told him[Pg xlii] that the King of France had full confidence in the Scots, but that nothing could be done without co-operation with the English. He further warned the Scotsmen that an enterprise such as they proposed was dangerous and precarious. The King, he said, was quite willing to send ten thousand troops to help James his master, but the Jacobites must take care not to bring ruin on the Cause by a rash attempt. Murray was startled at Amelot’s answer after the assurances he had had from Sempill and Balhaldy of the minister’s keenness to help; he was further distressed that some arrangements, which Sempill had confidently mentioned to him as being made, were unknown to Amelot, while the minister owned that he had not read the Memorials, but promised to look into them.

It was on this occasion that Murray first became suspicious of the behaviour of Balhaldy and Sempill, a state of mind which grew later to absolute frenzy. When arranging for the interview with Amelot, they hinted very plainly to Murray that he must exaggerate any accounts he gave of preparations in Scotland. He came to the conclusion that they were deceiving the French minister by overstating Jacobite prospects at home, and after the interview he was further persuaded that Balhaldy and Sempill were similarly deceiving the Jacobite leaders with exaggerated accounts of French promises. He was further mortified to find that the Earl Marischal, who was much respected in Scotland, and to whom the Jacobite Scotsmen looked as their leader in any rising, would have nothing to do with Sempill and Balhaldy; while, on their part, they described the earl as a wrong-headed man, continually setting himself in opposition to his master and those employed by him, and applied to him the epithet of ‘honourable fool.’

Apparently about this time the preparations of the English Jacobites were languishing, and Balhaldy, proud[Pg xliii] of the Scottish Association which he looked upon as his own creation, volunteered to go over to England and arrange a similar Concert among the English leaders. He and Murray went to London together, and there Murray took the opportunity of privately seeing Cecil, the Jacobite agent for England. Cecil explained his difficulties, told him of the dissensions among the English Jacobites, and of their complaints about Sempill, who, he considered, was being imposed upon by the French Ministry. It is characteristic of Jacobite plotting to find that Murray concealed, on the one side, his interviews with Cecil from Balhaldy, and, on the other, he kept it a secret from Cecil that he had ever been in France.[49] Disappointed with his mission both in France and England, Murray returned to Edinburgh in March or April.

Meanwhile, Balhaldy was busy getting pledges in England and making lists of Jacobite adherents avowed and secret. Though they said they were willing to rise, he found they absolutely refused to give any pledge in writing, and he suggested, through Sempill, that the French minister should send over a man he could trust to see the state of matters for himself. Amelot selected an equerry of King Louis’s of the name of Butler, an Englishman by birth. Under pretence of purchasing horses, Butler visited racecourses in England, where he had the opportunity of meeting country gentlemen, and was astonished to find that at Lichfield, where he met three hundred lords and gentlemen, of whom, he said, the poorest possessed £3000 a year, he found only one who was not opposed to the Government. On his return to France, Butler sent in a long report on the possibilities of an English rising. He told the French Government that after going through part of England, a document had been placed in his hands giving an account of the whole country,[Pg xliv] from which it appeared that three-quarters of the well-to-do (‘qui avaient les biens-fonds’) were zealous adherents of their legitimate king, and that he had been enabled to verify this statement through men who could be trusted, some of whom indeed were partisans of the Government. He was amazed that the Government was able to exist at all where it was so generally hated. The secret, he said, was that all positions of authority—the army, the navy, the revenue offices—were in the hands of their mercenary partisans. The English noblesse were untrained to war, and a very small body of regular soldiers could easily crush large numbers of men unused to discipline. It would be necessary then to have a force of regular troops from abroad to make head against those of the Government.

Butler and Balhaldy returned to France in October. During their absence things had changed; the battle of Dettingen had been fought (June 27th, 1743), although Great Britain and France were technically at peace. King Louis was furious, and he took the matter up personally, and gave instructions to prepare an expeditionary force for the invasion of England. The main body was to consist of sixteen battalions of infantry and one regiment of dismounted dragoons, under Marshal Saxe, and was to land in the Thames. It was further suggested that two or three battalions should be sent to Scotland. Prince Charles Edward was invited to accompany the expedition, and was secretly brought from Rome, arriving in Paris at the end of January 1744. There was no affectation of altruism for the Stuart exile in King Louis’s mind, but the zeal of the Jacobites was to be exploited. He wrote his private views to his uncle, the King of Spain, communicating a project that he had formed, he said, in great secrecy, which was to destroy at one blow the foundations of the league of the enemies of the House of Bourbon. It might, perhaps, be hazardous, but from all that he could learn it[Pg xlv] was likely to be successful. He wished to act in concert with Spain. He sent a plan of campaign. Everything was ready for execution, and he proposed to begin the expedition on the 1st of January. It would be a very good thing that the British minister should see that the barrier of the sea did not entirely protect England from French enterprise.[50] It might be that the revolution to be promoted by the expedition would not be so quick as was expected, but in any case there would be a civil war which would necessitate the recall of the English troops in the Netherlands. The Courts of Vienna and Turin would no longer receive English subsidies, and these Courts, left to their own resources, would submit to terms provided they were not too rigorous.[51]

The story of the collapse of the proposed invasion is too well known to need description. Ten thousand troops were on board ship. Marshal Saxe and Prince Charles were ready to embark. On the night of the 6th of March a terrible storm arose which lasted some days. The protecting men-of-war were dispersed, many of the transports were sunk, a British fleet appeared in the Channel, and Saxe was ordered to tell the Prince first that the enterprise was postponed, and later that it was abandoned. Charles, nearly broken-hearted, remained on in France, living in great privacy, and hoping against hope that the French would renew their preparations. For a time he remained at Gravelines, where Lord Marischal was with him. He longed for action, and implored the earl to urge the French to renew the expedition to England, but Marischal only suggested difficulties. Charles proposed an expedition to Scotland, but his lordship said it would mean destruction. Then he desired to make a campaign with the French army, but Lord Marischal said it would only disgust the English.[Pg xlvi] Charles removed to Montmartre, near Paris, but he was ordered to maintain the strictest incognito. He asked to see King Louis, but he was refused any audience. His old tutor, Sir Thomas Sheridan, was sent from Rome to be with him; also George Kelly, Atterbury’s old secretary, who, since his escape from the Tower, had been living at Avignon. He took as his confessor a Cordelier friar of the name Kelly, a relative of the Protestant George Kelly, and, sad to say, a sorry drunkard, whose example did Charles no good. These Irish companions soon quarrelled with Balhaldy and Sempill, who wrote to the Chevalier complaining of their evil influence, while the Irishmen also wrote denouncing Balhaldy and Sempill.

Charles left Montmartre. His cousin, the Bishop of Soissons, son of the Marshal Duke of Berwick, kindly lent him his Château Fitzjames, a house seven posts from Paris on the Calais road, where he remained for a time. Another cousin, the Duke of Bouillon, a nephew of his mother, also was very kind, and entertained him at Navarre, a château near Evreux in Normandy. But his life was full of weary days. He could get nothing from the French, and ‘our friends in England,’ he wrote to his father, are ‘afraid of their own shadow, and think of little else than of diverting themselves.’ Things seemed very hopeless: the Scots alone remained faithful.

From the time that Murray left London in the spring of 1743, the Jacobite Associators had received no letters from Balhaldy. The suspense was very trying; indeed Lord Lovat felt for a time so hopeless that he proposed to retire with his son to France and end his days in a religious house.[52] Lovat’s spirits seem to have risen shortly after this owing to some success he had in persuading his neighbours to join the Cause, and he eventually resolved to remain in Scotland. It was only from the newspapers[Pg xlvii] the Jacobite leaders knew of the French preparations, but towards the end of December a letter was received from Balhaldy, which stated that the descent was to take place in the month of January. Other letters, however, threw some doubt on Lord Marischal’s part of the enterprise, which included an auxiliary landing in Scotland, and once more the Jacobite leaders were thrown into a state of suspense. They felt, however, that preparations must be made, and an active propaganda began among the Stuart adherents.

In due course news of the disaster to the French fleet reached Scotland, but no word came from Balhaldy or Sempill, and it was then determined to send John Murray to France to find out the state of matters. Murray tells the story of his mission in his Memorials. He met Prince Charles at Paris on several occasions, and told him that so far from there being 20,000 Highlanders ready to rise, as was the boast of Balhaldy, it would be unwise to depend on more than 4000, if so many. But in spite of this discouraging information, the Prince categorically informed Murray that whatever happened he was determined to go to Scotland the following summer, though with a single footman.[53]

Murray hastened home, and at once began an active canvass among the Jacobites; money and arms were collected, and arrangements were made in various parts of the country. Among other expedients was the establishment of Jacobite clubs, and the celebrated ‘Buck Club’ was founded in Edinburgh. The members of these clubs were not at one among themselves. Some of them said they were prepared to join Prince Charles whatever happened, but others only undertook to join if he were accompanied by a French expedition. At a meeting of the Club a document was drawn up by Murray representing[Pg xlviii] the views of the majority present, which insisted that unless the Prince could bring them 6000 regular troops, arms for 10,000 more, and 30,000 louis d’or, it would mean ruin to himself, to the Cause, and to his supporters.[54] This letter was handed to Lord Traquair, who undertook to take it to London and have it sent to Prince Charles in France. By Traquair it was delayed, possibly because he was busy paying court to the lady who about this time became Countess of Traquair,[55] but to the expectant Jacobites for no apparent reason save apathy. After keeping the letter for four months he returned it in April 1745, with the statement that he had been unable to find a proper messenger. Another letter was then sent by young Glengarry, who was about to proceed to France to join the Scottish regiment raised by Lord John Drummond for service in the French army. It was, however, too late; the Prince had left Paris before the letter could be delivered.

Distressed that the King of France would not admit him to his presence; wearied with the shuffling of the English Jacobites and the French ministers; depressed by Lord Marischal, who chilled his adventurous aspirations; plagued, as he tells his father, with the tracasseries of his own people, Charles determined to trust himself to the loyalty of the Scottish Highlanders. He ran heavily into debt; he purchased 40,000 livres’ worth of weapons and munitions,—muskets, broadswords, and twenty small field-pieces; he hired and fitted out two vessels. With 4000 louis d’or in his cassette he embarked with seven followers at Nantes on June 22nd (O.S.).

On July 25th he landed in Arisaig,—the ’Forty-five had begun.

[Pg xlix]

PAPERS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON

These papers, picked up after Culloden, are fragmentary and are not easy reading without a knowledge of their general historical setting, and this I have endeavoured to give in brief outline in the preceding pages. They are particularly interesting as throwing glimpses of light on the origins of the last Jacobite rising. They were written before the collapse of that rising and before Murray, after the great betrayal, had become a social outcast. Murray’s Memorials, edited for the Scottish History Society by the late Mr. Fitzroy Bell, were written thirteen years after Culloden as a history and a vindication. These papers may be considered as memoranda or records of the business Murray had been transacting, and they view the situation from a different angle.

Some of the events mentioned in the Memorials are told with fuller detail in these papers; they also contain thirteen hitherto unpublished letters, consisting for the most part of a correspondence between Murray and the Chevalier de St. George and his secretary James Edgar. But to my mind the chief interest of the papers lies in the fact that they present a clue to the origin of the Jacobite revival which led up to the ’Forty-five; that clue will be found in Murray’s note on page 25.

In 1901 the Headquarters Staff of the French Army issued a monograph based on French State Papers, giving in great detail the project for the invasion of Great Britain in 1744, and the negotiations which led up to it. The book is entitled Louis XV. et les Jacobites, the author being Captain Jean Colin of the French Staff. In his opening sentence Captain Colin tells how the Chevalier de St. George was living tranquilly in Rome, having abandoned all hope of a restoration, when about the end of 1737 he received a message from his subjects in Scotland informing him that the Scottish Highlanders[Pg l] would be able, successfully, to oppose the Government troops then in Scotland. In no English or Scottish history, so far as I am aware, has this message from Scotland been emphasised, but in the French records it is assumed as the starting-point of the movement on the part of the French Government to undertake an expedition in favour of the Stuarts. Murray refers to Glenbucket’s mission in the Memorials (p. 2), though very casually, and as if it were a matter of little moment, but the insistence in French State Papers of the importance of the Scottish message made it necessary to investigate the matter further.

The first step to discover was the date of the sale of the estate of Glenbucket, the price of which was probably required for the expenses of the mission, and it was found from Duff family papers, kindly communicated by the authors of The Book of the Duffs, that Glenbucket sold his estate to Lord Braco in 1737. The next step is told in the pages of James Francis Edward, where it is narrated that Glenbucket was in Paris about the end of that year, that he there presented to Cardinal Fleury a scheme for a rising in Scotland, which he proposed should be assisted by the Irish regiments in the service of Louis XV. The same work tells how Glenbucket went on to Rome in January 1738, and there conveyed to the Chevalier satisfactory assurances from the Highlands, but few from the Lowlands.[56] The result was that William Hay was sent to Scotland on the mission which eventuated in the ‘Concert’ of Jacobite leaders, Highland and Lowland, and Balhaldy’s subsequent mission to Paris and Rome.

It would be interesting to know who the Highlanders were who entrusted Glenbucket with the message to Rome. Murray, in his jealous, disparaging way, remarks that it could only be Glengarry and General Gordon, but[Pg li] either he did not know much about Glenbucket or he was prejudiced. In an account of the Highland clans preserved in the Public Record Office, and evidently prepared for the information of the Government after he had turned traitor, Murray writes: ‘I have heard Gordon of Glenbucket looked upon as a man of Consequence, whereas, in fact, he is quite the reverse. He is not liked by his own name, a man of no property nor natural following, of very mean understanding, with a vast deal of vanity.’[57] But this word-portrait does not correspond with that drawn by a writer who had better opportunities of knowing Glenbucket. The author of the Memoirs of the Rebellion in the Counties of Aberdeen and Banff particularly emphasises the affection he inspired in the Highlanders, and significantly adds:—

It may be that Lovat was one of those Highlanders who joined in Glenbucket’s message. About this time he had been deprived of his sheriffship and of his independent company, and, furious against the Government, had almost openly avowed his Jacobitism. In 1736 he, as sheriff, had released the Jacobite agent John Roy Stewart from prison in Inverness and by him had despatched a message of devotion to the Chevalier,[59] but of his co-operation with Glenbucket I have found no hint. The sequence of events here narrated make it plain that whoever it was for whom he spoke, it was Gordon of Glenbucket whose initiative in 1737 originated the Jacobite revival which eventually brought Prince Charles to Scotland.

Analysis of the papers is unnecessary after the admirable introduction to the Memorials by Mr. Fitzroy[Pg lii] Bell, but it may interest readers of that work to refer to two letters mentioned in the Memorials. The first of these was a letter Murray says he wrote to the Chevalier giving an account of his interview with Cecil in London.[60] Mr. Bell searched the Stuart Papers at Windsor, but failed to find it. I think the letter printed on page 20 is the letter that was intended, though it is addressed not to James but to his secretary Edgar. The other letter mentioned in the Memorials was one to the Earl Marischal written about the same time. It was entrusted for delivery to Balhaldy and Traquair, but to Murray’s intense indignation they destroyed it. In the Memorials he expresses his regret that he has not a copy to insert. There is little doubt that the letter on page 27 of these papers is the draft of the letter referred to.

The account of the interview with Cecil (pp. 16, 21) makes pathetic reading. Murray, the Scottish official agent, fresh from seeing Balhaldy and Sempill, the official agents in Paris, is conscious that the latter are deceiving both the French Government and their own party. Murray conceals from Balhaldy that he is going to interview Cecil; from Cecil that he has been in Paris. Cecil, on the other hand, makes only a partial disclosure of his feelings in Murray’s presence. He is contemptuous of his Jacobite colleagues, the Duchess of Buckingham and her party, and he has not a good word to say of Sempill. Murray again ridicules Cecil, of whom he has a poor opinion.

How could a cause served by such agents ever prosper?

This copy of John Murray’s papers and the three following documents were found among some papers relating to the ’Forty-five collected by a gentleman of Midlothian shortly after the Rising. Many years ago I was permitted to copy them, and from these transcripts the text has been printed.

[Pg liii]

MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS

In 1898 the late Mr. Andrew Lang edited and published a manuscript from the King’s Library in the British Museum, which he entitled The Highlands of Scotland in 1750. Mr. Lang was unable to discover the author, but conjectured that it was written by Mr. Bruce, a Government agent employed to survey the Highland forfeited estates after the ’Forty-five. A close scrutiny of Mr. Lang’s volume along with the Memorial here printed has convinced me that they are the work of the same hand. Whoever wrote the manuscript in the King’s Library, the information contained therein came from the author of this ‘Memorial.’ The manuscript in the British Museum contains a good deal more than this Memorial, but the views advanced are generally the same, the sentiments are similar, and occasionally the phraseology is identical.

The manuscript from which the ‘Memorial Concerning the Highlands’ is printed is holograph of the Rev. Alexander Macbean, minister of Inverness at the time of the ’Forty-five. Macbean was well qualified to write on this subject. I have been unable to discover the place of his birth, but it may be conjectured that, if not actually born in the Macbean country, his family came from there, i.e. that part of Inverness-shire lying to the east of Loch Ness, of which The Mackintosh was feudal superior. The earliest information that can be gleaned from ecclesiastical records is that he received his degree of Master of Arts from the University of St. Andrews in 1702, and that he was employed as schoolmaster at Fort William from 1701 to 1709. That his salary was slender may well be believed, but its tenuity was aggravated by the fact that it was not paid regularly. We find that as late as 1717 the Commission of the General Assembly applied to the Treasury for arrears[Pg liv] due to Macbean, and was bluntly refused on the ground that the Treasury was not responsible for debts incurred before the Union of 1707.

Alexander Macbean went from the Western Highlands to Roxburghshire, where he became chaplain to Douglas of Cavers, and was licensed as a probationer by the Presbytery of Edinburgh in 1711. In the following year the right of presentation to the parish of Avoch in the Black Isle, Ross-shire, having fallen to the Presbytery of Chanonry, jure devoluto, Macbean was selected to fill the vacancy, and was ordained minister of the parish in June 1712. His appointment met with fierce opposition. His predecessor had been one of the pre-Revolution episcopal ministers who had retained his living, and the parishioners, for the most part episcopalians, resented his intrusion and fretted him with litigation. He became so unhappy that he obtained permission to resign his charge. In 1714 he was presented to the rural parish of Douglas in Lanarkshire, and there he remained for six years. In 1720 he was back in the Highlands as minister of the ‘third charge’ of Inverness; and in 1727 he was transferred to the ‘first charge’ of that important town, and there he remained until his death in 1762.

In Inverness he made his individuality strongly felt as champion for the Government. He was ‘the John Knox of the North,’ and one who exerted himself to suppress the spirit of rebellion in and about Inverness in the years 1745 and 1746.

On one occasion he nearly fell a victim to his interest in the struggle. Having gone with many others to the Muir of Culloden to witness the battle, one of the flying Highlanders attempted to cut him down with his broadsword, but the blow was warded off by a bystander.

Alexander Macbean was the father of a very distinguished son, Lieut.-General Forbes Macbean (1725-1800)[Pg lv] of the Royal Artillery. This officer was educated at the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, was present at Fontenoy in 1745, and at Minden in 1759. At Minden he so distinguished himself that he was presented with a gratuity of five hundred crowns and a letter of thanks from the Commander-in-Chief, Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, written with his own hand. Forbes Macbean subsequently became Inspector-General of Portuguese Artillery, 1765-69; served in Canada 1769-73 and 1778-80; but his principal claim to the gratitude of posterity is a collection of manuscript notes recording the early history of the Royal Artillery.

Of Alexander Macbean’s ‘Memorial’ it is perhaps enough to say that it is, considering the times, fairly impartial, and corresponds on the whole with authentic information gleaned from other sources. I have taken the opportunity of supplementing, perhaps overloading, his text with notes detailing, so far as I have been able to discover them from various sources, the names of the principal Highland gentlemen who were concerned in the Rising of the ’Forty-five.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND

The author of this narrative was Daniel Munro, minister of the parish of Tain. His origin was probably humble, as in Scott’s Fasti it is stated that owing to his knowledge of the Irish (i.e. Gaelic) language, he was educated on the Church’s charitable funds, and held a bursary from the Synod of Ross at Marischal College, and the University of Aberdeen. Munro was minister of the parish of Auldearn, near Nairn, from 1736 to April 1745, when he was translated to Tain, where he remained until his death in 1748. Of his life and work I have found little record.[Pg lvi] Andrew Henderson, the author of the Edinburgh History of the Rebellion, who knew this country well, says that he was ‘an uncouth man, a monster of impiety, wickedness, and ill nature.’ He further states that he was turned out of his church for ‘fighting and other immoralities.’[61]

This ‘Account’ is a very meagre one. The important fact in the history of Ross in the ’Forty-five was that the head of the house of Seaforth forsook the family tradition and took active part with the Government against the old royal family. It was a heavy blow to Prince Charles when Lord Macleod, eldest son of Lord Cromartie, who went to Glasgow to see the Prince in January 1746, informed him at supper that Seaforth had furnished two hundred men for the service of the Government. Charles turned to the French minister and gasped, ‘Hé, mon Dieu, et Seaforth est aussi contre moi!’

Kenneth Mackenzie, known as Lord Fortrose (which was really a Jacobite title), would have been the sixth Earl of Seaforth but for the attainder. His wife was Lady Mary Stewart, eldest daughter of the Earl of Galloway. She held Jacobite principles and raised many of her husband’s clan for the Prince, while most of Fortrose’s men eventually deserted to the Jacobites.

The principal operations in Ross and Sutherland began after Inverness had been taken by the Jacobite army. Lord Loudoun then retired to the shores of the Dornoch Firth. Lord Cromartie was sent in pursuit. Loudoun had boats, and when Cromartie approached him, he crossed the Firth to Dornoch. The Jacobites had to go round by the head of the Firth, whereupon Loudoun returned in his boats to the southern shore at Tain, and went back to Sutherland when Cromartie came to Ross. Cromartie was superseded by the Duke of Perth. Land operations seeming to be useless, a flotilla of boats was secretly collected[Pg lvii] at Findhorn and taken to Tain under shelter of a dense fog. On March 20th, 1746, Perth crossed over the Meikle Ferry, and completely defeated Loudoun at the bloodless battle of Dornoch. Lord Loudoun, along with Duncan Forbes, Sir Alexander Macdonald, Macleod of Macleod, fled to the Isle of Skye, while the chief of Mackintosh was taken prisoner.

On March 25th, the Hazard, a sloop of war which had been captured by the Jacobites at Montrose four months previously and sent to France, when returning with money, stores, and recruits, was forced to run ashore in the Kyle of Tongue by four men-of-war. Lord Reay, the Whig head of the Mackays, took possession of the wreck and its contents, including 156 prisoners and £12,000, the money being sorely needed by the army. Lord Cromartie and his son, Lord Macleod, were sent with a force of 1500 men to expostulate with Lord Reay, and if possible to recover the spoil. In this they naturally failed, but they continued the march as far as Thurso, beating up for recruits and levying the land cess upon the inhabitants.[62] On the way back, Cromartie and his son paid a visit to the Countess of Sutherland at Dunrobin. There, on the day before the battle of Culloden, they were made prisoners by the clever trick of a certain Ensign Mackay, while their followers, then at Golspie, were beaten and dispersed in an action sometimes called the battle of the Little Ferry.

MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN THE COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN AND BANFF

This manuscript bears neither signature nor date, and gives no indication of authorship. There can, however, be little doubt that the author of the narrative was a[Pg lviii] minister belonging to Aberdeen or Banffshire, and that it was written at the same time as the two previous papers, about the end of 1746 or the beginning of 1747.

The story of the events of the Rising in the north-eastern counties is recounted with much fulness of detail, and with a minute knowledge of the country and the people. It is told, moreover, with marked fairness. Although the writer is a Whig, he speaks kindly of the Jacobite leaders, and he does not conceal the cruelties committed by the Government troops.

He tells the story of the skirmish of Inverurie in greater detail than is found elsewhere, and he gives picturesque touches in places that add to the interest of his narrative. Specially graphic is his account of Macleod’s famous piper, MacCrimmon, who was captured in that action.

The condition of parties in the north-eastern counties was not what it had been in the ’Fifteen. At that time the great lords of the counties had been Jacobite, whereas in 1745 most of the Aberdeenshire peers were supporters of the Government. None of them, however, took a prominent lead in the struggle. It is interesting to read the reasons given by the author of these Memoirs for the reticence of the Whig peers. The Duke of Gordon was prevented by indisposition. Lord Findlater’s sickly condition quite disabled him, and Lord Kintore’s incumbrances on his fortune were a drawback. Lord Forbes again had by no means an estate suited to his ability, while Lord Saltoun had no weight in the county. As for Lord Braco (afterwards Earl Fife), the newness of his family would have marred any project of his forming. The author considers, however, that something might have been expected of the Earl of Aberdeen.[63]

These explanations carry no conviction, and there can be little doubt that, in the beginning, these Aberdeenshire[Pg lix] lords were more or less sitting on the fence. Nor is this to be wondered at; family tradition and family connection would make them very chary of taking any prominent steps against the Jacobites. The Duke of Gordon, whose mother was a daughter of the Earl of Peterborough, had been brought up a Protestant and a Whig in defiance of the Catholic religion and Jacobite principles of his predecessors. Yet he must have had some sympathy with the family tradition. Early in September his father’s old factor, Gordon of Glenbucket, carried off horses and arms from Gordon Castle while the Duke was there, apparently with his connivance. Moreover, Sir Harry Innes of Innes in writing of this to his brother-in-law, Ludovick Grant, adds: ‘I am sory to tell yow that the Duke is quite wronge.’[64] By the end of November, however, he had pronounced for the Government. Lord Findlater was a Jacobite in the ’Fifteen, and had then been imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle. Lord Kintore’s father had fought at Sheriffmuir, and been deprived of his office of Knight-Marischal as a punishment. Lord Braco’s family was deeply concerned on the Jacobite side; his son-in-law, Sir William Gordon of Park, his brother-in-law, William Baird of Auchmedden, his nephew, a son of Duff of Hatton, were all ‘out,’ and his eldest son was only kept by force from joining the Jacobites.[65] Lord Aberdeen had only in March succeeded his father, who, it is known, had intended to join the Stuart cause.[66]

Lord Forbes, whose traditions were Whig, and whose father was Lord-Lieutenant of the county in 1715, might have acted, but his family connections were nearly all Jacobite. He was the brother-in-law of Lord Pitsligo and[Pg lx] Gordon of Park, while his three daughters were married to prominent Jacobites.[67]

Nor on the Jacobite side were there any noted personages. The two most prominent Jacobite leaders were Gordon of Glenbucket, a tenant farmer, and Lord Pitsligo. Though of small estate, Lord Pitsligo was universally respected for his high character and his personal piety. He knew his own mind and never faltered. He had been out in the ’Fifteen, and was sixty-seven years of age. In a letter to a friend, he confesses that what really troubled him was the fear of ridicule that a man of his age should take part in the adventure; but he thought, and weighed, and weighed again. His enthusiasm was of the coldest kind, but duty called him and he obeyed. His example influenced many Aberdeen and Banffshire lairds, and he gathered a considerable contingent of horse and foot. It is related that when he was ready to start to join the Prince, and had put himself at the head of his troop, he turned his face upwards and prayed aloud, ‘O Lord, Thou knowest that our cause is just,’ and then quietly gave the order to march.[68]

To understand these Memoirs fully, it is necessary to place them in their historical setting, and to give a brief outline of the military operations during the campaign.

On August 31st the corporation of Aberdeen, thoroughly alarmed at the news of the advance of Prince Charles, determined to put the city into a position of defence. Lists were made of all available citizens, who were embodied into a force of twelve companies of infantry and a detachment of artillery, while arms and ammunition were collected for their equipment. Sir John Cope, who had left Inverness on September 4th, reached Aberdeen on the 11th. Finding guns placed to defend the harbour and citizens fully armed, he commandeered both cannon[Pg lxi] and small arms, and carried them off, alleging that otherwise they might fall into the enemy’s hands. Cope left Aberdeen by sea for the Firth of Forth on September 15th, the city being left without any defence.

Meantime the Jacobites were not idle. Gordon of Glenbucket, now aged seventy-two, had been bed-ridden for three years, but he no sooner heard of the Prince’s arrival than he experienced ‘a kind of new life.’[69] Although bent nearly double on horseback, he hurried off to the West Highlands, and met Prince Charles at Kinlochmoidart on August 18th. He was back in Banffshire raising men by September 5th.[70] John Hamilton, the Duke of Gordon’s factor in Strathbogie, also quickly raised a contingent, and ten days after Cope’s departure, on September 25th, he marched into Aberdeen, where he proclaimed King James at the Cross, and perpetrated the somewhat ludicrous outrage on the provost and magistrates narrated on page 119. From that time until the last week in February, Aberdeen was under Jacobite government. Men were hurriedly collected; and on October 4th Glenbucket joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh with 400 men from Strathavon and Glenlivet, Hamilton also arrived in the city with 480 from Strathbogie and the Enzie. On the 9th Lord Pitsligo followed with 132 horse and 248 foot.

In the last week of October Lord Lewis Gordon, brother of the Duke of Gordon, a young naval officer who had joined the Prince in Edinburgh, was sent north as Lord-Lieutenant of the counties of Aberdeen and Banff. He found his task harder than he expected, being grossly thwarted by ‘the vile and malicious behaviour of the Prysbiterian ministers.’[71] Towards the end of November, to his intense surprise, his brother, the Duke, instructed his vassals to disregard Lord Lewis’s orders.[72] In spite of[Pg lxii] discouragement, Lord Lewis worked on. Moir of Lonmay was appointed deputy-governor of Aberdeenshire and Baird of Auchmedden of Banffshire. Three new regiments were raised under Moir of Stonywood (Lonmay’s brother), Gordon of Avochy (Glenbucket’s nephew), and Farquharson of Monaltrie, a cadet of Invercauld; rates and taxes were imposed and collected; and a good deal of hardship was inflicted on the lieges.

After the battle of Prestonpans (September 21st) Lord Loudoun, who there acted as Cope’s adjutant-general, had gone to London, where he received a commission to return to Inverness to command an army of Highlanders friendly to the Government, then being organised by Duncan Forbes of Culloden.

By December Loudoun was able to send an expedition under Munro of Culcairn and Macleod of Macleod to relieve Aberdeen. Lord Lewis Gordon, reinforced by some of the French troops of Lord John Drummond, which had landed in November at Stonehaven, Peterhead, and Montrose, met the invaders at Inverurie on December 23rd. He defeated Macleod completely, and forced him to retire across the Spey, thus freeing Aberdeen and Banff from all enemy troops.

Lord Lewis now collected all his available forces and marched to Stirling to join Prince Charles, who had returned from his English expedition; and by the first week in January 1746 Aberdeen was left without Jacobite troops. The battle of Falkirk was fought on January 17th, and on February 1st the army of Prince Charles began its retreat to the north. One column under Lord George Murray, taking the coast road, marched through Aberdeen and on to Elgin; another proceeded by Glenshee and Braemar, occupying for a time the northern districts of the county; the main body of the Highlanders went by Blair Atholl and Badenoch to Inverness. Two[Pg lxiii] small French contingents landed at Aberdeenshire ports on February 21st and 22nd, but on the 23rd the last of the Jacobite army had left the town of Aberdeen.

Meantime, Cumberland’s army was in full pursuit. It left Perth on February 20th, and the van reached Aberdeen on the 25th, the Duke himself following two days later. The Earl of Albemarle and General Bland, along with Brigadier Mordaunt, occupied Strathbogie, the Jacobites retiring before them. Lord John Drummond was entrusted with the defence of the passage of the Spey, but some troops were left under John Roy Stewart and Major Glascoe to carry on a guerrilla warfare. Glascoe, on March 20th, surprised a detachment of Campbell’s and Kingston’s horse at Keith, and captured nearly the whole garrison.

Hitherto the loyal inhabitants of Aberdeen had murmured at the excesses of the Jacobite troops, but their complaints were more bitter at the excesses of those of the Government.[73] Houses were plundered and burned, the chapels and meeting-houses of Roman Catholics and Episcopalian non-jurors were destroyed, and the inhabitants were more or less terrorised. In the General Order Book of the Duke of Cumberland, an instance is given of the kind of punishment that was meted out. There was a certain loyal schoolmaster in the parish of Glass, who, having learned that John Roy Stewart intended to spring a surprise similar to that at Keith, warned Lord Albemarle of the intention. This warning had the effect of keeping the Government troops on the watch for several nights. No attack was made on them, however, and the General, believing that the intelligence had been given for the purpose of harassing the troops by depriving them of sleep (although in reality he had been saved by the vigilance he had exercised as the result of the schoolmaster’s information), sent the unfortunate informer to[Pg lxiv] headquarters at Aberdeen. The punishment was very severe. In the Order Book, it is stated ‘that Peter Maconachy of Glass, convicted of spreading false intelligence in order to allarm our defence post, to be tied to a cart and whipped and drum’d through the cantoonments of Aberdeen, Old Meldrum, and Strathbogey, with a labell on his breast mentioning his crime. From Strathbogey he is to be turn’d out towards the rebells with orders never to come near where the army may be on pain of being hanged. The woman suspected of inveigling men to list in the French service is to be carried in the same cart.’[74] On April 8th, the Duke of Cumberland left Aberdeen, concentrated his army on Cullen, and crossed the Spey on the 12th, when Lord John Drummond retired before him. Four days later the battle of Culloden was fought.

CAPTAIN DANIEL’S PROGRESS WITH PRINCE CHARLES

This narrative, written by an English officer, who served in Lord Balmerino’s regiment, is occasionally referred to by modern historians of the Jacobite period, but has never been printed. Two manuscripts are known to exist. One, which belongs to an English gentleman, was shown to me by the late Mr. Andrew Lang. It is evidently contemporary, or nearly so, but the spelling is so eccentric that it is exceedingly difficult to read. The second manuscript is preserved at Drummond Castle, and is a certificated copy of the original, but it is written with modern spelling.[Pg lxv] Both were put at my disposal, but as there was nothing to show that the older version was Daniel’s holograph—indeed the evidence was against it—I preferred to use the Drummond Castle copy. The matter in both was practically identical. Of the writer nothing is known beyond what he tells of himself. Apparently he came from the Fylde country of Lancashire, the district between the Lune and the Ribble, and he was brought up in Jacobite principles.

The narrative is particularly interesting as giving the adventures of an English Jacobite. Daniel, stimulated by the call of conscience, had determined to embrace the cause. He had the good fortune to meet the Duke of Perth when the Prince’s army was near Preston on the march to Derby. The Duke invited him to join, offering him his friendship and patronage. Daniel accepted the offer, and he continued with the army until the end, when he escaped to France in the same ship as the Duke of Perth, whose death he witnessed on the voyage from Arisaig to France in the following May.

On joining, Daniel was attached to the first troop of Life Guards, of which Lord Elcho was colonel, but on the retreat from Derby he was transferred to the second troop of the same regiment, which was commanded by the Hon. Arthur Elphinstone, who about three weeks later succeeded his brother as sixth Lord Balmerino. Daniel conceived a great affection and admiration for his colonel, yet in his laudatory account he mentions a painful characteristic of the times. A gentleman, and a scholar who could recite pages from the Classics, Lord Balmerino was of a noble personage and had the courage of a lion. Moreover he never failed in his military duties. His ‘sole and predominant passion’ was for hard drinking. But for this weakness, ‘he would have shone with the same lustre in the army as he afterwards did on the scaffold.’

[Pg lxvi]

In the narrative there is no affectation of impartiality. Daniel is constantly comparing the iniquities of his enemies with the virtues of his friends. There is a curious incident mentioned by him when referring to the death of Sir Robert Munro of Foulis at the battle of Falkirk. He says (page 198), ‘among the slain were ... Sir Robert Munro, who was heard much to blaspheme during the engagement, and as a punishment for which, his tongue was miraculously cut asunder by a sword that struck him directly across the mouth.’ This is rather a startling statement concerning the end of one whom Dr. Doddridge has depicted as a type of the Christian soldier.[75] There seems, however, no necessity to doubt the truth of Daniel’s statement as representing the talk of the Highland camp; for it must be remembered that Sir Robert had served for many years with the army in Flanders whose strong language was proverbial. With the Highlanders on the other hand, profanity was not a common failing, and they may have been shocked at expletives which to an old campaigner were but unmeaning commonplaces of military expression.

Doddridge gives a certain amount of confirmation to Daniel’s story. He tells that when Sir Robert’s body was found the day after the battle, his face was so cut and mangled that it was hardly recognisable.

Daniel on joining the Jacobite army had been befriended by the Duke of Perth, and naturally he heartily disapproved of Lord George Murray. His dislike and distrust are shown frequently in his narrative. He tells, too, how his chief, Lord Balmerino, quarrelled with Lord George; how the hardships the cavalry endured in the campaign nearly drove the men to mutiny, the blame being thrown on the general. Such unreasoning accusations must have made Lord George’s life, hard as it was,[Pg lxvii] more difficult than it would have been had officers and men been really disciplined.

There is another charge which Daniel makes against Lord George Murray—a charge which raised much controversy amongst the Jacobites—namely, the responsibility for fighting the battle of Culloden.

Daniel says: ‘Contrary to the Prince’s inclination, Lord George Murray insisted on standing and fighting that day. The Prince, notwithstanding his great inclination to avoid fighting, was at last obliged to give way to the importunity of Lord George Murray, who even used terms very cutting in case of refusal.’ This attempt to fix the responsibility on Lord George is contrary to impartial evidence, as may be seen by careful examination of contemporary documents.[76] Lord George was against fighting, his scheme being to retire to the mountains, very much as proposed by the Marquis D’Eguilles. The Prince surely must have known this, yet we find that while hiding in South Uist he told Neil Maceachain that ‘he blamed always my Lord George as being the only instrument in loseing the battle, and altho’ that he, the morning before the action, used all his rhetorick, and eloquence against fighting, yet my Lord George outreasoned him, till at last he yielded for fear to raise a dissension among the army, all which he attributed to his infidelity, roguery, and treachery.’ One can only surmise that in his anger against Lord George Murray, the Prince’s recollection of what had actually happened had become confused, and, surrounded by flatterers even in his flight, he had brought himself to lay the responsibility on his Lieutenant-General.

The controversy, which long raged among the Jacobites,[Pg lxviii] may be set at rest once and for all from the report of the Marquis D’Eguilles to Louis XV. D’Eguilles was the accredited envoy of the King of France to the itinerant Court of Prince Charles Edward. On his return to France after a year’s confinement as a prisoner of war, he wrote an official report of his mission to the French king. It is a State document, preserved in the archives of the French Government, but apparently it has never been examined by any British historian. From the text of that document, an extract from which is here given, it will be seen that on the Prince, and the Prince alone, lay the responsibility of fighting the battle of Culloden.

THE WANDERINGS OF PRINCE CHARLES IN THE HEBRIDES

This narrative by Neil Maceachain, the guide of Prince Charles and Flora Macdonald over the seas to Skye, appeared in the New Monthly Magazine for 1840. As a magazine article three-quarters of a century old is nearly as inaccessible as a manuscript, the Council of the Society authorised its inclusion in this volume as a fitting addition to the numerous narratives of the ’Forty-five collected by the Society.

In the magazine the article is prefaced with a note by the editor, Theodore Hook, who states that it was purchased from a hairdresser in Paris who claimed to be the son of the writer, and who, as Hook believed, must have been a son of Neil Maceachain. This, however, was impossible, as Neil had but one son who survived infancy—a son who had a far more distinguished career.

The fact is that when Neil died, his son was in garrison at Calais. The father’s papers were made over to the custody of a Mr. Macnab, a Highland exile residing in France. At the Revolution, Macnab was imprisoned, his effects were seized and scattered, and Neil Maceachain’s papers were lost. Probably at that time the vendor had obtained the manuscript.

My attention was drawn to the paper about twenty years ago, and I determined to find out what its claims to authenticity might be. In one of my journeys through the Outer Hebrides, when compiling the Itinerary of Prince Charles,[77] I was accompanied by the late Father Allan[Pg lxxi] Macdonald, priest of Eriska and Dean of the Isles. We took a copy of the article with us, and traced on the spot the wanderings here described. We were much gratified; local tradition as well as topography completely corroborated the narrative. It could only have been written by one thoroughly acquainted with the islands. There could be no doubt of its genuineness, and it must have been written by Neil Maceachain.

In the Itinerary there is a short account of Neil, to which the reader is referred. Briefly, he was one of the Macdonald-Maceachains of Howbeg, in South Uist, a sept of the Clanranald. Neil was educated in France for the priesthood, but abandoned his intention of taking orders, and returned to South Uist, where he acted as parish schoolmaster and tutor in the family of Clanranald, who then resided at Nunton in Benbecula. The old chief attached Neil to Prince Charles when in hiding in the islands, believing that his scholarship, his knowledge of languages, and his accomplishments as a musician might be useful to the Prince.

It must be remembered that the narrative can be accepted as trustworthy only for the occasions on which Neil was actually with the Prince. He met him on his first arrival at Benbecula, but he did not accompany him on his journey to Harris and Lewis; he was, however, again with him on his return to Benbecula and South Uist. Neil’s accounts, therefore, of the Prince’s adventures when away from South Uist are only from hearsay and not to be entirely depended on. In the Itinerary I followed for that part of the Prince’s wanderings the narrative of Donald Macleod of Gualtergil, who was then his companion and guide.

Not the least interesting portion of the narrative is the account of the meeting between Flora Macdonald and Prince Charles. So much fiction mingles with accounts of the incident, in prose, in verse, and in pictures, that[Pg lxxii] it is well to get the simple facts of the story. There were no English soldiers in the Hebrides; the duty of hunting the Prince was entrusted to the independent companies of Highlanders generally referred to as the Macdonald, Macleod, and Campbell militia. It must be remembered, however, that the Navy was relentless in the pursuit. Flora’s stepfather, Hugh Macdonald, was one of the chief men of the Sleat Clan which supported the Government, while Flora herself was a Clanranald.[78] She had been educated in her childhood with Clanranald’s family, and later she had been a good deal with Sir Alexander and Lady Margaret Macdonald in Edinburgh. Flora was dearly loved by both the families, and was a very suitable person to conduct Prince Charles from Clanranald territory to Skye. Moreover, the moment was opportune, for Sir Alexander Macdonald was in attendance on the Duke of Cumberland at Fort Augustus, and Lady Margaret, who had taken the utmost interest in the Prince and had secretly sent him comforts to South Uist, was at home at Monkstat.

Hugh Macdonald has always been suspected of collusion with the Prince,[79] but this is the only narrative in which the fact is stated categorically. Charles declared that he felt safe while he was with the Macdonalds.[80] Flora had but one meeting with Charles Edward in South Uist, on June 21st, when the plan of escape to Skye was arranged (p. 251). They met again on the evening of Saturday, June 28th, at Benbecula, whence Flora, Neil, and the Prince went by boat to Skye. Sunday night was spent at Kingsburgh’s house, and the narrative breaks off at the interesting moment when the party was on the way from Monkstat to Kingsburgh. What happened after that is found in various narratives of The Lyon in Mourning. Briefly, the Prince spent the night at Kingsburgh House. Next day, he walked to Portree, changing his female clothes[Pg lxxiii] in a wood on the road. The Prince walked by private paths and Flora rode by the main highway. At Portree the Prince said farewell to Flora for ever.

Such is the story, and it needs no embellishment. Flora’s services to the Prince were matchless; she saved him at the moment when General Campbell with his militia and a naval expedition were on the point of capturing him. She herself was taken prisoner a few days later.[81]

At Portree Neil Maceachain also said farewell to Prince Charles, who with Malcolm and Murdoch Macleod went that night to the island of Raasa. The following day the Prince returned to Skye, and left two days later for the mainland. Thus finished his wanderings in the Hebrides.

Neil evaded capture after the escape of Prince Charles from Skye; in September he rejoined him at Arisaig, and in the ship L’Heureux accompanied the Prince to France. There he joined the French army, at first as a lieutenant in the Regiment d’Albanie, of which the command was given to Lochiel, and afterwards in the Scots regiment of Lord Ogilvy, the Jacobite exile. Ogilvy’s regiment was disbanded after the Peace of Paris in 1763, and Neil passed the rest of his life, first at Sedan and afterwards at Sancerre, in the province of Berry, on a pension of three hundred livres (about £30). He died at Sancerre in 1788. When he left Scotland Neil dropped the name of Maceachain, retaining only that of Macdonald.

His only son became famous as one of Napoleon’s generals—Marshal Macdonald, Duke of Tarentum.

NARRATIVE OF LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT

In 1745 Sir James Grant was the head of the family. His father at the Revolution had taken the side of King William, and had been a member of the Convention of[Pg lxxiv] Estates which declared King James’s forfeiture. He had raised a regiment and had incurred heavy expenses in the service of the new Government, but in spite of frequent applications no repayment had ever been made to him. Sir James’s elder brother, Alexander, succeeded his father. He was a distinguished soldier, who served the Government faithfully, and rose to the rank of Brigadier-General. In the ’Fifteen he was Lord-Lieutenant of Banff and Inverness, and was appointed Captain of Edinburgh Castle. In 1717 he was informed that the Government had no further occasion for his services. He died in 1719, and was succeeded by his brother James, who by a special grant inherited the baronetcy of his father-in-law, Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss. Sir James Grant was member of parliament for the county of Inverness from 1722 to 1741, when a quarrel with Duncan Forbes of Culloden forced him to relinquish the constituency. He then became member for the Elgin burghs, for which he sat until his death in 1747. Although Sir James was a Whig in politics, it may be that at one time he had dealings with the Jacobite Court. It is remarkable that in 1721, while the Atterbury Plot was being hatched, and at the very time that Christopher Layer was in Rome on that business, Sir James Grant was created a peer by the Chevalier.[82]

On his arrival in Scotland, Prince Charles wrote to Grant requesting his co-operation in much the same terms as he wrote to known Jacobite adherents.[83] Sir James, who was now sixty-six years old, determined to keep out of trouble. He handed over the management of his clan and property to his eldest son, Ludovick, and on the pretext of attending to his parliamentary duties, he[Pg lxxv] went to London, where he remained throughout the Rising.

Before leaving Scotland, Sir James pointed out to his son that the family had received scant reward for eminent services in the past, and he advised him that whatever happened the clan should not be subdivided. He strongly opposed Duncan Forbes’s scheme of independent companies. The clan should remain passive, prepared to defend its own territory, and only act in the event of its being attacked. This policy Ludovick carried out, and in doing so incurred the grave suspicion of the Government. It is indeed difficult to believe that, until the final retreat of the Jacobites and the approach of Cumberland, the acting Chief of the Grants was not sitting on the fence.

The Grant estates were in two distinct portions, those around Castle Grant in Strathspey and those in Urquhart and Glenmoriston on the western side of Loch Ness. Although the Strathspey Grants were accounted a Whig clan, the Grants of Urquhart and Glenmoriston were notoriously Jacobite. When the Rising took place, Ludovick Grant wrote to his outlying retainers, not forbidding them to join the Prince, but peremptorily forbidding them to move without his sanction. Eventually they went ‘out’ in spite of his orders, but the Strathspey men stood loyally by their chief.

The whole story of the rising in Urquhart and Glenmoriston and the action of Ludovick Grant towards the Government and his clansmen has been told within recent years in a most interesting volume by Mr. William Mackay,[84] to which the reader is referred. The narrative printed here is Grant’s own apologia to the Government, prepared with legal assistance after the Rising. The text tells its own story, but four points may be referred to here, points which it gave Ludovick Grant much[Pg lxxvi] trouble to explain. First, when Sir John Cope marched north in August 1745 he passed within ten miles of Castle Grant, yet the young chief neither visited him nor sent him assistance.[85] Second, when President Duncan Forbes asked him to furnish two independent companies for the service of Government, he declined, on the ostensible ground that two companies were too insignificant a contingent for so important a clan as the Grants. He eventually was persuaded to send one company,[86] whose only service was to garrison Inverness Castle under Major George Grant, Ludovick’s uncle. The castle surrendered to Prince Charles in February after two days’ siege, and the commandant was dismissed the service. Third, Grant marched his men to Strathbogie to attack Lord Lewis Gordon’s men in December without orders from Lord Loudoun, then commanding in the north,[87] for which he incurred Lord Loudoun’s censure. Fourth, when Grant had gone to Aberdeen in March, five of his principal gentlemen made a treaty of neutrality[88] with the Jacobites under Lord George Murray and Lord Nairn, by which the Prince’s people were to get supplies from the Grant country in return for protection from raiding.

This narrative is occasionally referred to in Sir William Fraser’s Chiefs of Grant, but is not included in that work. The text is printed from the original manuscripts in the Public Record Office.

THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY

To show his zeal for the Government after Culloden, Ludovick Grant marched his Strathspey men, eight hundred strong, into Urquhart and Glenmoriston, and under threat[Pg lxxvii] of fire and sword arrested his clansmen who had been ‘out.’ The fighting men were handed over to the Duke of Cumberland, and most of them were transported. Grant of Sheugly and his eldest son had not actually been out but were accused of urging their people to join the Jacobites. They were sent to London as prisoners along with the Reverend John Grant, minister of Urquhart. Ludovick asserted to the Duke of Newcastle that the minister ‘was at all their consultations and never attempted to dissuade the people from joining the rebells, but on the contrary gave over praying for his Majesty, and after the battle of Culloden he concealed some of the rebells and had their money in keeping.... Mr. Grant concealed from me where three of the rebells were hid by his direction....’[89]

The reader will find the minister’s own story in the text, and must judge of its truth. Perhaps Grant protests too much, for Mr. Mackay informs me that the tradition of the parish is that he was a thorough Jacobite. It is perfectly evident, however, that the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General thought lightly of the case both against the minister and young Sheugly, or they would never have remitted them to the court at Edinburgh, when it was notorious that no Scottish jury would convict a Jacobite.

The prisoners, on December 4th, ‘sisted [surrendered] themselves in court [at Edinburgh] to answer for alleadged Rebellion and all such matters as on his Majesty’s behalf should be objected against them.’[90] They were admitted to bail and there the matter ended.

The Presbytery records show that no ecclesiastical proceedings were taken against the minister, though probably that does not mean much. At that time it may well be[Pg lxxviii] believed that every minister and elder in the Highlands sympathised with the hunted Jacobites. The only minister of the Church of Scotland who was dealt with for disloyalty in the ’Forty-five was Thomas Man, minister of Dunkeld. He was tried before the Commission of General Assembly in May 1747. The libel against him was found relevant, and the charges partly confessed or found proven. The sentence was gentle—five months’ suspension from his duties.[91]

The manuscript of this case is preserved in the Record Office.

GROSSETT’S MEMORIAL AND ACCOUNTS

Walter Grossett[92] of Logie was the grandson of a certain Alexander Grossett, or Grosier, or Grosiert, a Frenchman, who came over to Great Britain in the Civil Wars and served King Charles I. in the army. He settled in Scotland, and died there, leaving a son Alexander. This son purchased the small estate of Logie, near Dunfermline. He was an ardent Covenanter, and retired to Holland at the time of the persecutions. Alexander left an only son, Archibald, who married Eupham Muirhead, a daughter of the laird of Bredisholm, in North Lanarkshire, by whom he had three sons; of these Walter was the eldest. Through his mother, he was a cousin of Sir John Shaw of Greenock, and was also nearly connected with the families of Lord Blantyre and the Earl of Cathcart.

In 1745 this Walter Grossett was Collector of Customs at Alloa, an office he had held for seventeen years. He was exceedingly active in his vocation, and very successful[Pg lxxix] in the prosecution of smugglers. A short time before the Rising, at great risk to himself, he made one of the largest seizures of smuggled tobacco ever made in Scotland, thus enriching the Treasury by several thousand pounds.[93] Early in the ’Forty-five, eight days before Prince Charles entered Edinburgh, Grossett was commissioned by Lord Advocate Craigie to seize the boats and shipping on the northern shore of the Firth of Forth to prevent their falling into the hands of the Jacobite army, then assembling at Perth. Apparently his performance gave satisfaction, for he was promoted to be Collector at Leith, and he was constantly employed thereafter by the military authorities and the Lord Justice-Clerk, both in executive work and in secret service. His services were so highly approved by the Duke of Cumberland that H.R.H. promised him ‘his countenance on every occasion.’[94] After the suppression of the Rising, he was employed by the Duke of Newcastle, Secretary of State, to collect evidence for the prosecution of the rebel lords and other Jacobite prisoners, and to escort the witnesses for the prosecution to London. For his services to Government he was promoted to the office of Inspector-General of Customs in 1747, on the recommendation of the Duke of Cumberland.[95]

Grossett must have been a man of great personal courage, for he went about with his life in his hand. On one occasion, it is related, he saved the life of his cousin Sir John Shaw by entering the Jacobite camp (it is not stated when or where) and carrying him off in the disguise of a Jacobite officer.[96] His enemies, whether Jacobites or smugglers, perhaps both, wreaked terrible[Pg lxxx] vengeance on his house and his family, treating his wife so harshly that she died shortly afterwards.[97]

It is pleasant to find on record a friendly action of Grossett to a condemned prisoner. Patrick Murray, a goldsmith of Stirling, was taken prisoner at Airdrie in November 1745 by some country people. To Grossett, who was present, he declared that he surrendered in accordance with Marshal Wade’s proclamation of 30th October offering his Majesty’s clemency to all rebels who would surrender before 11th November.[98] Grossett had been summoned to Murray’s trial at Carlisle as a witness for the defence, but was prevented from being present owing to his secret services detaining him in London. Murray was tried on September 24th, 1746, found guilty, and condemned to death. The terms of his surrender were not pled at his trial, and Grossett sent in a memorial stating the facts of the arrestment:[99] it was of no avail, Murray was executed on November 15th.

Grossett tells the story of his executive work and of the expenses he incurred in the pages printed in this volume. He mentions that he gave evidence in 1747 at the trial of Lord Provost Archibald Stewart for losing Edinburgh to Prince Charles, but he does not mention the lines in which he is held up to shame and ridicule, along with the magistrates and the clergy of Edinburgh, in a poem published after the trial, which was burned by the[Pg lxxxi] hangman, and which brought the printer to the pillory and to ruin:

Judging from the report of the Duke of Cumberland’s Secretary and the Solicitor to the Treasury (p. 400), Grossett’s claim for £3709 was justified. I have, however, failed to discover if the sum was actually paid, and family papers throw some doubt on this. In a memorandum by his eldest son it is stated that he was a sufferer for his services to Government by many thousand pounds. This may mean that his claim was never liquidated, though after the report of the official scrutineers that hardly seems probable. It is more likely that young Grossett refers to the legal expenses incurred by his father in defending himself against the ‘scandalous Libells and groundless and vexatious lawsuits,’ which he had to meet as the result of his anti-Jacobite and anti-smuggling zeal, together with the loss of professional perquisites referred to on pp. 336 and 337.[101]

A gauger has always been a most unpopular personage[Pg lxxxii] in Scotland, and Grossett rendered himself doubly odious by his action as informer against the unfortunate Jacobite prisoners. He was the victim of shoals of frivolous actions in the courts, brought by persons determined to wear him out in law expenses. He was strongly advised by the Secretary of State to leave the country and go abroad for a few years, and he was told that the Treasury would give him full pay as Inspector-General during his absence on leave. How long this leave on full pay continued I do not know, but Grossett went to Italy. His wife had been a Miss de Vlieger, the daughter of a Dutch merchant and Government financier, and it may be that this fact stimulated Grossett to international financial enterprise. Along with the Earl of Rochfort, British minister at the Sardinian Court, and other gentlemen, he entered into silver and copper mining adventures in Savoy, which proved utter failures. He returned to England a completely ruined man, and died broken-hearted, in 1760, at his son’s house in London.

Walter Grossett had been heir-presumptive to his uncle, John Muirhead of Bredisholm, the last of the male representatives of that ancient family and of the Muirheads of that Ilk. Muirhead had helped Grossett in his mining speculations, and had become so involved that he was obliged to sell the reversion of the estate in order to live. He wished the property kept in the family, so he sold it to Walter Grossett’s nephew, the son of his youngest brother, James, a prosperous merchant of Lisbon, who assumed the name of Muirhead. James’s son John married a granddaughter of Lord George Murray—Lady Jean Murray, daughter of the third Duke of Atholl.[102] He is the ancestor of the family which, in the female line but retaining the name of Muirhead, still possesses the property of Bredisholm.

[Pg lxxxiii]

Grossett’s second brother, Alexander, was a captain in Price’s regiment, and served on the staff at the battle of Culloden, where he was killed under circumstances related in the text (p. 336). His wife and children are on the list of recipients of gratuities from a Guildhall Relief Fund collected for sufferers in the campaign of the ’Forty-five (see Appendix, p. 429). The entry reads, ‘Captain Grossett’s widow and 4 children, £150.’ It was the largest individual sum distributed.

Grossett’s narrative seems truthful and straightforward. Although presented in the unusual form of a commercial invoice, it is particularly interesting and useful in giving details of minor events of the campaign not generally mentioned, or at least not detailed elsewhere. He, however, would convey the impression that his enterprises were always successful, which was not the case. For instance, the Jacobites were successful in securing the passage of the Firth of Forth, yet Grossett does not make the reader understand this in his long account of the operation at pp. 353-358, and the same applies to other passages. Yet the description does not differ more from the Jacobite accounts than in modern times do the descriptions of operations as narrated by opposing belligerent generals.[103]

Two services he was employed on are worthy of special notice—the release of the officers on parole (p. 364), and his participation in the distribution of the Guildhall Relief Fund (p. 374). The former service had been originally destined by Hawley for the company of Edinburgh volunteers under the command of John Home (author of Douglas), by whom it was indignantly refused.[104] The[Pg lxxxiv] latter, which is described in the Appendix, is particularly interesting at the present time of war, when similar funds are being distributed for similar purposes.

The manuscripts of the ‘Memorial,’ the ‘Narrative,’ and ‘The Account of Money’ are in the Record Office. A remarkable coincidence procured the Correspondence printed on pp. 379-399. After the ‘Narrative’ was in type, my friend, Mr. Moir Bryce, President of the Old Edinburgh Club, sent me a packet of letters, most of them holograph, to look over and see if there was anything of interest in them. To my surprise and gratification, I found they were the identical original letters that Grossett quotes as authority for his transactions. Mr. Bryce, who had purchased the letters from a dealer, knew nothing of the history of their ownership. He subsequently generously presented me with the collection. The Report of Fawkener and Sharpe was lent to me by Miss Frances Grosett-Collins, Bredisholm, Chew Magna, Somerset. Miss Grosett-Collins also kindly lent me some family papers from which, along with documents preserved in the Record Office and the British Museum, these brief notes of her ancestor’s career have been compiled.

ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN

This is a beautifully written manuscript of sixty-two folios, small quarto, by Andrew Lumisden, private secretary to Prince Charles when in Scotland. Certain documents bound up with the manuscript give its history. It was originally written for the information of John Home, author of the tragedy of Douglas, when engaged in writing his history of the Rebellion. After Home’s death, it was presented by his nephew, John Home, W.S., to Macvey[Pg lxxxv] Napier, Librarian of the Signet Library. In 1840 Napier presented it to Mr. James Gibson Craig, W.S., because, as he says in a letter, he ‘has a just taste and value for such documents.’ On Mr. Gibson Craig’s death in 1886, it passed into the collection of his partner Sir Thomas Dawson Brodie, Bart. On his death, it came into my possession by purchase.

Andrew Lumisden was a grandson of Andrew Lumisden, episcopal minister of Duddingston, who was ‘outed’ at the Revolution. In 1727 the latter was consecrated bishop of Edinburgh, and died six years later. The bishop’s third son, William, was educated for the bar, but he ‘went out’ in 1715, and, refusing to take the oaths to Government after that Rising, he was unable to follow his profession, but practised in Edinburgh as a Writer or law agent. He married Mary Bruce, a granddaughter of Robert Bruce, third of Kennet. To them were born two children, (1) Isabella born in 1719, who, in 1747, was married to the young artist Robert Strange, whom she had induced to join Prince Charles’s Life Guards, and who afterwards became the most famous British engraver of his time, and was knighted by George III.; and (2) Andrew, born in 1720, the author of this ‘Account.’

Andrew followed his father’s profession of Writer, and when Prince Charles came to Edinburgh in 1745 he was, on the recommendation of his cousin Sir Alex. Dick of Prestonfield, appointed private secretary to the Prince, and accompanied him throughout the campaign. After Culloden he was attainted. He concealed himself for some weeks in Edinburgh, escaped to London, and thence to Rouen. Here at first he suffered great privation, but succeeded in obtaining a French pension of 600 livres, which relieved his immediate wants. In 1749 he went to Rome, and in the following year he was appointed Assistant Secretary to the Old Chevalier. On the death of James Edgar, in 1762, he succeeded him as Jacobite Secretary[Pg lxxxvi] of State. The Old Chevalier died in 1766, and Lumisden was for a time continued in his office by Charles. The great object of Charles’s policy was to be acknowledged by the Pope as King of Great Britain, a title which Clement XIII. refused him in spite of a powerful appeal by Cardinal Henry, Duke of York, to his Holiness.[105] Charles, smarting under the indignity, became intensely irritable, and gave himself up more and more to self-indulgence. In December 1768 Lumisden, along with two other Scottish officials, was summarily dismissed for refusing to accompany his royal master to an oratorio when that master was intoxicated.[106] Leaving Rome, he settled in Paris, where he moved in the highest literary and artistic circles. In 1773 he was allowed to return to Great Britain, and five years later he received a full pardon.

Lumisden, who was never married, continued to spend much of his time in Paris, accounted ‘a man of the finest taste and learning,’ living the life of a dilettante, and paying frequent visits to London and Edinburgh.

There is a pleasant anecdote told of him at this time, which reflects the kindly feeling borne by King George III. to irreconcilable Jacobites. It is very similar to the well-known story of King George’s message to Laurence Oliphant of Gask, told by Sir Walter Scott in the Introduction to Redgauntlet. It must be remembered that to their dying day both the laird of Gask and Andrew Lumisden never referred to King George except as the Elector of Hanover. The story of Lumisden is told in a family paper[107] by his great-niece Mrs. Mure (née Louisa Strange), and may be given in that lady’s own words.

[Pg lxxxvii]

In 1797 Lumisden published a volume at London entitled Remarks on the Antiquities of Rome and its Environs ... with Engravings, his only literary legacy excepting this account of the battles in Scotland. I have[Pg lxxxviii] failed to discover at what period of his life this manuscript was written.

Lumisden died in Edinburgh in 1801. His usual lodging had been in the Luckenbooths, the very heart of the old town, but he had recently changed his quarters to the then new Princes Street, and to the very newest part of that street, the section west of Castle Street. To the imagination it seems strangely incongruous, yet as a link between the past and the present not entirely unfitting, that this aged partisan of the House of Stuart, probably the last Scottish gentleman who personally served that dynasty whose capital was the ancient city, should meet his death in the newest part of that modern street which is the glory of the Edinburgh that the Stuarts never knew.

[Pg 3]

Copy of a shattered Leaf belonging to the original Manuscript

During all this winter[108] my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r,[109] as I observed before, was at London with Lord Semple[110] and Mr. Drummond,[111] and the gentlemen in the Highlands immediately concerned in his Majesties affairs were employed in cultivating his interest amongst their vassals and neighbours, which was the more easily done as the most part of that country are naturally Loyal and at the same time ... run so high against the Government, that any scheme proposed ... was most acceptable. It seems after his Lordship had been there sometime, he wrote a letter to his Majestie, in answer to which I received one enclosed to me from Mr. Edgar,[112] dated the 5th of July 1742, which was this.... It is a long time since I had the pleasure of writting to you which has been occasioned by my knowing you was informed of everything by[Pg 4] Bahady, and that being the case I did not care to ... venture all ... time when I shall ... to say to you as I ha ... view of recommending them ... for Lord [Tra]q[uai]r to your care ... of it with much satisfaction ... to assure you of my best respect and of the longing I have to tell you by word of mouth how much I am yours. As Lord T[ra]q[uai]r has been lately at London and knew there how things were going it is useless for me to enter here ... matters and as the King has particular directions to give you ... sent I shall add nothing ... but by his Majesties Com ... kind compliments ... that the family a ... I am with all my h....

After his Lordships return ... taken to inform the Highlands of the favourable situation there seemed to ... from the information he had got from Lord Semple and Drummond ...

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Copy of another shattered Leaf

Which message tho’ they began to languish a little, yet kept up their spirits. As nothing is more common than for people to believe what they wish and hope for, however specious the encouragement may be. Upon Mr. Drummond parting with His Lordship at London, he assured him he would write particularly whatever Resolutions the Cardinal[113] should come to after his arrival, imagining, as he said, that the promises they had gott in England from the King’s friends there would suffice to determine the old man to act strenuously in his Majesty’s favours; upon which we waited impatiently to hear from him. In the beginning of Winter Locheal came to town with whom I had occasion often to converse on these subjects, and always found him the man the most ready, and willing chearfully to enter into any scheme that would conduce to His Majesty’s interest: and must here declare[Pg 5] that I really believe he is the most sincere honest man the Country produces, without the least shew of self interest. After several months had passed without my hearing from Rome, or any letters coming from My L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r received one from Mr. Drummond about the beginning of December and dated ... of ... which alarmed us very much, as it gave us ground to believe that things were much nearer Action, than we had any notion of, and indeed it seemed to us only fitt to be written a few weeks before a descent; but to make the reader Judge, I shall here insert a letter itself.

Copy Mr. Drummond’s letter to the Earl of T[ra]q[uai]r dated the     1742.

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Copy of another torn Leaf in Manuscripts

As there was nothing in this letter but a general assurance of the French Design without either specyfying the number of the Troops, Arms, Money, Ammunition or even the fixed time, My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and the Laird of Lochiel[114] considering how unprepared the Country was to join in any such attack attempt, and that from the contents of the letter it was impossible to give any positive directions to the Gentlemen of the Highlands, together with the near prospect they had of a landing, which must of necessity have proved abortive had it really happened. They thought it absolutely necessary they should be presently informed of everything, but the difficulty was how to accomplish it. There was no opportunity to write, the time of an answer uncertain, and from the indistinct letter already received they had no great reason to expect anything in writing very satisfactory ... upon which I offered to go ... and then learn distinctly ... the Resolutions of the ... fully informed ... but as this was not to ... having the opinion of ... who[Pg 6] were the most ... in his Majesties Interest ... a letter wrote by ... which went to him by ... likewise one to S[ir] J[ames] C[ampbell][115] their advice and opinion, and during the intervall we had severall conversations all tending to acquaint us particularly of what had been carried on for sometime before by Lord Semple, Mr. Drummond and then received by me as one of these who had been the first in the Country to form a Concert, binding themselves by oath not to discover their schemes to any but one of themselves, or the persons agreed upon to be received amongst them by the Consent of the whole.

I had for a long time before been pretty well acquainted with who were the principle people concerned in all the present transactions, without knowing there had ever been any such formal Combination. I gave my word of honour faithfully to keep these secrets, and then they told me the rise of the Story what assurances they had given the French by the hands of Drummond and Lord Semple after making terms with the King himself, that nobody should be acquented with their procedure without their consent. I was like wise informed

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The weather at this time happening to be very stormy, the express did not return for two weeks longer than we expected; but upon receiving his Lordships answer which he approved of the proposal, I sett about making ready to sett off, and accordingly took journey about the 10 or 12 of Jany. 1743, upon the pretence of talking with the Duke of Queensberry[116] then at London concerning a process I had with the Earl of March,[117] to whom his Grace had been Tutor-in-law.

On the Friday I left Edinburgh and went to Traquair[Pg 7] and so through Tweeddale to York, where I stop’d to talk to the D[uke] of P[erth] one of the Concert, and acquaint him with my journey and received his commands. The principal part of my transactions was to make myself fully acquainted with the French Resolutions, to give them all encouragement possible, and to write to his Majesty acquainting him that the Gentleman in the Highlands being informed that my L[ord] M[arischal],[118] whom his Majesty had honoured with the Command, was a man of a very high and forbidding manner, and exceedingly positive in his way, they were afraid least such procedure might create differences and heart burnings amongst them; wherefore he prayed his Majesty would send over General Keith,[119] who they understood was of a very mild and humane temper and in whose abilitys they had great confidence. When I came to York his Grace the D[uke] of P[erth] approved highly of my going over and gave me a great many injunctions[120] how to write to the King, which is needless here to put down as they all tended to prevent differences in case matters came to be put in execution. I then went to London, where I only stayed some few days, and sett out of on[Pg 8] Munday about 12 o’clock to Dover where I arrived the same night about 9 o’clock, and found a Packet ready to sail. As the wind was then pretty fair, I was in hopes of getting next morning pretty early to Calais, but it changed a little after we was at sea, so were oblidged to make for Boulogne, this made me exceedingly uneasy as I was instructed to go privately to Paris without the knowledge of any of the people who were at Boulogne, and now in all probability we were to land in broad daylight where I must infallibly have been known; but luckily we were becalmed all that day, and did not arrive till about three in the morning. I stayed there till about five, when I got a chaise and set out for Paris, where I came on Friday morning and went to McDonald’s the Banquier,[121] and enquired for Mr. Maxwell, which was the name Drummond then went by. I immediately went to him this same day before dinner, and found him greatly surprised at my Coming, but said it was very lucky as it might be a mean to quicken the French in proceeding; when they saw how forward and anxious the Country was to come to action. Upon my arrival at London I heard of Cardinal Fleury’s death, which was a very unlucky incident; for these two Gentlemen had it left in their power to assert, that had not that happened, every thing would certainly have been performed, and not then in my power to advance anything positively to the contrary. I went with Mr. Drummond in the evening to Lord Semple who I had never seen before: he received me very civily and enquired about the situation of the Country which I told him was very favourable; but as the letter Mr. Drummond had wrote, gave us to understand that the Cardinal had determined to put things in execution sooner than we had any cause to expect, never having had anything encouraging before, and that by that letter, we was told of no particulars, it was judged necessary I should[Pg 9] come over to know how things were to be executed: and particularly, what assurances of every kind we might depend upon; so as the Gentlemen of the concert might be able upon my return to sett immediately about preparing the Country for their reception. He then agreed with Mr. Drummond that my coming over was well timed, but that he was afraid it might require some time before the French could be brought into it, as in all probability their schemes would be entirely altered by the Cardinal’s death; that all his views consisted in keeping peace, but that there was a party of younger people about court, who had gained a good deal upon the King, which together with his own natural disposition and heat of youth inclined him to war. At the same time he said it was lucky that he had observed the Cardinal’s Decline, and had persuaded him to impart all the affairs that concerned this Country to Mr. Amalot,[122] by which means they would be but little stop as to the King or Ministery being acquainted with whatever related to us, as Mr. Amalot was continued as Minister of Forreign Affairs. A great deal more of this kind passed, and upon my not being able to tell them minutly what every individual of the Concert had done in the particular District alotted them, Mr. Drummond complained that I had not been fully informed of all their Scheme. I in the meanwhile did not reflect upon the Cause of his making such reflections against Lord T[ra]q[uai]r, who was the person that informed me of their Concert; but it has often occurred to me since, that they laid great stress on all the little pieces of information they gott of the Gentlemen’s procedure in Scotland, and everything they gott took care to make a mighty matter of it to the King: and Mr. Drummond did not fail as he has often told me himself, to write in the strongest terms to his Majesty, of their great success, which he knew must always redound so far to his advantage, as he had taken care to make the King believe he was the person who had sett all in motion, and that it was upon his plan that they acted, and their success[Pg 10] mostly owing to following the Scheme he had laid down to them. I then told them it would be necessary as the Cardinal was now dead that I saw Mr. Amalot, and heard what Resolutions they had taken, to be able to inform the King’s friends of what was to be expected. Lord Semple told me that Mr. Amalot was then at Versailes, but would be in town on Sunday when he would talk to him, and inform him of my being sent over, and gett him to fix a time when I might have an audience, he accordingly was with him on the Sunday and, as he told me the same evening, could not see him for ... and when he did tell him, he took it very ill that he had been made wait so long in his Out-chamber; that although his Master was not upon the Throne and so did not keep his Ministers publickly at Court, yet he thought using these he employed in his service in that shape was treating him ill and not like a Prince as he really was. That Mr. Amalot made excuses from his being so little in Paris all week, and consequently hurryed all the while he was there; but fixed no time when to see me, so his Lordship went by himself to Versailes that week, where he stayed a night or two and returned to town. I went out some days after along with him and Mr. Drumond to see Mr. Amalot who was first to talk to with the King and then return me his Majesty’s answer, but was told from day to day, that he could not have an opportunity of talking with the King. So was oblidged to return to Paris without seeing him.

I wrote a pretty long letter to the King acquainting him with the reasons of my coming over and hoping his Majesty would pardon my leaving the Country without his Permission, but not to be too tedious by mentioning all the different conversations I had with his Lordship and Mr. Drummond during my stay which were all to the same purpose, together with the most severe Reflections and Invectives against the Dutches of Buckingham[123][Pg 11] and Lord Marshal with Coll Cecel,[124] Coll Brette[125] and Ch. Smith[126] and all those who were of a contrary party from them, alledging it was entirely owing to their having given in Ridiculous Schemes to the Cardinal demanding vast numbers of men, money, cannon, etc., sufficient to conquer the Country, which made the Old man have a mean opinion of the power of the King’s party and put a stop to his realy putting in execution ... required of him; and at the same time assuring me that these people were most unjust to the Cardinal in alledging that he was not hearty and sincere in the King’s interest, for that he had often professed that he would willingly lose his own life in the cause, that there was nothing he had so much at heart next to the Interest of his own Master, and that he had even cryed[127] with concern in speaking of the misfortunes of the King’s family, and notwithstanding he had a very mean opinion of the other party, yet the Memorials they had given instruct him so much that it cost Lord Semple the utmost[128] pains and trouble to perswade him of the contrary, but[Pg 12] they had after some time succeeded so effectually that he was determined to send over a body of troops to England and designed Mr. Mailebois[129] should return to Flanders for that purpose; but that the party at Court which opposed him had influenced the King to make him march his Army into Westphalia which occasioned the Neutrality for Hannover; that this was so opposite to his Schemes, and he was sensible that a general war must ensue, and France thereby brought into great difficulties, that together with the King’s loose way of living, having at that time taken the third sister for his mistress, had certainly broke his heart, for he had been observed from that moment to decline, and dyed soon after.[130]

Having spent some days at Paris in hearing such like storys, I went again to Versailes where we were still put off till the night I left it. When we had an audience of Mr. Amalot I told him that the Gentlemen in the Concert in Scotland,[131] having from time to time received assurances from the late Cardinal of Troops, Arms and Money, had been continualy expecting to hear that a final Resolution was taken but upon being informed of the bad state of health the Cardinal was in,[132][Pg 13] they had done me the honour to send me over instructed to represent the situation of their affairs to the Ministry and to acquaint them they had wrought so effectualy with the Country in general and their Vassals in particular that they could raise near thirty thousand men and were able to make themselves masters of the Country in six weeks or two months. Upon which he interrupted me and said that they were satisfied the Scots were able to do a great deal but that they must have assurances from England, but at the same time he said he did not well understand the possibility of engaging so many people without letting them into the secret. Upon which Lord Semple explained the matter to him, I then mentioned to him the number of men, arms, etc., we expected in Scotland together with the place of their landing and method proposed for their acting he said if things were gone into there would be no difficulty of arms, money, etc., but seemed to be ignorant as to the place of landing or indeed the particulars of the scheme and which confirmed me in this; some things that L[ord] Semple mentioned to him he knew nothing about and he owned he had not read the memorials but promised to do it and gave us to understand that nothing could be undertaken without encouragement from the English and assurances of the troops upon their landing having provisions of victuals and carriages which we took pains to show him that from the frequency of the touns upon the coast and the trade there continually carried on they could not fail of, and then told me he had not gott time to talk seriously and fully with the King, but that his Majesty desired him to assure me he had the King my master’s interest very much at heart and so soon as he could do it safely and with his Honour, he would; and told us to believe it that he could easily loss 10,000 men, but that he would not undertake it rashly as his being foiled in a thing of this kind would not be consistant with the Honour of his Crown and desired we might think very seriously of what we was about and take care not to bring ruin upon ourselves and the Country by a[Pg 14] rash attempt,[133] and so we parted and so we came that same night to Paris.

Next day I again wrote to the King a few lines wherein I told him I thought Mr. Amalot had done as much as he could at the present juncture and that I thought the information I had gott was well worth my while of coming over and sure enough it merited the journey, for by this I had it in my power to assure our friends in Scotland there was no determinate Resolution taken; and at the same time the manner in which Mr. Drummond told me he had taken to engage the Highland Gentlemen seemed to me very good and practicable. As I was then but little acquainted with business imagined it might have the same effect upon these in the Low Country and indeed was so much prevented with the good character of L[ord] Semple and Mr. Drummond had amongst those concerned in his Majesty’s affairs in Scotland that it never came into my head to doubt of anything they advanced; in which opinion I partly remained till my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s return to Scotland in Octr. 1743 that same year.[134]

[Pg 15]

From what Mr. Amelot had told us the next thing to be done was endeavouring to form a Concert in England, by which they might be able to give such encouragement to the French and such assurance of joining upon their landing together with victuals and carriages as might then oblidge the King to declare one way or other. To execute this Mr. Drummond and I sett out from Paris the end of Febuary and gott to London by the way of Dover in four days and a half. The method he proposed was to bring my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r to London and to work the point by him as he was acquainted with all the principal Torries and desired I would go to York and gett the D[uke] of P[erth] to send express for him and that I would return with a Resolution to stay there for some time to be an assistant to his L[ordship] and him; but this I refused to go into as the reason I had given out for my journey would not suffice to detain me any time, so rather chuse to go to Scotland myself and shew my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r the necessity there was for his coming up. In the meanwhile I was employed in endeavouring to learn from Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith[Pg 16] the objections the Dutches of Buckingham and her party had to L[ord] Semple, and as I was pretty well acquainted with them both I easily made myself master of all they had to say against him, which I then thought quite frivolous from the favourable notion I had of L[ord] Semple. As to the particular accusations laid against him I shall say nothing of them here as I shall put down the Copy of a letter I had the Honour to write to the King some litle time after my arrival in Scotland wherein I mentioned them all.

I sett out from London[135] the 18th of March, came in by York, where I saw the D[uke] of P[erth] who was much disappointed upon what I told him, stayed 24 hours there and came to Edinburgh the 21st. I immediately inquired for L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r and finding he was in Perthshire with his brother-in-law L[ord] J[ohn] D[rummon]d I sent an Express to him, in the meantime I mett with L[ochie]l and acquainted him of all that had passed and particularly of the Scheme he proposed to raise money whereby to pay his father-in-law’s pension; he was far from being pleased with the French delays and not satisfied with the Cardinal’s sincerity and likewise heartyly vexed there was no money for Sir J[ames] who then stood in great need of it. However the only thing to be done was for L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r to go to London and endeavour to bring in the English which[Pg 17] would in a little time satisfie us whether the French really intended us their assistance or not. On the 16th of the month L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r came to toun, to whom I told all that had passed and his Lordship agreed to go to London. Upon conversing with his Lordship[136] I told him that he ought to push Mr. Drummond’s getting that money, for if he did not make his word good in that trifle it would be a means to make folk doubt all the other things he had advanced. His Lordship sett out from his own house on the Sixth of Aprile and I sent the bond Mr. Drummond desired signed by L[ochie]l and I to the D[uke] of Perth who signed it likewise and sent it to L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r[137] at London, which is still in Mr. D[rummon]d’s Custody, but no money raised during my being at London after my return from Paris, Mr. C. Smith delivered me a packet from Rome, but as its contents[Pg 18] could not be obeyed till I came home, thought it more proper to insert it here tho’ posterior to the Receit of it.

Copy of a letter from Mr. Edgar of ... mber the 22nd, 1742.

It was not long after his Lordship’s departure that I[Pg 20] had an occasion to send a letter to Rome when I wrote as below.[144]

Mr. Narsom’s letter to Mr. Edgar dated the     Day of     1743.[145]

The ship not sailing as soon as I was made believe I took the opportunity of writing Mr. Edgar the reason of my writting to L[ord] Marshall I shall here subjoin with a Copy of the Letter I wrote his Lordship.

These two preceding letters I gave to my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r on the 5th of Aprile 1743, the day before his Lordship sett out from his own house to London which he was to show Mr. McGregar who told my Lord that this was not a time to send such letters and besides that the letter to Lord Marshall was not such an one he proposed, by which means they never went. I shall here mention what occurred to me what was the reason for Mr. McGregars stoping them never having any further reason given than the above and not knowing even that till L[ord T]raq[uai]r’s return to Scotland, during the short stay I made att London after my return from Paris in company with Mr. McGregar as I said before I made it my business to learn of Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith all the Complaints they[Pg 29] had against Lord Semple and Mr. McGregar which I generally communicated to him being then fully perswaded of their Honesty and Abilitys. Upon telling him what Mr. Smith had said in relation to Lord Marshall he purposed I should write to his Lordship a Letter in the same Stile Lord Semple had done, purposely to let him know how little he was in favour with his Countrymen and show him how much their liking depended upon his being well with them two, and att the same time to acquaint him that his Countrymen’s regard went no further than so far as he should act entirely conformable to the King’s will, he saying that Lord Marshall pretended to stand entirely upon his own legs from the great Number of Admirers he had in Scotland, and imagined that unless he was the sole manager of the King’s affairs his Majesty’s subjects would not be brought to act for him, in short that he looked upon the King’s interest to depend upon [him] alone. I suppose he thought by my writing in this stile to draw something from Lord Marshall undervalueing of his Countrymen whereby to hurt him with the generality but particularly with those of the Concert who had first employed and still supported him, whereby he might verify to them what he had so long advance against his Lordship, but this was a thing I refused for many reasons; first that it must hurt the King’s affairs to create differences amongst his friends of which their then subsisted too many; secondly it was running myself headlong into a party quarrel, a thing I ever had the worst oppinion off; and thirdly, not to be too tedious in giving many more, it was a thing I had not the smallest tittle to do. But on the contrary I thought it was a fair opportunity of uniting people together and commencing a Correspondence with Lord Marshall whereby if I gain his friendship and confidence I [should] thereby be enabled to inform the King of the pleas of both partys without letting either of them know of it, which is acting a part some people may think odd as it is seemingly playing with both hands, but in my Eyes not only honourable but my duty, when for the King’s interest, I receive from time to time letters from[Pg 30] L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r when att London informing me in his way of his success with the English; but as there was nothing material in them and that they were signed by himself I did not care to keep them in case of accidents. Some time in the month of June I received the following letter from Mr. Edgar with two enclosed from the King himself in answer to two I had wrote when at Paris.

Copy Mr. Edgar’s letter, dated March 14th, 1743.

Letter from the Chevalier to John Murray.

At the same time came the following:—

In the first letter I wrote to Mr. Edgar after my return home I told him that the Packet for Bishop Rattrae was still in my Custody being informed that he intended to be soon in town so thought it fitt to delay doing any thing in it till he should come, accordingly whenever I heard of his arrival I went immediately to the Country where the Cypher Mr. Edgar mentioned there was, and brought it to town with me but to my Surprise found it did not answer. Yett I nevertheless resolved to deliver the Packet to him att the same time reading the paragraph in mine concerning it so sent for Mr. Rae[164] one of the Presbyters in Edinburgh and told him I wished to see Mr. Rattrae and desired he would go to him and acquaint him with my intention and make an appointment for me which he agreed to do next mourning. He came to me on the morrow and told me had missed him but would indeavour to find him sometime that day upon which he left me and found him dinning with his daughter Mrs. —— so delayed it till next morning, but when he went was informed by his daughter Mrs. Clark in whose house he lived that he had been taken ill the night before of an Epidimical Distemper that at that time raged almost all of over Europe of which he died in three or four days illness, by which means that Packet still remains in my Custody, never since having gott any directions about it. From that time I have keept my Resolution of never having any more to do with the Clergy, for when I was asked some few days after by Mr. Rae what I thought they should do in their present situation, I told him I thought they should draw up a full and distinct state of their [affairs][Pg 35] without neglecting the least thing and send it to the King leaving him to determine without any further representations, but shunned writting or taking any Commissions about it, nor do I since know any of their procedure none of them having ever spoke to me on the subject.

About this Time the Duke of P[erth] came from England and as L[ochie]l and [I] had often Schemed together what we ourselves were able to do in the present posture of affairs and seemed to agree in Opinion that should the french disapoint us we were more able to restore the King by our own strength during the absence of the Army than with the Assistance of 10,000 men were our Troops once returned, for which reason did the English fail to give the assurances to the french they required, but we should gett the people at home to take it in hand by themselves. With this View I had already wrote Mr. Edgar on that Strain and now we agreed to sound the Duke of P[erth] on the same Subject which we did and found him abundantly forward. He was then going to the Country and Sir A[lexander] Mc[Donal]d[165] was with his brother-in-law A[irl]y so desired the Duke would try him and some days after had a letter from hime wherein he said that he had spoke to him as was agreed and found him very keen that he said the sooner it was done the better and in place of 700 men which his Uncle carried with him in the year 1715 he would now bring 1200. At the same time when his Grace was talking to us in Edinburgh on this subject he said the people in that part of the Country where he had come from very honest and that the Mayer and Aldermen had spoke to him in the strongest terms, which he then told us, and desired I might acquaint the King of it, so I desired his Grace would putt it in writting and that I should not fail to transmit it to his Majesty; upon which he went to another room and brought me a sheet[Pg 36] of paper mostly write which I did not care to transmitt in his own words but abridged it; however shall say no more of it here as I will putt down the letter I wrote the King and another to Mr. Edgar. I must only observe that I read the Duke’s memorial to my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r att his own house upon giving him some paper he had putt in my custody att his leaving Scotland, at which time his Lordship and I agreed to put it in the fire as the letter I had wrote and which I att the same time read to my Lord contained the substance of it, this I have frequently repented since, as his Grace’s memory did not seem to serve him exactly to what he had wrote. In answer to his Majesty’s I wrote the following, Dated July 5th, 1743:—

Letter to Mr. Edgar, dated July 5th, 1743.

My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r having now been three months att London and we all that time receiving no Material accounts of Success things looked as if this Summer would be Spent as well as the former without any Resolution taken of coming to Blows in the Autumn or Winter which made all those of the concert very uneasy but particularly my Lord L[ova]t, so that he seemed to give up all hopes of the Schemes ever succeeding and wrote to L[ochie]l several Letters wherein he resolved to settle his affairs and go to London where, after he had sollicited an appeal he intended to lodge against Chisholm, he would then go over to France with his son. L[ochie]l was so good as show me the most of his Letters and from some things he said, but particularly a paragraph in one of them we had reason to conjecture he proposed to end his days in a Religious house; this we were the more easily induced to believe as his Lordship had now lived to a great age during the most of which he had acted a part in the world not looked upon by the Generality of Mankind in a favourable light. We therefore agreed that L[ochie]l Should write him dissuading him from his design but at the same time he seemed so positive that it was thought Necessary to acquaint the King of it as his Majesty’s orders appeared to us the only mean whereby to prevent his journey, knowing that his leaving the Country would be of the worst Consequence as there was not a man in that part of the Country capable to manage it but himself and in general that his appearing publickly in Arms for the King must be of great Service, for which Reasons the first Occasion that occurred I wrote to the King dated September 5th 1743:

[Pg 42]

To Mr. Edgar.

After I had made this answer with the Consent and advice of the Duke of P[erth] and was signed by them, the nixt day being Ash Wedensday[182] his Grace resolved to leave the place being apprehensive that as the newspapers were there very full of the french preparations he might be suspected and seized and so not in his power to appear when any thing came to be done. My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r, att whose Lodgings I had the Honour to meet his Grace that mourning, was very much against[Pg 49] his leaving the place in such a hurry, and on that day especially. I likewise took the Liberty to remonstrate to him a little against it but all to no purpose and he accordingly sett out about Eleven O Clock and went that night the Length of Dumblain. This was immediately looked upon by the people of the Government with a very jealous Eye and the more so that his Brother Lord J[oh]n had come to Scotland some little time before upon a Scheme of raising a Scots Regiment for the french Service, stayed only ten days or little more at Edinburgh and went from that to the Highlands to solicite the Gentlemen there to be assisting to him in making his Levies. It unluckily hapened for the Duke that upon the back of Lord J[oh]ns going to the Country the Government began to be alarmed with the Accounts of the Princes being come to france and the intended invasion in his Majestys interest which made our little Ministers conjecture that Lord J[oh]n had been sent over with the accounts of it to the Highlands and consequently that the Duke had left the town with an intention to foment an insurrection in the Country. This was made no secret of, being publickly talked of immediately upon the Duke disappearing two days, so after his leaving the town a servant of his was dispatched to London with the Letter I had wrote to Mr. Drummond their being no other means of conveiying one to him but by express, we not having any settled Cannal of Correspondence from hence there. This I think was about the 8th or 10th of february [1744]. My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r stayed some days in town after, designedly to create no suspicion.

In about a week or so after I went on a Sunday Evening to see Mr. H[a]y[183][184] who, when I was talking in a ludicrous way[Pg 50] of the paragraph in the papers about the manner in which his Highness had left Italy, he told me in a very serious way that it was no Joke and said that the sooner I went to the Country the better as my living quietly at home would give no suspicion to the Government, but if I stayed any time in town he did not know what might happen, that upon his honour he had not heard me mentioned, which perhaps was owing to my near Relation with him, but that att that same time I was suspected to correspond with Rome. I told him I intended to stay some days longer in Town and would so soon as I had formerly proposed, that I had no cause of fear and so would not run away, and as to their suspecting my corresponding with Rome, that I laughed at but thanked him for his kind concern. I was not at all sorry to find they were so alarmed and afraid, which to me appeared a sure sign of their weakness, and indeed their fear for some days after increased to the most abject pusilanimity. His saying that he had not heard me mentioned was telling plainly that they had been consulting of who were the persons first to be laid hands; and I am apt to believe had the management of affairs been left to Lord Arniston,[185] Sir John Inglis,[186] Commissioner Arthburthnet[187] and the rest of the present Ministry there would have been little lenity shown any Body they had the least reason to suspect. But affairs were afterwards taken out of their hands and putt into these of Justice Clerks,[188] who tho’ as Violent a Whig yet not so hott and Violent a Man. I went next day, being Munday, in the morning to wait of General[Pg 51] Guest, who then Commanded in Chief in Scotland[189] with a View to hear what a Notion or Idea he had of matters. He told me that the Repeal of the Habeas Corpus Act was expected that night by the Post, but added that, was it come, upon his honour he did not know a man he suspected enough to lay up, which I was exceedingly well pleased with. Also att the same time I could have marked out a great many and the general seemed not in the least to be affraid and laughed att the hurry and confusion the other folks were. I was taken very ill that day after dinner and gave up thoughts of going to Mr. Hunters of Poolmood’s Burrial[190] which was to be on the Thursday, and I was desired out by the Widow on the tuesday, which evening about six O Clock Mr. Mc[Douga]ll[191] brought me a Letter directed to the Countess of T[ra]q[uai]r. As I was then expecting one every day from Mr. Drummond, as he had promised in his last, I began to suspect a little notwithstanding it had come by the Common Post, a very odd method of Conveyance. In such a critical juncture I opened it when I found a blank Cover and Still directed as before. This confirmed me in my suspicion and under that I found a Letter for my Lord which I immediately opened and tho’ partly in Cypher, could easily understand that things were directly to be putt in execution. This struck me a good deal as I said I would not go to the Country. However, I sent Mr. Mc[Douga]ll with directions immediately to sent the Letter off to Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and to desire D. C[     ]n[192] to come down as of no design and tell me I might go to the Country next[Pg 52] day if I pleased, which he accordingly did and hyrred a Chaise, not being able to ride. In the mean while Sir J. S[tewar]t came to see me, who I acquainted of it and att the same time wrote a Letter to Lord K[enmu]re who I had spoke to the Munday before, desiring him to meet me at T[ra]q[uai]r the thursday night as likewise one to Mr. J[oh]n Mc[leo]d[193] telling him I thought it would be fitt to send Sir J[ames] C[ampbe]lls son to the Highlands, who his father designed should serve him therein being assistant to raise the Country. I accordingly sett out next mourning for the Country and the day following Lord T[ra]q[uai]r mett me at Polmood and shewed me the Letter when decyphered which I shall here give a Copy off, and att the same time a Letter he had received the night before by express from Edinburgh telling him that their was a Warrant out to apprehend him which determined his Lordship to go immediately to the D[uke] of P[erth]. Upon which so soon as the Burrial was over we came to my house, where I wrote a Letter to Lord K[enmu]re desiring he would follow us next mourning to Hartrie[194] where we intended to sleep that night and sent it Express to T[ra]q[uai]r with other Letters of my Lords, expecting Lord K[enmo]re would be there that night, but he nevertheless continued the whole time in Edinburgh. We set out next day from Hartrie which was the fryday, that the french fleet was dispersed and the Transports run a Shore,[195] and the night after gott to Drummond Castle, from whence his Grace sent immediately an express with the Copy of the last Letter we received to L[ochie]l. We continued som weeks there always in Expectation to hear of a landing and in the mean time heard that several informations was given in against the Duke of Perth as having numbers of armed men about his house which was[Pg 53] absolutely false. At last a party of 150 foot and 30 Horse were sent from Stirling to make him Prisoner, but he had intelligence of it and went out of the way.[196] All this time Lord T[ra]q[uai]r was sculking about the Country having returned from the jaunt he had made over the Highlands.

After staying in that Country till the beginning of Aprile, without receiving any Accounts from abroad and giving up all hopes of a Landing, I left my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r there and came to Stirlingshire where I stayed about three weeks and so came to Edinburgh, and from that went to the Country the 11th of May. In the beginning of June, when Lord T[ra]q[uai]r returned, I went to wait of him, and being very uneasy to think we had received no accounts from Abroad, I said if I could afford the expence I would go over on pretence of seeing the Army in flanders and so see the Prince myself and learn distinctly what situation things were in. This his Lordship was well pleased with but I did not say anything positively, but upon Reflexion by the Road, I thought it was hard that people who had been for so long concerned in the Kings affairs and putt to so great Charge about it with the hazard of their Lives and fortunes should now be left in the dark as to every thing. Wherefore I resolved to do it, and next day wrote a Letter to my Lord telling him that if the Duke of P[erth] would give me a 100£ I would be att the rest of the expence myself and go over and in case his Lordship approved of it, he would be so good as meet me at Peebles on Saturday, which he did, and after talking with him I came home and sett out the same night about     O Clock and gott to Drummond [Castle] next afternoon. The Duke immediately agreed to the thing and gave me an order for the money. About this time came a letter from Lord Semple to Lord T[ra]q[uai]r by way of an account of their precedure in the Spring, which I went to T[ra]q[uai]r and assisted his[Pg 54] Lordship to decypher, but was so little to our satisfaction that my Lord still thought my going over more necessary than before. About this time I received a letter from St[uar]t of Ard[shie]ll,[197] telling me that he would have come to the Country to wait of me but his dress made him remarkable, being in Highland Cloaths, but as he had comed to Town purposely to meet with me, he hoped I would give him a meeting, and yt he had seen L[ochie]l lately. I went to town in a day or two after and dined with him. His Errand was to know of me if I had gott any Accounts lately, and what hopes I had. I did not think it att all proper to let him know any thing of my having seen such a letter as Lord Semple had wrote, nor indeed that any Accounts had come; for in that case he would have expected something positive. But I put him off by telling him I imagined the french were resolved to renew the Expedition soon and so friends did not care to write least any discovery should ensue, but could easily see that the Answer was not att all satisfactory. I returned that same night to the Country, and during a few days that I stayed, prepared for my journey.

N.B.—This is a fragment of a letter written by Mr. Murray to the Pretender soon after the miscarriage of the French Expedition.

This seems to be a Copy of a Letter which Mr. Murray wrote after his return from France and Flanders in the Moneths of September or October, 1744, To the young Pretender, then in France.[202]

Inverness, 10 Octr. 1746.

The Islands of Orkney and Shetland I know little about.[251]

The Shire of Caithness is inhabited chiefly by StClairs and Dunbars. The Earl of Caithness is Chief of the StClairs who are by far more numerous than the other. I know not the precise number of men they can raise but I have heard that at the Battle of     [252]fought by them against the late Earl of Breadalbin, I think in the reign of King William, they had about 1500 men[Pg 72] Horse and Foot. But several gentlemen of that name living in the Orknies would on such ocasion with their men join their friends on the Continent. Mr. James Gilchrist, Minister at Thurso,[253] happened to be walking with a gentleman in Summer 1744 who found a letter on the road which when opened was found to be writ in Cypher by a gentleman of the name of StClair to a correspondent at Edinburgh mentioning that Shuch and Shuch would be ready at a Call each with his number of men plainly exprest; all the names were in Cypher nor could I learn the precise number. Mr. Gilchrist could not prevail with the gentleman to let him have the keeping of the letter, however this discovery was useful as it put the Lords Sutherland and Reay on their guard. ’Twas talked here in time of the Rebellion that the StClairs would have joined the Pretender but that they durst not pass through Lord Sutherland’s country[254] as his men were in arms joined by the McKays, some of the ministers of Caithness can inform you particularly about this and about Sir James Stewart of Burrows[255] who lives in the Orknies.

Dunbars of Caithness

I could not as yet be informed how the Dunbars of Caithness behaved, Sir William Dunbar of Hemprigs their Chief, is the principle man. He was reckoned well affected to Church and State.

[Pg 73]

McKays of Strathnavar

Next to Caithness, Southward and on the Western coast, is Strathnavar the country of Lord Reay, Chief of the McKays,[256] a zealous Presbyterian and revolutioner; with all his Clan he can raise as near as I can guess about 600 men. The part he acted last year is well known. It will be always mentioned to his honour that by his zeal and diligence he got the large Parish of Diurness divided into three and Stipends made for each of them by a general Collection through Scotland and his own liberal assistance though his estate be but 10,000£ scots there is scarce a family in this country but has been brought to have Family Worship, though that People was of old very rude and barbarous.

Sutherland of Sutherland

Next to Caithness, Southward on the East coast, is the Earl of Sutherland’s country, Chief of the name of Sutherland. His Lordship’s affection to our Constitution in Church and State is well known;[257] he can raise ’twixt 1200 and 1500 men; his Estate is reckoned about £3000 scots but somewhat under burden.

McLeods of Assint

As the Shires of Sutherland and Caithness make a Peninsula formed by the Firth of Tain from the east Sea and an arm of the Western Ocean, that I may describe the People and the Country more distinctly I will travel along the Western Coast and then return Eastward.

Next to Lord Reay’s country on the south side of the Firth called Edrachaolis and on the west coast is the country of Assint, belonging of old to a branch of the McLeod Family. This country fell into the hands of the[Pg 74] McKenzies for debt in Charles the Second’s time.[258] McLeod kept possession violently till Letters of Fire and Sword were executed against him by the Earl of Seaforth. The Commons there are chiefly McLeods. McLeod of Ginnies in east Ross is the heir male of that family. He raised one of the independent Companies last year and continued in the Government’s service till dismissed a few weeks ago. His dwelling is about 30 miles east from Assint. After the battle of Preston McDonald of Barisdale[259] with a few men went to that country and recruited about 60 men, but the Lord Reay’s or Lord Sutherland’s people—I’m not sure which—fell upon him and [recaptured] the men. He and his company were obliged to take to their heels. This country is an entire parish, and prodigious rough and mountainous but famous for good pasture and good cattle. A few of the Earl of Cromarties family lived here and were obliged to go with him to the Rebellion. Viz. McKenzie of Ardloch.

McLeods of Cogach

To the south of Assint is the country of Cogach, a part of the parish of Loch-Broom formerly belonging to another family of the McLeods. [Margaret] McLeod of Cogach, the heiress of the family, was married to George, the first Earl of Cromarty.[260] This Earl, who was an antiquary, alleged that McLeod of Cogach was Chief of the whole clan, and consequently he as their representative, in right of his wife, procured the Title of Lord McLeod from Queen[Pg 75] Anne as his secondary title, and this country continued the property of the family till now. Out of Cogach and some branches of his family in Loch-Broom together with the few I have mentioned from Assint, the Earl of Cromarty raised above 200 men for the late Rebellion. What number he had altogether will be mentioned when I come to the East Coast where he dwelt.

McKenzies of Loch-Broom

Next to Cogach is Loch-Broom, belonging to several small Heritors of the name of McKenzie. John McKenzie of Ardloch and James McKenzie of Cepoch, the only Papists that I know in all that tract of ground except the Lady Assint, bred their children Protestants.

Next is the Country of Gairloch, belonging mostly to McKenzies of Gairloch.

McKenzies of Applecross and Loch-Carran

To the south of it is Applecross a new erection in the year 1720. And next to it Loch-Carran. To this last place, the Earl of Seaforth,[261] as we call him here, retired when the Rebels retreated North and gathered 600 or 800 of his men about him by which he kept them in readiness for any service proper for him to do and preserved them from straggling companies of the Rebels who went about recruiting men. This last is the property of the Earl.

Mathesons and Murchisons of Loch Ailsh

Next to the South is the country of Loch Ailsh the property of the Seaforth Family. The McDonalds of Glengarry of old pretended right to the country and had many battles and skirmishes with the McKenzies about it. The last was a Sea-fight in Birlins and Boats, with long poles, corn forks and Lochabyr axes, in which the McDonalds were defeated, and Glengary with many of his company killed.[262] This happened before the Reformation.[Pg 76] Most of the Commons are Mathesons and Murchisons but they join the McKenzies.

McRaes of Kintail

Next to the South is the Parish of Kintail and the Parish of Muick[263] a new erection in the year 1726 taken from the old Parish of Kintail. The whole country goes under the name of Kintail. The bulk of the inhabitants are of the name of McRae, descended from the Campbells,[264] but they follow the Seaforth Family. Here lies Glen Shiel.

In all this tract of ground, viz., from Lord Reay’s country on the north to Glenelg on the south, the people are but late converts to Presbytery. The old Episcopal Incumbents having lived long, some of them till the year 29, I could not find that any of them took the oaths to the Government. The gentlemen are most Episcopal and they or their predecessors were at Shirefmoor and Glen[Pg 77] Sheil with the late Seaforth.[265] But by the good disposition of the present Seaforth to our happy establishment, they did not think fit to join in the late Rebellion, excepting a few younger brothers who had nothing to lose and are now prisoners in London. The first Presbyterian Minister was planted in Assint in the year 1727 at Loch-Broom. He landed much sooner, but though married to a native he was so miserable that he could not live in the country.

After him Mr. James Smith, now Minister at Creich in Sutherland, was ordained for the place by the Presbytery of Dingwall. The first night he came to his Parish both the eyes were plucked out his horse as his welcome to the country. Applecross, Kintail and Muick were not planted till the year 1730; Loch Carran in the year 1725. Mr. John McKilikin was ordained at Dingwall for the parish of Loch Ailsh a good time ago and though he lived for several years, he never durst enter his parish, and after his death, the Presbytery who went there to command the people about filling the parish in the year 1721 or 1722, were made prisoners in the house where they met, by men in women’s clothes, and their faces blackened. A pledge was demanded of them that they should never come to that country, which they refusing, they sent a Guard of this black crew with each of them towards their respective homes. But in the year 1727 a minister was planted there who got peaceable possession. In all or most of these parishes the Sacrament of the Supper has been lately administered and the Commons are already much recovered from their blindness and bigotry, and some of the gentlemen.

[Pg 78]

[The Long Island][266]

In all this tract of ground there are no Papists but what I have named. I know the country minutely, and ministers are tolerably well accommodated in Stipend, Manse, and Glebe. I will speak of the number of men Seaforth can raise when I come to the east side of the country where his seat stands.

Opposite to the coast I have been describing is the Long Island. That part of it to the North, called Lewis, belongs to the Seaforth Family. It was formerly the property of McLeod of Lewis, now extinct.[267] The People here are Protestants and do not dislike the present Clergy; there were two new erections made here, Anno 1726, before the estate of Seaforth was sold by the Government; so that this country is in a tolerable state of reformation.

The next district of the Long Island is called Harris.[Pg 79] The people Protestants: it belongs to the Laird of McLeod. The next portion southward is called North Uist. The people Protestants; Sir Alexander [Macdonald] of Slate, Proprietor, South Uist belongs to McDonald of Moidart, or the Captain of Clanranald, as they call him. The present Clanranald lived here: he and his People are Papists, as is McNeil of Barra,[268] and his People. In the Uists and Barra are one or two new erections of late; but by the influence of the Gentry, the diligence and insolence of the Priests, and the bigotry of the people, the ministers had little success till now. Old Clanranald was not in arms in the late Rebellion nor could many of his people in Uist get over to the Continent, for the ships of war that cruised upon the coast.

[The Macdonalds]

As I have mentioned two families of the McDonalds, I will say something of them in general. They would be a great Clan and next to the Campbells in strength and number, if united under one head: but the several families of them, viz.: Clanranald, the Slate family, the Glengarry family, the Keppoch family, and even the Glencoe family, all pretend to be the lineal heir of McDonald of the Isles, Earl of Ross, who was forfeited in the time of James the Second, for joining with the Duglases and others in the Great Rebellion that then happened; and this division makes them less potent and formidable than otherwise they would be.[269] I once made an abstract of the several Rebellions and Insurrections of the McDonalds against the Kings of Scotland, and especially against the Stuart Family; by which it was very evident this people was seldom loyal to any King on the throne. If they could find no Pretender, they would find some pretence or other for war and plunder. But this paper I have lost.

[Pg 80]

[Skye]

The next Island to the South and East is Skye, the property of McDonald of Slate, McLeod and McInnin,[270] The people Protestants, the Commons and most of the Gentry better disposed than those in Seaforth’s country, on the opposite continent. Here is a new erection or two made Anno 1726. Egg, Rum, Muick and Canney, etc., are little Isles adjacent to Sky; the inhabitants Popish. But about 30 years ago, McLean of Coll is said to have converted a pragmatical, forward fellow, who misled the rest, by insulting him in their presence, and on this the inhabitants of that Island became Protestants.[271] These Isles were erected into a Parish in Anno 1726.[272]

[Glenelg and Knoydart]

The next country southward on the continent is Glenelg, the property of the Laird of McLeod. The people Protestants and honest, and generally well disposed: here are Barracks built for two or three companies of soldiers near the Strait that divides Sky from Glenelg: this country is fertile in grass and corn. Here are two famous Danish Forts of dry stone built very high which I have seen.

To the south an arm of the sea called Lochiurn, i.e., Helsloch[273] runs up ’twixt this country and Cnoidart. This last is the property of Glengarry, and the most mountainous, craggy, and coarse of all the Highlands: the roads[Pg 81] are so eminently bad that there is no thought of riding in it, and in some places so steep and rocky, that they have ropes of withs tied to trees to take hold of, lest passengers should fall and break their bones. The people all Papists and mostly thieves. ’Tis a part of the parish of Glenelg, but they never give the minister any trouble, except in collecting his Stipend. Here lived those famous Cadets of Glengarrie’s family, Barisdale, and Scotos,[274] who had almost the whole country in bondage, and the people their slaves.

[Moidart and Arisaig]

To the south of Knoidart lies Moidart and Arasag, the property of Clanranald. The people Popish but not so thievish as in Knoidart. Next it lies two great glens called Moroirs; the one of them belongs to Glengarry and the other to McDonald, commonly called McDonald of Moroir. The Inhabitants Popish. The two principal Cadets of the Clanranald family are Kinloch Moidart and Moroir, and their branches,[275] all Popish. These four last[Pg 82] countries, viz., Moidart, Arasag and the two Moroirs are in the parish of Ardnamurchan, and they with Knoidart are commonly called the Highlands by the other Highlanders. The people of Lochabyr, Glengarry, and Stratherrick[Pg 83] reckoning their own country level in comparison of these.

Next lies Ardnamurchan in which is the famous Lead Quarry, Strontian, the property of Murray of Stanhope:[276] it belonged till of late to Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell: and was taken about the time of the Reformation by Sir Donald Campbell of Ardnamurchan, a natural son to Calder, from McDonald the old Proprietor. The people are generally Protestants, but with a mixture of Papists. Many of the inhabitants are Camerons and McLachlans, and violently Episcopal.

[Pg 84]

[Ardnamurchan, Morvern and Maclean’s Country]

As I am now arrived at the Cape commonly called Ardnamurchan, I turn back to the north east, where on the Sound of Mull lies the country of Morven the property of the Duke of Argyle. The people Protestants; many of them Camerons, McLachlans and McLeans: much inclined to Episcopacy, and consequently Jacobites. There are few or no Papists: of old this country belonged to the McLean family.

The next country on the north east and still on the Sound of Mull is Kingairloch, the property of McLean of Kingairloch. He himself was not in the Rebellion but I saw two or three of his brothers there. The people Episcopal, and Jacobite.

Next, still north east, and on an arm of the sea lies Ardgour, the property of McLean of Ardgour; his country lies ten or twelve miles along the sea-coast till you come to the head of Locheil. He is a well disposed old man, but as his estate is much out of his hand, his influence was not great; the people Protestants. Here lived Ludovick Cameron,[277] Uncle to Locheil, who brought out many of the inhabitants to the Rebellion, especially the Camerons who lived here.

Having now travelled on the north side of the Sound of Mull as far as the sea goes up, the last five miles of which is called Locheil, I go back to the islands in the Sound, and then will come along the south coast, and describe the countries inhabited by Rebels; I will afterwards describe the rest of Argyle if you require it.

[Lismore, Mull, Strathlachlan]

The first island of any note is Lismore; a most fertile soil; all founded on Limestone, and like garden ground, which the name of the island imports. Here was the seat of the Bishop of the Isles: it lies in the Sound opposite to Lorn and Appin; the people Protestants and well[Pg 85] disposed. It is but eight miles long and one broad, and is the property of ten or twelve heritors. To the west hereof lies Mull, a large island containing three Parishes, mostly the Property of the Duke of Argyle; formerly the property of McLean of Dowart. McLean of Lochbuie has still an estate here, of about 6000 Merks: the people Protestants mostly and well affected; but from this island, Morvern and Kingairloch there came about nine score McLeans to the Rebellion, of whom returned but 38 as a McLean told me.[278] The islands of Tyree, Coll, Jura, Colonsay, Islay, Gigha, etc. I omit as there were no men from them in the Rebellion. Only before I come to the southeast coast of the Sound of Mull, I must not omit a gentleman who rose with his men from the heart of the country of Argyle, I mean the Laird of McLachlan;[279] his small country called Strathlachlan lies to the south of Inverary and on the south side of Lochfine. He is Chief of the McLachlans, and had as I am informed, near 300 men in the Rebellion, but of the number I am not quite sure; Mr. Alexr. Campbell, minister of Inverary, must know.[280] His people of a long time profest to be of our Communion, but one Mr. John McLachlan,[281] a most violent Episcopal minister poisoned his Chief and the gentlemen of his name to a strange degree, and indeed did more mischief among other clans than any three priests I ever knew.

[Pg 86]

[Appin and Glencoe]

I now come as I promised to the coast on the south east side of the Sound of Mull. The first dissaffected country is Appin, inhabited by the Stuarts. The Laird of Appin[282] keeps quiet at home but the gentlemen of his clan and his tenants were in the Rebellion. The people here are Protestants, but strangely poisoned by the Nonjurant Episcopal Clergy. Adjacent to Appin is Glencoe; a small place; McDonald of Glencoe is Superior.[283] He can raise of his tenants and followers 100 men. He and his people the same as to religion as his neighbours of Appin.

[Lochiel’s Country]

To the north east of Glencoe, an arm of the sea runs up from the Sound of Mull called [Loch Leven], which I now cross to describe the country of Mamore, inhabited by Camerons and belonging heritably to the Duke of Gordon, but a good part of it feued off to Locheil. The people all Protestants, but of the same kind with Appin and Glencoe. To the north east of Mamore lies Fort-William and a small Glen called Glennevis, above which stands the largest and the highest mountain in Scotland, called Ben Nevis.

On the north side of the River Lochy lies the rest of Locheil’s estate, viz., Locheil, Strathlochy, and Locharkaig. The first and second of these, six miles long each; the last, twelve miles.

On the north side of the Loch of Arkaig (the south side being all wood and desert) mostly inhabited by thieves, the minister of Killmaly preaches to them once a quarter or twice at most, and then the half of them cannot be present if they were willing to attend. In Winter the[Pg 87] snow and storm hinders, and in Summer they are scattered through the hills with their cattle. The Camerons boast of their being Protestants, and Locheil hindered his brother the priest[284] to preach among them, when he told him he would bring them from that villainous habit of thieving, if he would allow him to preach, and say Mass among them: his answer was that the people of Glengarry, Knoidart, Arisag, etc., who were profest Papists, were greater thieves than his people, and if he would bring these to be honest and industrious, he would then consider his proposal as to the Camerons, and till he would bring that good work to a bearing he positively forbad him to middle with his people. But Locheil and the gentlemen of his clan were great encouragers of the Nonjurants and as far as they could they perverted the Commons.

[Keppoch]

The South of the River Lochy is the property of the Duke of Gordon for 6 miles benorth Fort William: inhabited mostly by Camerons. And then begins the country of McDonald of Keppoch, partly the property of the Duke of Gordon; and partly the Laird of M‘Intoshes, Keppoch having but a small interest in it. Anno 1687 McIntosh wanting a great arrear of rents of Keppoch, and getting no satisfaction, went to that country to poynd their cattle, and brought in his train above 500 men. Keppoch, with the assistance of Glencoe and others, his good friends, paid him his rents by giving him battle,[285] killing great numbers of his men, and taking himself prisoner, and getting such good conditions as he pleased[Pg 88] before he released him. The whole ended in a famous Highland song, mocking McIntosh, and placing the true property of the country in Keppoch, as worthier to possess it. Next year Keppoch and his men came northward within 4 miles of Inverness, and sent a message to that town, to find him and his men, money, clothes, and provisions; with a threatening if they scrupled this, he would plunder the town. The town sent out three or four of their Top Burghers to commune with him. These he detained close prisoners, and sent another message demanding 4000 Merks in Specie, and a suit of their finest scarlet mounted with gold for himself with a certification that if this was not done next day, which happened to be the Sabbath, he would hang up their ambassadors, and then plunder their town. Accordingly the town redeemed themselves at the rate he was pleased to prescribe, and his fine and rich suit was finished on Sunday. Then the Ambassadors were released after a severe reprimand for their insolence in prescribing anything to him further than to ask his pleasure.

Keppoch’s people and the Duke of Gordon’s tenants in the neighbourhood are mostly Popish;[286] the greatest number of them were perverted in the Reigns of Queen Anne and George the first. They deal pretty deep in the thieving trade.

[Glengarry]

The next country to the north east is Glengarry, the people Papists and better at thieving than the worst of the other tribes. Their gentlemen found a way to put most of their neighbours under Black Mail which raised[Pg 89] them some hundreds of pounds Sterling, for several years back.

[Abertarff and Stratherrick]

The next country still eastward is Abertarff, mostly the property of the Lovat Family: some of it feued out to Glengarry: all betwixt Fort Augustus are Popish: the few villages of Abertarf, be-east the Garrison, are inhabited by a mixture of Papists and Protestants: the people not free from theft.

Here lies Lochness, the country on the South side is called Stratherrick the property of the Lovat Family. The people Protestants: they submitted to the Established Clergy for many years back. The Commons went to the late Rebellion with great reluctance, and most of them violently compelled. The first country on the north side of the lake is called Glen Morrison, the property of Grant of Glen Morrison.[287] The old man with his men were in the Rebellion: the young Laird is an Ensign in Lord John Murray’s Regiment.[288] The people a mixture of Papists and Protestants, much given to theft.

[Urquhart and Glenmoriston]

Forward to the north east is the country of Urquhart, belonging to the Laird of Grant. Their neighbours, the McDonalds and Frasers, raised most of the men and carried them off to the Rebellion.[289] These and the Glen Morrison men after the Battle of Culloden surrendered to the young Laird of Grant, and were brought by him to the Duke of Cumberland to Inverness to deliver their arms; but by some mistake in the Report, as if they were taken in arms rather than surrendered, they were made prisoners and sent off by sea to England. The people are Protestants, though none of the most civilized.

[The Aird]

Next is the country of the Aird belonging to Lord Lovat,[Pg 90] and where his house stood. The people Protestants, and of our Communion, save very few.[290] The Commons here are an honest, civilized sort of people if left to themselves.

[Strathglass]

Next, to the North, is the country of Strathglass, mostly inhabited by Papists. I do not hear much of their thieving, though they suffer much by the Glengarry thieves. This country belongs mostly to Chisholm of Comar (whose men were in the Rebellion, though he himself was not)[291] and partly to the Frasers.

[Seaforth, Munro, and Cromartie’s Country]

Next is Seaforth’s country, all along pretty low and level, till you come to Ferrindonall, the country of the Munro’s; (the Highland part of his estate, I described on the first sheet as it lies on the North Sea). The Gentlemen and Commons of the McKenzies are Protestants save very few, but very much devoted to the Nonjurant Episcopal Clergy. The Seaforth family embraced the Reformation in the Minority of James the sixth. Coline, then Earl, entertained the famous Mr. Robert Bruce[292] at his house with great respect and esteem when he was banished to Inverness and the country beyond it.[Pg 91] I saw the subscription of Earl George, brother to the said Colin, to an original copy of the Covenant ingrossed on parchment, but he was afterward excommunicated by the Church for breach of trust. I am not sure if this family turned Popish before James the seventh’s time, but the then Earl, whose name was Kenneth, was Popish, as was his son the late Earl. The present Earl was very faithful to the Government all the time of the Rebellion.[293] The Munros and Rosses, I say nothing of, as their good affection to Church and State is well known.

Next is the Earl of Cromartie’s Estate. In the low country the people well affected to our Constitution in Church and State; and very few of his Low Country tenants went with their Lord to the Rebellion.

[Mackintosh Country]

Having in the first sheet described all be-north the broad Ferry of Sutherland at which I have arrived, I come to McIntoshes country, viz., Strathnairn, Strathdearn,[294] and Badenoch. The people are all Protestants, not given to thieving, but strangely poisoned by the Nonjurant Clergy. Their dissatisfaction has sufficiently appeared by their rising with the Lady against the King, rather than with the Laird, their Chief who was a captain in the King’s pay, yea, McIntoshes own company, which he had newly levied, deserted from him and listed in what was called the Lady’s Regiment.[295]

[Strathspey, Strathavon and Glenlivat]

The next country, Strathspey, the property and seat of the Laird of Grant: this Clan raised a Regiment at the Revolution and were firm to the interest of King[Pg 92] William, but they suffered so much by the depredations of the Camerons and McDonalds that they became rather too cautious in time of the late Rebellion; the truth is they were ’twixt two fires, Lord Lewis Gordon to the east, and McIntoshes, Camerons and MacDonalds to the west, so that their country must have been severely plundered if they had been more than Neuters.[296] Besides the emulation ’twixt Grant and the President in former Elections for a member of Parliament was said to have made the Grants too [cautious]; however their good affection to the Revolution Interest has not been questioned, and they are firm Presbyterians. Theft is scarcely known in this country, though they have been great sufferers by the thieving clans to the West.

To the east of Strathspey is Strathdown[297] and Glenlivat mostly the property of the Duke of Gordon: the people mostly Popish, also the Enzie and Strathbogy, a mixture of Papists and Protestants. From these countries Lord Lewis recruited the most of his men, and in their neighbourhood is Braemar and Cromar the country of the Farquharsons: the people Protestants, with a small mixture of Papists: the Gentlemen much devoted to the Nonjurant Clergy. I am not particularly acquainted with this country; therefore, though it be large and populous, I say little about it.

I can say little of the country of Angus and Mearns, only I know dissaffection prevails there: nor am I much known to the country of the Duke of Atholl; the Stuarts and Robisons there are bigoted Jacobites, as are some of the Murrays. And as little do I know of the Drummonds and McGregors, but their Dissaffection is Notour. Therefore I conclude this paper with two lists as near as I can guess of the strength of the Dissaffected, and Well affected Clans in the Highlands and North Country. Which Lists you have in another sheet of this date.

[Caetera desunt]

[Pg 93]

We had notice in this country of the Young Pretender’s arrival in Lochaber, about the middle of August 1745. The friends of the Government generally despised the Attempt, and the Jacobite party showed then no open disposition to join him. It is said the first notice of his arrival was sent by the Laird of McLeod to the Lord President,[298] and that the President wrote insolently to Locheil (at whose house the Young Pretender was said to be, dissuading him from a Rising to Rebellion). Locheil was under great obligation to the President, on account of the President’s endeavours to get him reponed to his estate, which had been forfeited in the year 1715. The return Locheil made was, that he had been long in search of an important paper relating to that affair, which he now sent him enclosed: this is all he wrote, and the paper enclosed was the Pretender’s Declaration.

The first Rising in this Country was under the Earl of Cromartie, the Earl had waited on Sir John Cope at Inverness with others: he professed a steady adherence to the Government, for though he had been bred a Jacobite, yet he married young into a Whig family.[299] He had a post[Pg 96] and pension of the Government, and was universally thought a Government Man in grant of interest, and was so looked upon in point of Principle, having so often qualified to the Government. He and family joining the Established Church and having educated his eldest son in Revolution Principles.

The first step he took towards joining the Rebels (though it was not so construed at the time) was declining to accept of a Commission for his son Lord McLeod[300] to be Captain of one of the independent companies, offered him by the Lord President. He pretended for so doing a disobligement, being refused by the President the nomination of the Subalterns of said companie. After this he was observed to associate with Lord Lovat, and in the meantime Lord McLeod, his eldest son, repaired to the Highlands of Lochbroom and Cogach, where his Lordship has a considerable estate, vassalage, and superiority, being Heritable Sherriff. Lord McLeod raised the men there; but it was yet pretended this rising was for the defence of his house and person, as Lord Lovat had raised his people and kept them about him under the same pretext.

Soon after the Battle of Preston, McDonald of Barisdale[301][Pg 97] came to this country and was with my Lord openly at his house at Newtarbet, which gave the first rise to any suspicion about the Earl, especially as there was such preparation, as the making of Highland clothes, providing of Arms, and ammunition: but to cover this, it was pretended his Lordship intended a journey to Edinburgh, and must have a strong guard. However early in November he openly declared himself, and went from his house at Newtarbet to West Ross, where a part of his estate lies, and was joined by his son Lord McLeod,[Pg 98] with twixt two and three hundred of his men, taken from Lochbroom and Cogach and off his Estate in West Ross, having got none to follow him from his estate about Newtarbet which is in East Ross, but about ten men who were his menial servants and a young gentleman Roderick McCulloch of Glastalich,[302] one of his vassals, and whose family and friends had no connection with Jacobitism, and whom it is generally allowed the Earl decoyed into the Rebellion. He then marched to the Lord Lovat’s house, where he was joined by the master of Lovat, with 300 Frasers and both went to Perth.

Upon the Rebels coming North after their retreat from Stirling and their arrival at Inverness, they were joined by the whole Posse of the Frasers, who were formed into three Regiments under the command of the Master of Lovat,[303] Fraser younger of Inverallachie,[304] and Fraser of[Pg 99] Foyers;[305] by the Chisholms,[306] all of them under the command of two younger sons of their chief[307] the Chisholm[Pg 100] of Strathglass; by considerable numbers of the McKenzies reckoned about 400, besides the Earl of Cromartie’s own Regiment. These McKenzies were of the Estates of Redcastle, Culcoy, Lentron, Applecross, Coul, Fairburn, Gairloch, Balmaduthy and Allangrange. Under the leading of McKenzie of Lentron, a younger brother to McKenzie of Fairburn[308] and a brother to McKenzie of Culcoy formed into a regiment under McDonald of Barasdale with some of the Banditti Highlanders formerly with him. The Earl of Cromartie when Commander in Chief benorth Beullie affected to be chief of the McKenzies. It is certain the men of the above estate were actually in arms under him and I am well assured he threatened Military Execution against McKenzie of Scatwell (a loyal family of that name) if he did not give his men also, which he absolutely refused at all hazards, and reckons himself happy his Lordship did not return with the same power from Sutherland. It is also fact that when the Rebels were exacting Cess and Levy money of all the estates of the gentlemen in Ross in the most vigorous manner, the gentlemen of the name of McKenzie whose men were in arms were excused from paying their proportion of[Pg 101] Levy money. The Rebels were joined by the McIntoshes who had not joined formerly, by the McIlivraes and McBeans under the command of McIlivrae of Dunmaglass,[309] commonly called the Ladie McIntoshes Regiment,[310] as she was known to be extremely active in raising them:[311] there[Pg 102] were also a mixt multitude from Aberdeen and Banffshire under the command of Lord Lewis Gordon and Mr. More of Stonnywood.

The arts and methods by which the Jacobites endeavoured to raise and spirit people into the Rebellion, and by which they were too successful, were the spreading all sorts of false news to the advantage of their own cause and party; particularly such as related to a French landing, and a junction in England; the venting gross misrepresentations and slanders against the King, Royal Family and Administration; pretending intolerable grievances and confident promises of relief from them: but above all, the indefeasible right of the family of Stuarts, the native interest all Scots men had in them, with the Pretender’s Declaration, were most commonly insisted upon, and this was done with all possible zeal and address, by those Jacobites of power and station who did not think it safe to risk their persons or estates in the cause; though their brothers or sons or other relations and tenants had joined openly. In this view we have been told the Rebellion was a well conducted scheme not like that in the 1715; when all the Jacobite Grandees took the field, but now when their common men were only exposed, though the attempt should not succeed the same Jacobite interest would still subsist.

As to characters all above mentioned whose relations or tenants had joined were regular Jacobites, the Earl[Pg 103] of Cromartie, Lord McLeod and the Master of Lovat excepted.

As to the well affected: Mr. Harry Munro Younger of Foulis now Sir Harry who had been newly nominated a Captain in the Lord Loudon’s Regiment having speedily raised a company of Munroes to serve in the said Regiment met Sir John Cope at the Water of Nairn and upon their arrival at Inverness, Capt. George Munro of Culkairn,[312] Sir Harry’s Uncle, waited on them, where it was concerted that the Munroes should instantly take arms and join the King’s Troops, which was done accordingly. Three Companies were raised under the Leading of Culkairn, Hugh Munro of Teaninich and William Munro of Achany, and marched with General Cope as his advanced guard to Aberdeen, where they stayed till the Army took shipping. Sir Harrie and his company went along and were at the Battle of Preston where they were taken prisoners with the other Highland Companies there. At the same time Captain Alexander M‘Cay, son to Lord Reay and Captain in Lord Loudon’s Regiment, raised a company of McCays in Strathnavar and upon notice of General Cope’s arrival at Inverness marched speedily to join him and missing the General at Inverness followed him and being informed that Gordon of Glenbucket was in arms for the Pretender, took boat upon the Murray Coast and came up with the General at Aberdeen, was at the Battle of Preston and taken prisoner, none of his men or the Monroes when prisoners would be prevailed upon to enlist for the Pretender.[313]

Culkairn upon his march homeward from Aberdeen was apprised by a friend from Banff that Glenbucket with 400 men waited to intercept him. He made his[Pg 104] best preparation and resolutely went on; when Glenbucket thought proper to withdraw, which must have been owing to the known bravery of Culkairn.

Lord Loudon and the President

Immediately after the Battle of Preston, the Earl of Loudon took post for London, and without loss of time came down in a King’s Sloop to Inverness, where he took upon him the Command for the North, and acted always thereafter in concert with the President. The President disposed of the independent companies for raising of which he had blank commissions, in the following manner: A company to Captain Munro of Culkairn, two companies to the Earl of Sutherland, two to my Lord Reay, four companies to the Laird of McLeod, one company to Hugh McLeod of Guineas, four companies to Sir Alexander McDonald whereof only two came to Inverness, a company of Grants, two companies to the Lord Fortrose, a company to the Master of Ross, and a company from Inverness, commanded by Mr. McIntosh, late baillie here. The Munroes, Sutherlands, McCays, and McLeods came to Inverness upon the first call: there was difficulty in raising the McKenzie companies, though Lord Fortrose[314] exerted himself all he could to get it done and showed abundance of zeal for the Government. The best service[Pg 105] he was able to do was preventing a more general rising of his numerous Clan, in which he was successful, there being only about 700 of them in Rebellion including Cromartie’s Regiment. The Clan will at least amount to 1500.

As the Master of Ross was not in the country, the Laird of Inverchasley bestirred himself much to raise a company of Rosses for the Master, and a company of the Highlanders of the name of Ross were accordingly raised; but Malcolm Ross, younger of Pitcalnie,[315] Ensign in Sir Harrie Munroe’s Company of Loudon’s Regiment, and who had been taken prisoner at the Battle of Preston, having come to the country upon pretence of being on his parole, but in reality to serve the Rebel interest, as sufficiently appeared afterwards, got the said company[Pg 106] dismissed in the following manner. Mr. Bailey, factor to the Lord Ross in this country, ordered the company to attend at his house at Ardmore, in order to be received by Mr. Ross of Inverchasley and others. The night before the Day of the Review the said Pitcalnie lodged at the house of Mr. Baillie (Mr. Baillie not being in the knowledge of his design) and when the men appeared ready for the intended Review, Mr. Ross younger, of Pitcalnie, ordered them to follow him, which they did, and he lead them back to the Highlands. Mr. Ross of Inverchasley coming up soon thereafter, and joined by Mr. Baillie went after them and having come up with them, very seriously expostulated with Pitcalnie for his conduct, and dealt earnestly with the men to return, and engage in the intended service for the Government; which Pitcalnie refused and the men also at that time (but they absolutely declined entering to the Rebellion and when the Master of Ross came to the Country they appeared for the Government), upon which Pitcalnie repaired to Lord Lovat’s, openly joined the Rebels attended only by his servant, after the President who is his grand uncle had been at the utmost pains to reclaim him. He was debauched with the hopes of being made Laird of Balnagowan, nor were his family formerly tainted with Jacobitism.

The President’s house of Culloden was attacked in October by a body of Frasers, commanded by Fraser of Foyers, to the number of about 150 in the night time: they were repulsed and one of their number found wounded in an adjacent wood next day, who was brought to the President; and upon examination he discovered who were of the party. After which the President ordered him to be carried to Inverness to be cared for by a surgeon, gave him a piece of money and liberty after his cure to go where he had a mind. Some time thereafter the Earl of Loudon marched from Inverness with a body of 800 men, and apprehended Lord Lovat at his house of Castledownie and carried him prisoner to Inverness, where he was kept under a guard in a private house and in a few days found means to make his escape.

[Pg 107]

My Lord Loudon by the junction of the independent companies and the remains of his own Regiment, made up a body of about 2000 men at Inverness. Lord Lewis Gordon, who had been an officer in the Fleet, was at the same time very active in raising men for the Pretender in Aberdeen and Banffshire, and the Earl of Loudon being informed by intelligence from Aberdeen, and called upon by the friends of the Government there, ordered seven of the Independent Companies, viz., the four McLeod Companies commanded by the Laird of McLeod in person, the Munro and Inverness Companies, and that commanded by Captain McLeod of Guineas;[316] who accordingly marched for Aberdeen and were joined by 400 Grants at the Water of Spey who marched with them to Strathbogie 18 miles from Spey; where they again left them, and returned to their own country. The Companies continued their march for Aberdeen, and having upon the [23rd] day of December come to Inverury within 10 miles of Aboin, they were attacked in the night by Lord Lewis Gordon and his party, who had been reinforced by some companies of Lord John Drummond’s French Regiment sent for that end from the North. The attack was sustained by the Laird of McLeod and Culkairn with great bravery, who finding the superior number of the enemies, and then first observing the French Reinforcement they had got, ordered a retreat, which was managed with good advantage, having only seven private men killed and a few taken prisoners, among whom was Mr. Gordon younger of Ardoch, Culkairn’s Lieutenant. There was considerable execution done upon the Rebels as our men had the favour of the houses, garden dykes, etc., and the Rebels made no pursuit.[317]

[Pg 108]

The Master of Ross, having come by sea to Inverness, was joyfully received by the loyal Clan of the Rosses, when he immediately repaired to this country with the concurrence of the gentlemen of his name, particularly the Laird of Inverchasley, he raised an independent Company with which he joined Lord Loudon.

Upon the Young Pretender’s retreat Northward, Lord Loudon being informed of his being at the House of Moy, the Laird of McIntosh’s seat, within 8 miles of Inverness, he marched from Inverness in the dead of the night with about 1200 men with a view to surprise the Pretender, but as to the particulars of this attempt and how it came to miscarry, it is referred to a more particular information.[318]

The Rebels being upon their march to Inverness both those who came the low way by Aberdeen and those who came by the Highland Road with the Young Pretender; the Earl of Loudon furnished the Castle of Inverness, which Major Grant commanded,[319] with a company of Red Coats, with stores of provisions, and added two independent Companies, the Grants and that commanded by the Master of Ross, and by the defences he made about the town he seemed disposed to maintain Inverness against the Rebels: but upon their approach and considering their numbers and that the place was not tenable, he made a well conducted retreat over the Ferry of Kissack towards Ross-shire. When the retreat was a-making the Rebels carried a field piece to the shore below Inverness and having planted it upon a rising ground within flood mark, they discharged it several times, at the Boats on[Pg 109] their passage, without doing any execution, though the bullets lighted very near the Boats, particularly that in which was Lord Loudon which was the last that passed, and one of them among the men drawn up on the other side after their landing.

The Rebels immediately took possession of Inverness, and laid siege to the Castle, which was surrendered the third day; but as to the particulars of this sort of siege you are referred to the proceeding of the Court Martial which condemned and cashiered the Governor.

Before Lord Loudon left Inverness, and upon the approach of the Rebels, he called upon the Lord Sutherland, Lord Reay and the Master of Ross, to get up to Inverness all the men they could make. Whereupon my Lord Sutherland marched in person at the head of 400 men. The Master having called upon the Laird of Inverchasley and his other friends, four companies of Rosses were ready and upon their march to Inverness their advanced party met Loudon immediately as he landed in Ross. They were astonished to find the Master of Ross their leader had been pent up in the Castle of Inverness, however they waited Lord Loudon his orders: some of them he advised home, to others he gave arms and pay, and they were with him in Sutherland. My Lord Sutherland by Loudon’s orders retreated to his own country, his four hundred men last mentioned, continued under arms. The McCays, by reason of the distance of their country, would not come up with Lord Loudon, till they found him retreated to Sutherland where they joined him.

The day after Loudon’s retreat from Inverness, he marched down from East Ross where he continued for three or four days: and upon intelligence that a strong body of the Rebels under the Earl of Cromartie, Commander in chief benorth Beully had come to West Ross and were upon their way to attack him. He with the Lord President and several gentlemen who had taken flight from Murray to Ross, and all the men under his command (excepting the two McKenzie Companies who dispersed themselves immediately after the retreat from[Pg 110] Inverness and not one of them having followed him) he retreated to Sutherland with a resolution to guard the Passes to that country against the Rebels. Several gentlemen of this country, particularly Inverchasley and ministers who had been so active in raising men to join Loudon, thought fit to repair at the same time to Sutherland. Lord Fortrose left his troup at Brahan and took flight to the Highlands of his own country,[320] where he remained with a body of his men about him till after the Battle of Culloden.

The Earl of Loudon when he got into Sutherland posted his men along the Firth of Tain which divides Sutherland from Ross: from Dornoch to Lairg the difference of ten miles.

The remains of Loudon’s Regiment being about 200 were posted at Dornoch: the McCays being 300 at the Muckle Ferry, three miles above Dornoch: the two McDonald Companies at Pulrossie, a mile above the Ferry: the Inverness Company at Spengadale, two miles above the McDonalds: the Munroes at Criech, two miles above Spengadale: McLeod of Guineas his Company at the Bonar, a mile above Criech: the Laird of McLeod with his 400 men at the Pass of Invershin, three miles above the Bonar; and the Sutherlands to the number of 600 at Lairg and thereabout.

[Pg 111]

Gordon of Glenbucket rises

The first man in these countys that rose in this rebellion, was John Gordon, Elder of Glenbucket. Immediately on the Young Pretender’s landing, he went to the Highlands to meet him and returned directly with a Commission as Major-General and some money to raise men, and he soon got together about 300 mostly from Strathdawn[321] and Glenlivet and some too from Strathboggy, all parts of the Duke of Gordon’s Estate.

Is assisted by Skeleter in Strathdon

His son-in-law, Mr. Forbes of Skeleter,[322] also brought him some of this Corps from Strathdon, a country belonging mostly to gentlemen of that name, formerly vassals of the Earl of Mar, now of the Lord Braco.[323] In consequence of this vassalage most of this country had been[Pg 114] engaged in the Rebellion in the 1715, and formed a very good body of men, and as their new Superior, Lord Braco, had not yet acquired great authority over them and Mr. Forbes of New (a family all along well affected to the Government)[324] was abroad, being an officer in the army, the Rebels flattered themselves that by Skeleter’s means the rising at this time would be no less considerable; but in this they were greatly disappointed. For Mr. Leith of Glenkindy, who had lately come to that neighbourhood, being a very firm friend of the Government, and Mr. Forbes of Inverernan (whose predecessor in the 1715 was known by the name of Black Jock) much contrary to the Rebels’ expectation, declaring the same way; and Mr. Lumsden, minister of Towey, who had a small estate in that country, managing the whole with a great deal of address, as he was entirely well-acquainted with all their tempers and situations, Skeleter found his measures so effectually traversed, that he had difficulty enough in raising his own Tenants. Mr. Gordon of Avochy, Glenbucket’s Nephew, a very resolute, active lad, assisted him considerably in his Levys about Strathboggy, where he had a small estate. He, Glenbucket, had also two sons joined him, but the eldest having drunk himself blind could not attempt to march along and was of little use to him at home: the other, too, was but an insignificant creature.

Glenbucket was at Strathboggy when General Cope came to Aberdeen,[325] where the Jacobites gave out that his numbers were at least triple of what they were in reality, and there was so great apprehension of his surprizing the town, and the Magazines there, provided for the Army, that the General thought proper to order most of his Highland companies to march from Old Meldrum in the[Pg 115] midst of the night and take possession of Aberdeen. Why General Cope was so many days at Aberdeen before he embarked, why he refused the most expeditious way of embarking his troops which was proposed by the Magistrates, of bringing about their Fish Boats from John’s Haven, and as well as using the Torry and Foothy[326] boats which would have gained him a day at least (as the Transports when the Soldiers came not out to them in boats, behoved to come up to the harbour with one tide, and go out with another) let those that know the reasons, give them. Meantime his dallying gave several of his men an opportunity of deserting to Strathboggy.

Glenbucket declines Fighting the Munroes

When the 200 Munroes under Culkairn who had accompanied General Cope to Aberdeen were returning from thence, there were great apprehensions lest Glenbucket, who was superior to them in numbers, should have intercepted them and cut them off; but Culkairn himself was under no dread, as his men were good and better armed than Glenbucket’s, and therefore marched on very briskly the way of Banff. Glenbucket had gone down to that country on an expedition for horses and arms, and was in Banff that very day the Monroes came there, but, not choosing to wait their coming up, he sheered off the way to Strathboggy.

Soon after this he had a call from the Young Pretender to hasten up, and accordingly marched South, keeping the westerly roads, and not coming near the towns of Aberdeen or the low parts of the country, but did not join the main Army of the Rebels, till after the Battle of Preston.

Glenbucket’s Character

Glenbucket was a man very singular in his way, and is perhaps the only instance of a Gentleman of a low country family and education, that both could and would so[Pg 116] thoroughly conform himself to the Highland Spirit and manners, as to be able to procure a following among them without a Highland estate or any of the attachments of Chieftainry. He always discovered a great deal of personal courage and particularly behaved well in the 1715 when he commanded some men raised by the Duke of Gordon, in that Rebellion, and after that time kept up a great intercourse with the Highland Chiefs, which was much increased by the marriage of one of his daughters to one of them, McDonald of Glengarry, and it is generally believed he was very serviceable to the court of Rome, in keeping up their correspondence with the Chiefs of the Clans, and was certainly once and again of late years over at that court, when his Low Country friends believed him to be all the while in the Highlands. He had sold the estate of Glenbucket, from whence he has his designation, a good while ago, and at the breaking out of this Rebellion, had not a foot of property, and yet those creatures in Strathdawn and Glenlivet were so attached to him that a number of them rose voluntarily with him. He was however by this time so old and infirm that he could not mount his horse, but behoved to be lifted into his saddle, notwithstanding of which the old spirit still remained in him.

More of Stonnywood

Very soon after the Young Pretender landed, More of Stonnywood[327] prepared to join him, at first very privately, as his estate lay within three miles of Aberdeen, where all in appearance was for the Government. This gentleman very early imbibed the Jacobite principles and was entirely educated in that way; his fortune also was greatly embarrassed, so that his going off was no great surprise.[Pg 117] He was a man of little note or interest and of no great genius, but yet by his activity, diligence, and application, and his thorough acquaintance with the circumstances of Town and Country, he was very serviceable to the Rebels in those parts. He slipped away at first alone, and came up with his Pretended Prince, as he was about to enter Edinburgh, and having immediately got a Commission to raise men, he left them before the Battle of Preston, and had the assurance to enter the town of Aberdeen supported by a couple of broken merchants and York Street Cadys[328] all in white cockades, and to enlist men for the Pretender. The well affected people in town seemed only to make a jest of Stonnywood and his procession, and the magistrates found it convenient to overlook it, since any ill-usage of him might have been severly revenged by a very small party, for as Cope had carried off the Town’s Arms lest the Rebels should have seized them, a very few armed men might have come and plundered the whole town; but from this small beginning thus neglected, the Rebels very soon became masters of the place in reality and so continued till the army arrived under His Royal Highness.

Farquharson of Monaltry rises at the head of Dea

Much about the same time Mr. Farquharson of Monaltry,[329] age 35, a gentleman of no great estate, Nephew and factor to the Laird of Invercauld, began to move at the head of Dea. This gentleman was educated in Revolution principles, but was unhappily seduced and debauched into the Jacobite scheme by the Duke of Perth, who both[Pg 118] the times that he was obliged to conceal himself from the Government made that country his retreat,[330] and Mr. Farquharson, being a sweet-tempered, agreeable lad, was his chief companion in his exile. As Invercauld gave Monaltry no countenance in his rebellion, but immediately turned him out of his Factory, he was not at first very successful in his levys, but as Farquharson of Balmurral,[331] Gordon of Blelack and some others, all of small estates, rose some time after from that country, there were at length a good many men brought from thence.

Hamilton and Tulloch in Strathboggy

John Hamilton, Factor to the Duke of Gordon for the lands about Strathboggy, and afterwards Governor of Carlisle,[332] resolved also very early to join this Rebellion, and being a very haughty man would not act under Glenbucket, but set up on his own footing, and this stopped both their progress for a while, as their misunderstanding made them counteract one another. However Hamilton, being much assisted by one David Tulloch, a considerable tenant of the Duke’s,[333] soon got together 100 Men, thirty of whom he mounted on gentlemen’s horses which he[Pg 119] seized through the County. Hamilton undoubtedly was a noted Jacobite, but reckoned too selfish to meddle in such undertakings, so that the reason of his commencing adventurer was generally imagined to be owing to the disorder of his affairs, which indeed was not apprehended till this step brought it to light. He marched from Strathboggy to Inverury the Monday after the Battle of Preston, where he obliged the Magistrates to attend while the Pretender’s Manifesto was being read over the Cross, and next day using the same ceremony as he marched through Kintore, he came to Aberdeen just as the Council were about electing their Magistrates, which he immediately stopped unless they’d take their oaths to the Pretender (so that the Town wanted Magistrates all the time of the Rebellion), and forced the then Provost and some of the Bailies to attend the reading of their Manifestos over the Cross which was done by Sheriff Depute Petry,[334] he pretending at that time to be forced to it, though he afterwards joined them openly, and then when the Provost refused to join in their disloyal healths Hamilton poured a glass of wine down his throat, and all along behaved very insolently, but happily for Aberdeen he soon marched south with his corps.

Lord Pitsligo moves in Buchan

The unhappy Battle of Preston soon put several in motion who till then were quiet. The Lord Pitsligo[335] who had also been engaged in the Rebellion in the 1715, and had received both his life and fortune from the Government, still retained his old affection for that cause, and never qualified to the present Government. He was justly esteemed a polite and learned gentleman, and of great integrity and honour in private life, but entirely[Pg 120] enthusiastic on the Jacobite principles. As the Young Pretender had wrote letters soon after his landing to most of those whom he thought would favour his design, Lord Pitsligo was not neglected; and though he was now old and might have had merit enough from the party for former services, yet he could not withstand this address, but immediately began to stir and rouse the friends of the Cause. In his letters on that subject he usually called the young Pretender by the name of the Amiable young Stranger. It was not however imagined that in such an infirm state, as he then was, he would have thought of undergoing the fatigues of a Winter Campaign, especially as he had a very small estate, and no Vassalages or Following to his Family, and so could not in that way make any considerable accession to the Party. But now that the family of Marischall was out of the country, and the Earl of Kintore, the next representative of that family, was in the interest of the Government, the gentlemen of Buchan who were friends of the cause and used formerly to follow Marischall, immediately had their eyes fixed on Lord Pitsligo to head them. But all these that appeared in Buchan would not probably have been of consideration enough to have determined him, if soon after Preston, a set of gentlemen in Boyne and Enzie[336] set agog by this victory had not made this an express condition to their going out, that Lord Pitsligo should go as their head. It was generally believed that this condition was insisted on by one or two of them who had been rash enough to be always speaking of their going out if they had an opportunity, and now that it came to the push, repented of it and thought still of getting off and some honour, by offering to go only if Lord Pitsligo went at their head, which they reckoned themselves sure one of his age never would; and if he did not they might then pretend they had no confidence in any attempt of this kind for which Lord Pitsligo would not venture all. But if this was their view they were disappointed in it, for the[Pg 121] rest of these gentlemen consenting to join them in making the same proposal to Lord Pitsligo, he accepted of it and so there was no retracting. The gentlemen who from this country joined his Lordship, or who were in concert with them, were Sir William Gordon of Park, Gordon of Carnusy, Gordon of Cupbairdy, Mr. Hay, Younger of Ranas, Forbes of Brucehill, Gordon of Glastirrum, Abernethy, brother to Mayen, and several other gentlemen of lesser note. Carnusy and Cupbairdy’s journey was a great surprise. The latter had no manner of tincture that way, but being a rambling young lad was determined mostly by comradeship and something too by the high regard he had for Lord Pitsligo. Carnusy was esteemed a wise, solid man and some one not at all wedded to Kingscraft. But as many debts of his never heard of formerly are appearing, this somewhat unravels the mystery.

Joined by Buchan Gentlemen, and Aberdeen’s etc.

Immediately on Lord Pitsligo’s resolution being known there appeared also to join him, Sir William Dunbar of Durn, from Boyne, Mr. Gordon of Hallhead and Mr. Mercer, gentlemen of considerable note that resided usually in the town of Aberdeen: Mr. Gordon of Mill of Kinkardine, Mr. Petrie, Sheriff Depute, Mr. Sandilands and several gentlemen of the lower class from that place; from Buchan, Mr. More of Lonmay,[337] Factor to the Countess of Errol,[338] Cuming, younger, of Pitully, Gordon younger, of Logie, Cuming of Kinninmuth, Ogilvie of Achirris, (all gentlemen of considerable estates), Thomson elder and younger of Fachfield, Turner younger of Turnerhall, Fraser brother to Inveralachy and some others of less[Pg 122] note; also from the country about Aberdeen, Mr. Irvin of Drum, two sons of Menzies of Pitfodels, [Charles] More brother to Stonnywood, etc. But none of these gentlemen raised any number of men, but all rendevous’d at Aberdeen on horseback, with their servants, and made a pretty enough appearance. Mr. Sandilands only raised a Company of Foot which joined them there, as also did two companies raised by Stonnywood, the one commanded by himself, and the other by his brother; the whole not amounting to 200 men. These did indeed march south with Lord Pitsligo, but were afterwards incorporated in the Duke of Perth’s second Battalion. Lord Pitsligo and his friends were but short time in Aberdeen, but while they stayed, conducted with great discretion.

Rebels favoured by Commons

Hitherto the Rebellion was favoured by almost all the common people. The promise of freeing them from the Malt Tax had a surprising influence upon them, this being a tax the Farmers are especially sensible of, as they themselves pay out the money in the first instance being all Maltsters, at least for their own use. The Rebels therefore hitherto behaving civilly, listing only volunteers, paying freely, taking but some few good horses and arms as they met with them, and freeing the country people from the eternal dread they were under of the Malt Gaugers, were looked on by them as the deliverers of their country.

Why no Opposition made by the Friends of the Government

It may at first seem surprising that no steps were taken in two such countys by the friends of the Government to stop this procedure. But let it be considered that after Preston people were really in a consternation for some time, and nobody knew (as the intelligence from the south, meeting with so many interruptions, was very uncertain) how soon the Government might be in a situation to force the Rebels from Edinburgh so that they might have had leisure enough to have sent north Detachments[Pg 123] and destroyed all that would attempt to disturb their friends.

Besides it was requisite to have a man of rank and quality at the head of such a thing (as the Government thought not fit to give anybody the authority of a Lord Lieutenant) to give a proper weight to it. But such was the situation of the Nobility of these countys, that no such thing could have been expected of any of them except the Earl of Aberdeen, whose undoubted attachment to the Government as well as his large estate and high rank might indeed have made him very serviceable had he thought it prudent to have tried to raise the friends of the Government.[339] The Duke of Gordon, had it not been prevented by his indisposition, might have been of great use not only in keeping these Counties quiet, but even in suppressing the Rebellion altogether. The Earl of Findlater’s[340] sickly constitution quite disabled him, and though the Earl of Kintore[341] had had a greater relish for military matters than he has, yet the incumbrances on his fortune would have been a drawback on him. The Lord Forbes[342] had by no means an Estate suited to his ability though he had inclined to appear. The Lord Salton[343] had no weight in the county, and the Lord Braco[344] had a great estate, yet the newness of his family would have marred any project of his forming.

Gentry

Had the gentry that did not engage been all hearty, they might indeed have come together without any of[Pg 124] the nobility’s appearing to head them, but undoubtedly a third of them were dissaffected though they were wise enough not to embark in so desperate an enterprise; and of those that were not so, many were selfish, many were careless who governed, and many were timid and fearful, so that the few who were resolute had not sufficient strength nor influence to make a stand. The most remarkable of these in Buchan and Fortmartine[345] were Lord Strichen, Mr. Maitland of Pitrichy, Mr. Forbes of Shevis, Mr. Garden of Troup and Mr. Buchan of Achmacoy. On Don side, Mr. Middleton of Seaton, Mr. Patan, Grandam, Sir Arthur Forbes, Mr. Burnet of Kemnay, Sir Archibald Grant and Mr. Leith of Glenkindy. In Garrioch, Mr. Horn of Westhall, Mr. Leith of Freefield, Sir Alexander Reed of Barra and Mr. Forbes of Blackfoord. On Deeside, the family of Leys[346] with Mr. Duff of Premnay. (N.B. a great part of Deeside is in the shire of Mearns.) As to the towns, Banff and the Seaport towns betwixt it and Aberdeen were mostly all dissaffected. Full two-thirds of the two towns of Aberdeen were very well-affected to the Government. All the Magistrates, or rather those who had been such, before Hamilton came to town, and all the old Provosts and Bailies (which makes a considerable number of the principal merchants), and both the colleges behaved in an exemplary, steady manner. The Clergy of the Church of Scotland were to a man firm in the interest of the Government in these counties and indeed everywhere else, and neither force nor flattery could alter them. The Rebels at the beginning were at great pains to coax them, and to see if possible to make the face of a party among them, and would have been excessively fond of the least compliance, had it been only the not praying for the King by name, however minutely he should have been described otherways, well-knowing that if any would go into a different way from their brethren in any thing however trifling at first, that[Pg 125] difference might be blown up to make a more considerable opposition. They had particularly hopes of the young Clergy, as they had used to keep company with them more freely in times of peace, and not carry with so much reserve as their elder brethren, and so they thought they should have much influence with them. But they were excessively baulked when they saw them maintain with vigour and zeal those principles of liberty which formerly they thought they spoke of only for amusement, when they saw them at such extraordinary pains to raise worthy sentiments in the people, and sparing neither purse nor persons in the service of the Government as far as they had opportunity; and by how much they expected more friendship from them than from the old folks, so much the more were they incensed against them than against the others from whom they expected nothing.

Synod meets

The Synod met as usual in October in Old Meldrum, and though in the 1715 they would venture to do nothing, but immediately adjourned, yet now amidst no less danger they acted with much more vigour. They ordered a very dutiful and warm address to his Majesty which was afterwards very highly resented by the Jacobites, not only as it showed the loyalty of the Clergy, but confuted the lies published by the Rebels in their Edinburgh Courant, that the whole gentlemen in the county except four had engaged in the Rebellion, whereas the Clergy thought themselves obliged not only to vindicate the county in general, but particularly to do justice to the gentlemen of the Church of Scotland, by asserting that few or none of them had engaged in this wicked Rebellion. And indeed some gentlemen then in London owned themselves very happy in this Address, that came very seasonably, and had a very good effect, not only in taking off the bad impressions the friends of the Government had of these counties, but also in discouraging the Jacobites by undeceiving them of the vain expectations they had from there. The Synod also had a public diet[Pg 126] for Prayer to Almighty God to put a speedy stop to the Rebellion, which had a good effect not only on such of the laiety as were near enough to be present at it, but also tended to confirm and spirit up several that only heard of it. They also resolved, that whereas some ministers in their public prayers used formerly to think his Majesty sufficiently distinguished from the Pretender by calling him our Protestant Sovereign or some such other appellation, but as the omitting to name him expressly even though thus characterised was looked on as a compliance by the Rebels, who deluded many of the people with a story of their pretended Prince being a Protestant, that therefore all in time coming should pray for him by name, as they would be answerable. They also appointed that Presbyteries should meet often, and members be sent as correspondents betwixt neighbouring Presbyteries that they might advise with one another at this critical time and act with the greatest harmony. All this was punctually executed.

Nonjurant Clergy

There were but two Clergy of the Church of England in all these Counties who were qualified to the Government, both at Aberdeen, but here was a very considerable number of that persuasion who were Nonjurants, which is to be sure the same thing with avowed Jacobites, and though most of them had the address to keep themselves free from open acts of Rebellion yet they were excessively instrumental by every sly act to poison the people and debauch them to rebellion, and accordingly all their hearers, almost without exception, were rank Jacobites, and the being so, was by them esteemed so very essential to salvation, that even before the Rebellion they have been known to refuse to admit some of their hearers to the Communion not only if by going to a Presbyterian Church, but even if by going to a qualified meeting of the Church of England they had heard King George prayed for, unless they solemnly professed their repentance for this crime. After the Rebellion broke out,[Pg 127] several of them turned so insolent as to pray for the Pretender by name. All of this persuasion as they all along had a most unaccountable enmity against the Church of Scotland, so they failed not to show it with a deal of rancour during the Rebellion, to all of that persuasion.

Papists

It was but natural to expect that the Papists should favour the Rebellion to their utmost, but they are but inconsiderable in these Counties. Their meetings were quite barefaced, the Pretender openly prayed for, and a very great and good understanding there was betwixt the Nonjurants and them, so that Seaton, a priest, and Law, a Nonjurant minister,[347] were very commonly joined together among Lord Lewis Gordon’s council, who was made Governor of these counties by the Pretender. The Papists however generally had the cunning to be rather more tolerable in conversation with the friends of the Government than the Nonjurants were.

Lord Lewis Gordon joins the Rebels

Before the Rebels marched from Edinburgh to England they very wisely thought of means of retaining these counties under their subjection, while they should be marching south and of having reinforcements from thence ready for them against any emergence. For this purpose they wheedled over to their party Lord Lewis Gordon,[348] a younger brother to his Grace the Duke of Gordon, imagining that the very name of one so nearly connected to the Duke would have a great influence on the tenants and dependants of that family, and they well knew that[Pg 128] His Grace’s indisposition at that time would prevent any effectual measures being taken to stop this procedure. Lord Lewis was a Lieutenant in the Fleet, and had unhappily come down at that time to visit his Mother, the Duchess Dowager, who stayed near Edinburgh.[349] There he met so many old friends and acquaintances engaged in the Rebellion, who laid all oars in the water to gain him; and this indeed was no hard matter to a forward young lad like him, especially as he was to have a Feather in his cap, and to be made Lord Lieutenant of Aberdeenshire and Governor of the Towns of Aberdeen and Banff, with power of disposing of all places in them. Along with him is set down More of Lonmay, More of Stonnywood, Gordon of Avachy and Sheriff Petrie to assist him in his Government and Levys. There were also a number of Towns Burgesses named as a Council with them for the Town of Aberdeen and to manage under him in his absence but they all refused to accept; on which Mr. Moir of Lonmay was made Deputy Governor of Aberdeen, much indeed against his own inclination. He was a sensible man, but turned out very positive and arbitrary in his Government, which he had frequent opportunities of showing as Lord Lewis did not reside much at Aberdeen, and when he did, was always much advised by Lonmay. Mr. Bairde of Achmeden[350] was at[Pg 129] the same time made Depute Governor of Banff. This gentleman had shown his affection to the cause so far as to wait for the Young Pretender at Edinburgh with his white cockade, but it seems was not so far militarily disposed as to think of marching with them into England, but having a considerable estate in Banffshire, they thought he might be of service to them in this sphere; but though he at first accepted of this commission, yet he seldom if ever acted in consequence of it, and very rarely made any public appearance.

Men Raised by Force

The Lord Lieutenant began with his recruiting about Strathboggy, but as the waifest kind of people had mostly gone off in the first Levys, this was not so successful as he expected. Nay, on his first coming there, his summonses to his brother’s tenants to rise were so slighted, and volunteers so backward, that he was obliged to write to Blelack[351] and some of the gentlemen of Deeside who had a number of men with them, begging of them for God’s sake to send him a command of their men that he might not be affronted. How soon he got these, then he went to work quartering on the tenants about Strathboggy till they either rose or furnished men according to the proportions he had settled. But this was tedious, as he had but a small party to quarter with, and therefore he soon took a more expeditious way, threatening to burn the houses and farmyards of such as stood out. This soon had the desired effect, for the burning a single house or farm stack in a Parish terrified the whole, so that they would quickly send in their proportion, and by this means, with the few that joined as volunteers, he raised near 300 men called the Strathboggy Battalion in the country thereabouts. The same method of military execution (a discipline till then unknown in these counties) was used in most of the high parts of the shire for forcing out men, especially on Deeside, where a great many[Pg 130] were raised in this manner. Stonnywood however found people enough about the town of Aberdeen and places adjacent without force, to form another corps for Lord Lewis called the Aberdeen Battallion consisting of about 200 men, which with the Strathboggy Batallion formed what was properly Lord Lewis’ own Regiment; Avachy being Lieutenant of the latter; Stonnywood of the former.

Auchengaul raises a Company

About the same time Crichton of Auchengaul, a Popish gentleman of a very small estate, but representative of the Viscount Frendraught, raised a company and joined Lord Lewis. There were also several little people in Banffshire and Buchan, etc., who raised a few men each, and joined the Lord Lieutenant and all got commissions of one kind or other, which was by no means hard to be obtained. And thus the whole of this second Levy in the Counties of Aberdeen and Banff, under Lord Lewis would have amounted to near 800 men.

Comparison with 1715

As the above is a view of the whole course of the Rebels from these Counties, it may not be amiss to compare it with what it was in the 1715, from which it will be evident that for all the noise they made about their strength in these parts it was nothing now in comparison with what it was then.

In the 1715 they were supported by most of the Nobility. The Duke of Gordon (then Marquis of Huntly), the Earls of Mar, Marischall, Panmure, and Kintore, and the Lords Fraser and Pitsligo, who had all great estates, connections and dependencies in these Counties, raised their whole force and exerted themselves to the utmost in favour of the Rebellion. Whereas now Lord Pitsligo was the only nobleman that joined them unless Lord Lewis be reckoned. As to the landed gentry the difference is full as considerable. Though the most be from[Pg 131] Banffshire and Buchan, yet even there they are not one fourth of what they were in the 1715. Not one gentleman from Fortmartine unless Mr. Smith of Menie be to be reckoned, who indeed appeared with them at Edinburgh, but left them or they entered England. Not one gentleman that resided in Garrioch,[352] though in the 1715 most of them were concerned. Only five on Deeside from the head to the foot. And though there were several gentlemen of small estates on Deeside, yet all of them put together were not equal to the Laird of Invercauld who engaged in the former Rebellion. The Commons must always bear Proportion to the interests of the Gentry engaged, and though indeed this rule failed in so far at this time as that considerable numbers were raised from the estates of the Duke of Gordon, Earl of Aboyne, and Laird of Invercauld, where the Rebels had properly no interest, yet as almost none of the gentlemen that went with Lord Pitsligo raised so much as the men on their own estates, this will in good measure balance the other. There were several merchants of note appeared from the towns in the 1715, but now none but a few smugglers, and a very few tradesmen.

As the Rebels had thus a considerable number of men in these Counties, they next fell to work to raise money for their maintenance. And first of all they resolved to levy the Cess that was due for the current year, and all arrears, and accordingly the Lord Lieutenant named a collector, and without further intimation ordered partys to quarter for it. As it was soon moving from one house to another in the towns and country about them, as the quartering money was very exorbitant, their partys numerous and costly to maintain, and the Cess being levied only according to the valued rent, and not being anything considerable in comparison of the real rent and few being willing to bear the stress any time for a small sum, it was quickly levied in the towns of Aberdeen and from the adjacent estates. But in the country it[Pg 132] necessarily took up longer time so that they never got parties sent to some estates that were most out of the way, and some gentlemen, particularly Mr. Burnet, Kemnay, and Mr. Horn, Westhall, bore the stress with great firmness and wearied them out of it at this time, as indeed Mr. Horn at length did altogether.

The French Land

In the month of December there arrived six transports at Peterhead, Aberdeen, Stonehaven, and Montrose with Lord John Drummond’s Regiment on board and the Piquets from the Irish Brigade in the French Service; all under the command of Lord John Drummond.[353] This greatly elevated the Rebels, was magnified hugely to their friends in other places, and looked upon by them all as the certain prelude of a great invasion from France. The two Lord Drummonds[354] and the Lord Lieutenant had an interview at Aberdeen, the great result of which, seemed to be the forging a letter from Lord Martial commanding his friends to join Lord John Drummond (vid. printed Copy) and a Proclamation in which his Lordship, also to show him how well he was acquainted to the French Government, threatens to punish those who did not join him according to their intentions. The letter from Lord Martial was soon suspected to be forged, from its being altered while a-printing, and from the style of it, it being very unlike Lord Martial to speak of Commanding his Friends, but after Culloden it was[Pg 133] put out of doubt by one Mr. Halyburton, who had been sent from France by Lord Martial, how soon he knew of it, to disclaim the thing entirely, to let Lord John know how much he took it amiss, and to warn his friends not to be seduced by it.[355] The Rebels were on the other Speyside before this gentleman reached them, and how soon he informed Lord John of his errand, he was either closely confined or then discharged on the severest penalty from speaking of it, so that it was but little known, till the Flight, when he acquainted several gentlemen of it, who after that made it no secret. The French that landed at Peterhead, Aberdeen, and Stonehaven, stayed not above a week or so to refresh themselves, but marched south to the Camp at Perth.

Levy Money

The Cess went but a short way to answer their demands, next therefore they resolved to demand what was called Levy Money, or Militia money; accordingly Stonnywood by order of the Lord Lieutenant wrote Circular letters to the several gentlemen or their factors, demanding an able bodied man sufficiently accoutred in the Highland Dress[356] for each £100 Scots of valued rent, or then £5 Sterling to raise one. The man was but a pretext, it was the money they wanted. This indeed would have amounted to a very considerable sum; no less than about £12,000 Sterling for the County of Aberdeen alone, which will be 5s. Ster. in the pound off the real rack’d rent, which exorbitant demand would at any time have been very hard upon Lairds and Tenants but after two bad crops and so many other losses, was indeed more than they could bear. However these reasons availed nothing[Pg 134] to the Lord Lieutenant, or his Depute (who was by no means ignorant of the state of the counties) but to work they went, how soon they had got in most of the Cess, to quarter for it. This began at length to open the eyes of many of the people, who had been formerly cheated by promises of freedom from taxes, especially the Malt Tax, but now they saw how delusive these were, and this not a little confirmed the few who had all along wished well to the Government. Even the selfish among the gentry who professed not to care who reigned, were not now quite so indifferent, and even many secret Jacobites were disgusted.

Lord Loudon Invited

The friends of the Government seeing no end of this oppression, while the Rebels were their masters, sent several messages to the President and Lord Loudon[357] to send some men to their relief. They were especially instant from the town of Aberdeen, this being the seat of their Government, and consequently most exposed to their tyranny, which was so great that the usual freedom of conversation was entirely banished, at least none could promise how long they could call anything their own, and even already they were speaking of imposing a Loan, how soon the Militia money was levied. But their keenness to obtain relief and to persuade Lord Loudon to undertake it, probably made them represent the strength of the Rebels as more insignificant than it really was, which no doubt has been one reason why the party sent was not more numerous.

Burning Order

The Levy money coming in but slowly, for all the stress of quartering, which stress alone induced some to pay it, but some few that were such hearty friends as to need[Pg 135] only the pretence of force, the Lord Lieutenant grew quite impatient and issued what was called the Fire Ordinance (vid. Gent. Mag. for January 1746, p. 29th).[358] Party’s were sent to several Districts of the country, with orders to quarter on the gentlemen’s houses (not on the tenants’ as usual) and if against such a time the money was not payed, to begin with burning the gentleman’s house and Planting, then the tenants’ houses and cornyards and so on through the district. But notwithstanding of these dreadful threatenings, none but some very timourous people paid, till they should at least see what would be the consequences of the Northern aid which now began to be spoke of and pretty confidently expected.

Old Aberdeen Distressed

As the old town of Aberdeen had in proportion to such a place discovered a more than ordinary zeal for the Government so that the Rebel Governors distinguished it accordingly by a demand of £215 Ster. of Levy money, a very great sum for so small a village, and by beginning with them these new methods of raising it. They impudently[Pg 136] proposed it among the Whigs without ever regarding whether or not they had any property in Lands or houses and particularly the Masters of the Kings College had their small stipends very severely cessed. But when they could not even thus get their full demand answered, Lonmay ordered about £40 Ster. of it to be taken from the Poor’s Box and from some small funds that belonged to an hospital for poor widows and some other such charitable funds. Large parties were quartered through the town in the gentlemen’s houses for several days, but even this severe stress not proving effectual, intimation was made by Tuke of Drum, that if the money was not paid against a certain hour the Town was to be burnt. This indeed alarmed them and the gentlemen were forced to seem in so far to comply as to beg only delays till the money should be got, and this they had the art to obtain from time to time for two or three days, till at length they had pretty certain information that McLeod and Culcairn’s men were come the length of Banff and Strathboggy, on which most of the gentlemen of note in the place, slipped out of town or concealed themselves, without paying a farthing, and leaving the Rebels to do with the town what they pleased. But as they too were sensible by this time of the enemy’s approach they would not venture on such a severity till they should see the event.

McLeod Marches

As for McLeod’s March (vid. Gents. Mag., Jan. 1746, p. 23). It was Gordon of Avachy and Gordon of Aberlour that opposed them at the passage of the Spey, but they quickly retreated. They had the Strathboggy Batallion under their command and had been quartering for Cess and Levy money about Strathboggy and Banff. They marched to Aberdeen the day appointed for the Public Fast by his Majesty, December 17th, which however was very punctually observed even where they passed and in general was so both by Clergy and people both in town and country, though the Clergy indeed did meet[Pg 137] with some insults in a few places. Immediately on McLeod’s passing the Spey, the Rebels called in all their Quartering parties, and the Deeside men to the town of Aberdeen and sent expresses to their friends in Angus and Mearns to send them assistance.

The McLeods joined the two companies under Culkairn,[359] at Inverury, upon Saturday, December 20th, the whole body being 700 men complete. 400 of those under McLeod were quartered in the town of Inverury, the rest of that name and Culkairn’s two companies were cantonned in farmers’ houses along the Ury to the north west of the town, many of them more than a mile and a half’s distance though there was no worldly necessity for this, as the town of Inverury contained two regiments of the Duke’s army for some weeks without a man of them going a stone cast from it. Against night the Rebel Reinforcements were come to Aberdeen consisting of about 150 of the French Picquets who had remained at Montrose and more than 200 Angus and Mearns Militia, so that there would have been in whole about 1200 men at Aberdeen. All the Saturday the Rebels were exceeding careful to prevent any intelligence coming to the McLeods, securing as far as possible all the Avenues coming from the town, and sending out scouts to scour between Kintore and Inverury to the very water-side, these seized Mr. Bartlet an Aberdeen writer who had come along with McLeod and had ventured to Kintore (2 miles from Inverury), where also Mr. Dingwall, an Aberdeen merchant and some others coming with intelligence from Aberdeen were snapt up and carried in prisoners. The McLeods had immediate notice of this, but Culcairn (by whom McLeod was directed as he himself did not pretend to understand military matters) could not be prevailed on to allow any men to come over and drive them off, no doubt fearing as they were strangers in the country lest they should be surprised. But as by this means at length all intelligence stopt, this proved their ruin in the[Pg 138] end. Whereas by keeping some advance guards, or at least sending out patroles now and then, for a mile or two, they might indeed possibly have lost a man or two in Rencountres with the enemy’s parties, and possibly the reverse might have happened, but still they’d have secured the main chance and prevented the whole being surprised. However by this conduct though frequently things of considerable importance were known at Kintore, it was impossible to send the intelligence the remaining two miles. Nevertheless Sir Archibald Grant[360] who had come over the hill from the south, without touching at Aberdeen, and was certainly informed on his way that a reinforcement of French would that night be in town, fell on a way late that night to let McLeod know so much, and this intelligence probably prevented their marching to attack the Rebels the next morning, till they should know their situation more exactly. There was no body more alert or serviceable in getting exact intelligence to the Rebels than Stonnywood, as he knew the country and the people exactly, and as his estate lay betwixt Aberdeen and Inverury, he had all his tenants employed on the same service, so that on Saturday night they had perfect intelligence of everything that concerned the McLeods.

Volunteers

There were some Aberdeen gentlemen who had been either driven from town by the tyranny of the Rebels, or they had been sent on messages to the President, that came all along from Inverness as Volunteers in this expedition: among these were Mr. Forbes of Echt, Mr. Logie a merchant, and Mr. Thomson, General Superviser of Excise, which last gentleman especially was exceeding serviceable both on this, and several other occasions to the Government. The number of volunteers was increased at Inverury by Mr. Maitland, Pitrichy, Mr. Forbes of Shieves, Forbes of Echt, Mr. Chalmers, the now Principal of the King’s College, Mr. Gordon, Professor of Humanity[Pg 139] in the College, some merchants and tradesmen, several students of Divinity and Philosophy and Prentices from both towns of Aberdeen, and many more would have come if it had not been the difficulty of getting out of town. But as McLeod had no spare arms, and the volunteers could get nothing but pistols they proved of no service. Mr. Horn, of Westhall, by promises of great rewards and encouragement, had got his tenants to engage to follow him and join the McLeods, and as he foresaw he could not get fire-arms, had caused make a number of spears with iron heads, for them. But when it came to the push, they all drew back, their hearts failed them and they refused to rise. On which, on Monday he was sending an Express to McLeod for a party to force them out, but his express met them retreating.

A Detachment sent out

On Sunday McLeod was prevailed on to send a large detachment of his own company over the water for three miles, which had a very happy effect, driving off all the enemy’s Scouts and facilitating their intelligence, so that they met with no less than three persons from town that had come out in disguises and by byeways who brought letters giving an exact account of the enemy’s numbers and situation, which people otherways would all have been intercepted by their Scouts. This so entirely convinced the Lieutenant that commanded the detachment, of the necessity either of constant patroles, or then of an advance Guard at Kintore, that he had everything settled for one or other, never doubting but his representation would prevail, but there was no convincing Culkairn, so that next day there came not a man over the water at all.

The Enemy Alarmed

The Enemy’s Scouts on being thus driven off, having seen the party but imperfectly, alarmed their friends in town with an account that the whole of the McLeods were marching to attack them, on which they drew[Pg 140] together, but were soon undeceived. The same night after it was dark they convened their men and marched three miles out of town, as if to surprise the enemy, but whether it was only a feint to see if their men would stand by them, or if it was owing to any wrong notion that the McLeods were apprised of them, they returned to town again without doing anything.

Rebels’ Artifice

This day too, they had tried a strategem to raise a mutiny among the McLeods by bribing a tenant’s son of McLeod’s (who had been staying with a Nonjurant Minister, teaching his children Latin and so had imbibed all the Jacobite notions) to go to Inverury and see to persuade the men that they were engaged in an unjust cause, that their enemies were very numerous and powerful, and that Lord Loudon had purposely sent them up to be cut off in a strange country. As this fellow had their language, was their namesake and countryman, they readily listened to him and it was taking among them like lightening, till the fellow was found out and apprehended, but the impression still stuck to them, till McLeod drew them all out, and very particularly showed them the roguery.

The Rebels march

On Monday the 23rd, about 9 of clock in the morning, the Rebels marched from Aberdeen, in order to surprise the McLeods in two columns. The main body being about 900 was commanded by Lord Lewis (though one Major Cuthbert,[361] a French Officer, did all the business), crossed the Bridge of Don, and took a round about and indirect road on the North side of the Don. The other column consisting of their Strathboggy Battallion, and commanded by Major Gordon, a French Officer, and[Pg 141] Avachy, took the high road on the south side of the river. As they had all along guarded the avenues from the town very carefully, they did it now so effectually that there was no possibility of sending any intelligence of their march, till they were actually gone. When they were marching they all along kept advance parties before their main bodies came in sight, so that when they were observed, these parties prevented any persons getting past with information. As the body that marched the high road had by far the nearest way, they halted and concealed themselves in the Church and church-yard of Kinellar about three miles from Inverury, till the corps on the other side were suitably advanced, and meantime had their advanced party concealed in some houses in a low part of the road near Kintore.

This party seized the minister of Kintore, who had got some confused notice of their march, and going out for more certain intelligence, and observing nothing on the road, had come that length where he was made prisoner, as also at the very same time were no less than three people with intelligence of the Rebels’ march from the town, who had got out when their Guards were taken off, and escaped the main body by byeways, till being so near Inverury they had (to shorten the way) come in there to the high road, never doubting but they’d have met with some of the McLeods advanced parties to protect them, as those had done that came out the former day. The column that marched on the north side of Don had Scouts concealed among Planting of the Earl of Kintore’s on a rising ground that overlooked Inverury, and though some while before the enemy came up they were observed going backwards and forwards from the Park, and pointed out to McLeod and Culkairn as looking very suspicious, yet by some fatality they neglected to send up and see what they were doing. Immediately as they marched, the minister of Rayne, who happened to be in town, rode out by the Deeside Road, the only one left unguarded, to see if it was possible this way to get before them; but this was so greatly about, and the[Pg 142] road when he came to cross the country so excessively bad that the firing was begun or he reached Kintore. So that the first intelligence they got of them was the Main Body being observed by their sentry, marching down by the Earl of Kintore’s parks within a quarter of a mile of Inverury.

McLeods draw out

McLeod, Culkairn, and all the officers with the few men they had in town got together very resolutely, and all of them discovered a great deal of courage on this occasion, nay, to think at all of standing against such superior numbers bespoke no little bravery. And indeed had they thought of sending down a party to line the Church yard of Inverury, and had others rightly posted on a little hull, called the Bass, both which were within a pistol shot of the Boat and Ford of Ury where the Main body behoved to pass, and also on the Ford of Don where Avachy, etc., passed, they certainly had done great execution among them in their passages, and if they had not stopped them altogether, would at least have retarded them till the men that were canton’d at a distance had got up to their assistance, for the Rebels had no cannon, but two old rusty ones they had taken from ships, which got not up till long after the skirmish was over, and though they had, would not probably have done great execution. But the confusion and surprise of the McLeods at the unexpected coming of the enemy made them neglect all these advantages, and stand on the Rigs on the east side at the south end of the town, at almost an equal distance from the Foords of Don and Ury, but at so great a distance as to be able to do execution at neither; and their standing here too was probably not a little owing to their then discovering the other body of the enemy coming upon the other side of Don, which made them irresolute how to dispose of themselves till so many of the Rebels crossed the Ury as put it out of their power to stop their passage there. It was also a vast loss to these Highlanders, who were none[Pg 143] of them disciplined, that they had only firelocks and bayonets, and wanted their darling weapon, the Broadsword, which is always their chief confidence.

Rebels pass the Foords

The van of the Rebels’ main body consisted of the French and some picked men and was lead only by Major Cuthbert, these with all the gentlemen, the volunteers, and some of the common men crossed the Ury, very alertly, and as they passed, drew up behind the Bass, and the Churchyard. But many of their common men ran off and skulked by dike-sides till the action was over and could neither be brought out by threats nor entreaties till then. Major Gordon and Avachy with about 50 or 60 of their men crossed the Don very briskly, and behaved well, but the rest of the Corps took shelter among the Broom, till they saw the event.

The action began near an hour after sunset with a clear moonshine, by some passing shots from some ten or twelve of the McLeods who advanced so far, some to the one Foord and some to the other, and fired on the enemy as they were passing and killed two or three men in the water, and immediately retired. The Body that crossed Ury moved up first to attack, but were received with two or three fires from the McLeods, which they returned indeed two for one, but both were at too great a distance to do great execution. But as the party from Don was by this time coming to attack them in flanks, and as the French were advancing with a close regular fire and like to bear very hard on them, the McLeods found themselves unable to stand this shock, and accordingly gave way; yet not so but that a party of them loaded their pieces retiring, and finding some of their men, especially the wounded, like to fall in the enemy’s hands, they wheeled about before they were half way up the town, and made another fire, but immediately ran off. On this the French advanced through the town with an incessant street fire, and the rest divided themselves and went firing up each side of it, being too by this time joined by[Pg 144] most of their skulking companions. After this, as some of the McLeods were running off on the stubble ground on the North end of the town, some person gave a cry that McLeod was taken, on which they turned about again and made another fire but immediately marched off. The Rebels meanwhile being at a considerable distance and not observing them so exactly going off, but seeing a ridge with a few furrows in it, amidst a great deal of unploughed stubble ground, and taking it by the moonlight for a row of men, they fired once or twice into it very successfully. And thus in whole the firing continued for more than twenty minutes. The companies of McLeods and Monroes that were cantonn’d out of the town, had unluckily no Officers with them; these happened to be with McLeod in Inverury, and went out to engage along with the men that were there (which by the bye as there were thirty of them on guard, and many straggling through the country seeking provisions did not much exceed three hundred), these therefore having no body to draw them together, ran up different ways on hearing the firing till they met some of their friends flying, or were informed of the event, and then they ran off. But had their officers been with them to bring them together, and lead them up in a body to meet their friends at the north end of the town and support them, they very possibly might have turned the scale in their favours.

Loss on both sides

The Rebels for a while concealed their loss, but ’tis now generally allowed they had at least ten or twelve killed, several of these French, but all common men. It is indeed generally believed that one of them was a French Officer, as he was put in a grave by himself with several Popish Ceremonies, though not certain. But the Rebels still refuse that it was an Officer. They had also a good many wounded, among whom was Mr Gordon of Birkenbuss, a gentleman of a small estate, very dangerously.

The McLeods again had only five killed dead on the spot, which was well known, as their bodies were left exposed for some days or they allowed them to be buried.[Pg 145] One also died of his wounds in the retreat, as did another that was taken prisoner, but they were all common men. About thirty were taken prisoners (many of which were wounded) including ten or twelve Humlys (Colones)[362] that they had picked up. Among the prisoners were Mr. Gordon, Ardvach, Lieutenant of Culkairn’s Company, Mr. Chalmers, Principal of the King’s College, and Mr. Forbes of Echt; McLeod’s own piper, McGrimman,[363] happened also to be taken, and the piper is always looked on as a person of importance in a Highland Chief’s retinue, but McGrimman especially was a respectable person being esteemed the best piper in the Highlands, having had most of the Clan pipers as his scholars, and being looked on by them as a kind of chief, and the veneration they had for him appeared when he was carried prisoner to their army at Stirling, for it is said not a Highland piper would play a tune till McGrimman was allowed to be on his parole, and he himself behaved with so much state that he would play to none of them till their prince himself desired him. Mr. Maitland, Pitrichy, escaped to Keithhall, the house of the Earl of Kintore, the night of[Pg 146] the engagement, where he concealed himself all next day, but unluckily venturing to show himself to Petry, the Sherriff Depute, who intruded himself that night on the Earl, and Mr. Maitland, and he squabbling over drink, Petry not only in violation of the laws of hospitality, and of many obligations he was under to the Earl of Kintore, but also of his own promise to the contrary, basely went off next morning and sent a party of the Rebels who seized him.

The Rebels do not venture to pursue

The McLeods passed the Ury about a quarter of a mile from the town and refreshed themselves at Rayne and Strathboggy, but stopped not a night till they got over Spey, where McLeod waited the coming up of such of his men as had gone other roads, and continued guarding the passes for some while after. But the Rebels were so apprehensive what might be the consequences when for ought they knew, they were joined by the Monroes, etc., that they would not venture to pursue them over the Ury. McLeod lost most of his baggage, but the greater part came not into the Rebels custody but was secreted and pilfered by the townsfolks.

Mr. Horn stress’d

As the Rebels were informed of Mr. Horn’s design of joining the McLeods, they were exceeding keen in their resentment against him, and immediately sent a party to seize him, but he luckily had gone out of the way. The party lived a good while at his house at free quarters and made very free with everything, demanding the arms he had made, and the Cess Levy money, but Mr. Horn had left positive orders though they should burn the house to give them neither, and as their Officers had by this time got pretty certain information that their affairs were wrong in England and their Prince retreating, they did not choose in these circumstances to do such a shocking thing. And it was certainly a lucky thing that they got this intelligence to calm them after the flush of their Inverury victory, or then the Fire Order had undoubtedly been put in execution in these counties.

[Pg 147]

Quartering for Levy Money

The towns of Aberdeen having now no relief were obliged to pay their Quota of Levy money, that of the New town amounted to about £500 Sterling. A party of the Clan Chattan (Mclntoshes, Shaws and McGilavrys) under McGilavry of Dunmaglass, being now come up from Dundee to support their friends in Aberdeen in case of a straight, these for the greater terror were employed as far as possible for quartering in the gentlemen’s houses in the country for the Levy money. But the Rebels finding it would take longer time to get people forced to give the whole of their exorbitant demands than they could bestow, as they foresaw that in a week or so they must march to reinforce their friends in the South, they were therefore willing to compound the matter and take half in hand, and a bill for the other half payable at Candlemass, and in this way they gathered in a good deal of money. But still there were several gentlemen stood out for a good while under all the hardships they imposed, especially Mr. Leith of Freefield (whom they also kept a while Prisoner), Mr. Patan of Grandsam, and Mr. Burnet of Kemnay. Mr. Burnet’s zeal for our constitution, and the endeavours he used to awaken the British spirit among his neighbours, had rendered him excessively obnoxious to the Rebels, they hunted him for some weeks from place to place, to seize him, but he at length got to Edinburgh, where he was obliged to stay till his Royal Highness marched for Aberdeen.

Rebels called up

The resolute delays of some few gentlemen, and the great number they had to quarter upon, made it impracticable for the Rebels to collect their Levy money from much more than one half of these counties, before they were called up and obliged to march and reinforce their friends in the South, so that almost all Buchan, and most of the more remote estates in both Banff and Aberdeenshire escaped at this time.

[Pg 148]

Elsick’s Men, and McGregors come to Aberdeen

Soon after Lord Lewis marched up with the whole of the Rebels from this country, there arrived a Spanish ship at Peterhead with arms and money, which brought a party of Elsick’s[364] men from the Mearns to possess Aberdeen and bring up this loading; but they being looked on as weak, a party of the McGregors joined them. None of these parties however ventured to the country but only while they were bringing up their cargo from Peterhead. Lord Lewis had been abundantly arbitrary in his Government, Horses and Arms had been everywhere seized throughout the counties, under the pretence of searching for arms; in houses both in town and country many things had been pilfered with impunity, and he himself treated everybody with a great deal of insolence, but all this was but a jest in comparison with these McGregors. They went to people’s houses through the town and always behaved so very rudely as to make them forced to give them money to go away. They would stop gentlemen on the streets openly, and either take their silver buckles and buttons from them, or oblige them to give so much to redeem them. Without the least provocation they would beat and abuse people; and whenever they took it into their heads to enquire about any gentlemen’s principles they met with, they came up with their broadswords drawn and asked what King they were for? If they hesitated the least in answering ‘King James,’ they were sure of a slap, and never got away till they sat down on their knees and swore to the Pretender, and cursed King George in any terms the ruffians pleased. But happily they soon went off with the arms and left Elsick’s men only to guard the town. These continued mostly till the retreat of their army and behaved pretty civilly; indeed though they had inclined to do otherwise, yet the town’s people not being under so much restraint as formerly, began to show themselves so keenly,[Pg 149] that they made them glad to be peaceable, for fear of their being mobbed.

Rebels retreat from Stirling

The whole Rebel Army, except the Clans that went the Highland road with their Prince, passed through Aberdeenshire on their retreat from Stirling. They marched in two columns (the clans making a third), Lord Lewis Gordon’s men, the Deeside men, Glenbucket’s men and some other body’s forming one column and marching in the high road to Strathboggy. The rest of their army formed another column and marched with such baggages as they had got off from Stirling, or the Clans had left them, through the town of Aberdeen. They were commanded by Lord George Murray and consisted mostly of the Athole Brigade, French, Lord Ogilvies men,[365] Cromarty’s, Kilmarnock’s, Kelly’s,[366] Elsick’s, Lifeguards, Hussars, and all their other Lowland Corps. They stayed but short while in Aberdeen and so had not great opportunity of doing much mischief, though they seemed not at all averse to do it. For the ill situation of their affairs and their marching in such cold stormy weather, put them in a great fret. They threatened dreadful things against they should return Conquerors, particularly against the Clergy of the Church of Scotland, on which subject none was more violent than Lord John Drummond, who once and again proposed the hanging of some of them for examples; and indeed the Clergy were so sensible of their danger, that if the Duke had been obliged to retreat again, most of them had resolved to prepare to leave the country. They divided at Aberdeen and marched to Spey, some by Old Meldrum and Banff and some by Inverury and Strathboggy. At Speyside they all joined and met there[Pg 150] with the other column. There was a good deal of pilfering by their stragglers in this march, but when the country people had the resolution to oppose them, they behaved very cowardly. The minister of Clate[367] in particular and a few of his parishioners unarmed, took the guns and bayonets from two Strathboggy men who fired on the people for finding fault with their robbing a dyeing woman of her bedclothes.

Hussars and Stonnywood’s men left in Aberdeen

Stonnywood’s men though they had marched so far in the Highroad, yet came off from the rest of their corps and marched down by Deeside to Aberdeen, where they remained after the main body had left it, along with the Hussars under one Colonel Baggot,[368] a French Officer, and a very rough sort of man and so exceeding well fitted to command the Banditti of which that Corps was composed, and to distress a country. The Lord Lieutenant was along with their Prince, so Lonmay, the Depute Governor, had the chief direction, though both he and Stonnywood pretended that most of the extravagant things done by the Hussars, was owing to Baggot. They immediately fell to work to collect the remains of the Levy money. And now they had a new contrivance to force it. These fellows, the Hussars, went galloping about, and seized the gentlemen that were refractory, or their factor, or then the principal tenants, if none of the former could be found, and brought them in prisoners to Stonnywood and Baggot, the last of whom was sure to use them very roughly. But most of the gentlemen absconded, and some of the few they got stood out against all their bad usage, as particularly Mr. Innes, Factor to the Earl of Kintore. The Tenants which they seized had not the money to give so they were obliged at length to[Pg 151] let them go and made but very little of this method. The Hussars were vastly rude and expensive wherever they went, and failed not to pick up any horses as they come along that were remaining. But for all their roughness, people that would venture to stand their ground, would sometimes get the better of them. One instance of which was at New Dear when two of them armed with pistols were taking a gentleman’s horse and money, the minister of the place[369] being only with the gentleman, and both of them only with staves in their hands; the minister first knocked down one of the fellows and the gentleman the other, and disarmed them both and set them off.

Some of Fitzjames Dragoons land

The Saturday before his Royal Highness came to town, a French ship landed some of the Dragoons of Fitzjames’ Regiment at Aberdeen with their riding furniture.[370] There had come afore about the same time another French ship with the money for the Pretender’s use, but the Master thought it dangerous to land it at Aberdeen as the Duke was so near, and so sailed about for Peterhead where it was received by Lonmay.[371] Fitzjames’ Dragoons marched off next day, as did also Stonnywood and his men with the Hussars, and thus the town of Aberdeen at length got free of the Rebel Government, after it had been about five months subject to it.

Duke of Cumberland comes to Aberdeen

The Tuesday thereafter General Bland arrived in town with the van of the Army under the Duke of Cumberland,[Pg 152] and his Royal Highness on the Thursday thereafter. The Burgesses lined the streets all the way from the Duke’s entry into the town to his lodgings. He was immediately waited on by the nobility and gentry of town and county, and next day by the Colleges and Clergy who had assembled in a Synod pro re nata and had all the honour to kiss his hand. Mr. Osborne, Principal of the Marischal College, made a short congratulary speech to his Highness in name of the colleges, as did Mr. Theodore Gordon, Moderator of the Synod in name of the Clergy, and both had gracious returns.

More of Fitzjames’ Dragoons land in Buchan

Soon after this another of the Transports with Fitzjames’ Dragoons having got information on the coast, of the Duke’s being at Aberdeen, landed in Buchan[372] and then very narrowly escaped from the Duke’s Picquets who were ordered out to intercept them.

Lord Ancrum[373] marches to Curgaff

As to Lord Ancrum’s expedition to Curgaff, a house belonging to Forbes of Skeleter in Strathdon (vid. London Gazette, March 11th), Glenbucket was then with a few men within a few miles of Strathdon. But his numbers were greatly magnified, and his being actually at hand was so artfully insinuated to a minister’s wife in the neighbourhood, that with the honestest intention in the world, she gave a false alarm which made his Lordship in such a hurry that though he destroyed the powder, yet he only scattered the ball, broke a few of the arms, and carried off a very few, the rest falling all into the hands of the country people. And yet one might imagine that, as his dragoons were not to gallop off and[Pg 153] leave the Foot, there had been no miss in making them dismount and walk for a few miles and loading their horses with the Arms, till they should come to some place where country horses might have been got.

Bland[374] at Old Meldrum

When part of the army under General Bland advanced to Old Meldrum, Barrels and Price’s under Lieutenant Rich[375] lay at Inverury which is on the ordinary Post Road to Strathboggy (where about 3000 of the Rebels under Roy Stuart were with the Hussars) and about 100 Grants that came to escort their Laird to Aberdeen[376] formed an advance guard on this road, as the Campbells did from Old Meldrum, where they were very alert and watchful, so that the Rebels never once offered to disturb either the Generals or Lieut. Rich’s Quarters. And indeed if they had, all possible care was taken to give them a warm reception. There was a bridge of boats thrown over the Ury on the road from Inverury to Old Meldrum, and a Guard midway betwixt the two Garrisons who could observe a blaze in the night time at either of them or anything happening extraordinary, and by a blaze could give information of it to the other, and the Light Horse, too, were quartered betwixt so as to form a line of communication.

Rebels attempt to surprise the Grants

The night before General Bland marched for Strathboggy, the Grants came first to the Kirk Town of Clate, which is about six miles south of Strathboggy and off from the high road to Aberdeen. As there were many[Pg 154] disaffected people thereabouts, the Rebels at Huntly had notice of it that night, though it was late before they came there, and they immediately formed a scheme of surprising him next morning. But Grant, suspecting such a thing might be done, wisely advanced a mile further the same night to Castle Forbes, a house belonging to Lord Forbes, and by the strength of its old walls alone not easily to be taken without cannon, so that next morning when the Rebels under Roy Stuart missed them at Clate, they returned without meddling with the Castle.

Bland marches to Huntly

Meantime General Bland had kept his orders for marching that morning so very closely that the Rebels had not got the least intelligence of it. The two corps from Inverury and Old Meldrum met at Rayne, and had it not been for a small accident, had intercepted the Rebels who were on the Clate Expedition and got to Strathboggy before them. For they, dreaming of no such thing, breakfasted very leisurely at Clate and stopped also at a public house betwixt it and Huntly. There was an exceeding great fog on the Hill of the Foudline, so that some senseless, idle people that were running up before the army, imagined that a plough that was going in the midst among some houses on the side of the hill, was a party of men; on which they gave the alarm that the Rebels were at hand, this was immediately forwarded by the liger Ladys[377] with a deal of consternation, so that some people of better sense gave credit to it and came up to the General with this false alarm. Whatever might be in it, he judged it safest for the men to halt and form, while proper persons were sent up to see what the matter was, who soon found out the mistake. But this trifle occasioned a stop for near half an hour or three quarters, and the Rebels were scarce so long in Strathboggy before the General came there.

[Pg 155]

The Enemy knew nothing of them till they came within sight of Strathboggy. They had but just come there, and ordered dinner, but they thought proper to leave it in a great hurry on Bland’s approach. Their Hussars and some gentlemen on horseback brought up the rear. Among these last, was Hunter of Burnside,[378] who for a good way kept within speech of the party under Major Crawford and the volunteers that pursued them; but managed his horse with so much dexterity, turning so oft and so nimbly, that they could not aim at him rightly; at length one of the Campbells shot so near him as made him start aside and gallop off, and as the forces took him for Roy Stuart, this gave occasion to the story of that gentleman being either killed or wounded. The soldiers were incensed, and not unjustly with a notion that Strathboggy was extremely disaffected: coming in to it therefore under this impression after a long march in a bitter bad rainy day, it was no surprise that they used some freedom with a few peoples houses, who, conscious of their own demerit, had locked their doors and run off, leaving nobody to care for the soldiers that were to quarter in them.

Captain Campbell surprised at Keith[379]

Next day the General sent up seventy Campbells, and 30 Light Horse to Keith, a little town six miles from Huntly, and half way betwixt it and Fochabers where the Rebels had retired. One Alexander Campbell, a Lieutenant, had the command, who had been all along[Pg 156] very alert on the advanced guard and had met with no check, though oft in as dangerous a situation, but next night had the misfortune to have his party surprised. This was chiefly owing to the dissaffection of the inhabitants, who conducted the Rebels at dead of night, not by any set road, but through the fields so as not to meet with the Patroles, and then having fetched a compass about, and entering the town on the south, by the way from Huntly, were mistaken by the Sentrys, to whose calls they answered in a friendly way, for a reinforcement they had some expectation of. The Guard was conveniently posted in the Church and church yard which was very fencible, and the Lieutenant, who had not thrown off his clothes, on the first alarm ran out and fought his way into them, and behaved very gallantly with his guard for a while. But the rest of his men, being mostly all taken asleep, and having himself received several wounds, he was at last obliged to surrender. The enemy suffered considerably, but carried off their slain, so that their numbers were not known. The Lieutenant was left a while with only one Sentry to guard him, on which he very resolutely grappled with him, disarmed him and got off; but being retarded by his wounds he was soon retaken and then they hashed him miserably and left him for dead; yet he afterwards recovered.

Popish and Nonjurant Meetings destroyed

His Royal Highness on coming to Aberdeen immediately stopped all the Nonjurant Ministers, and soon after ordered their Meeting Houses and the Mass Houses to be destroyed, which was accordingly executed both in town and country as the Army marched along, and indeed none were surprised at this piece of discipline, as these houses were not only illegal, but had in fact proved such Nurseries of Rebellion. The Priests had mostly gone off, and such as could be got were seized and confined, but neither ministers nor people of the Nonjurants met with any other disturbance unless they were otherways concerned[Pg 157] in the Rebellion. The Army also had orders to seize the Corn, Horses, and cattle and Arms belonging to those in the Rebellion, but to touch none of their other effects, and the generality of the Rebels had foreseen this and either sold or sent off these things, so that there were but few that suffered much in this way. If any parties of soldiers used further freedom in these houses, which was not oft, the Duke, on complaint made, not only obliged the Officers to be at pains to recover the plundered effects from the soldiers, but generally gave a compliment himself to make up the loss; as particularly to Mrs. Gordon, Cupbairdy,[380] he ordered £100 Sterling. His protections were easily obtained till a piece of the Rebels extravagance not only made this more difficult, but also obliged his Royal Highness to recall some protections he had granted, and gave up some houses to be plundered.

Cullon House plundered by the Rebels

The Earl of Findlater was at Aberdeen attending his Royal Highness, when his factor gave him notice that the Rebels who were thereabouts had intimated, that if the Cess and Levy money for his Lordships Estate was not paid against such a day, his house at Cullon would peremptorily be plundered. This intimation the Earl showed to his Royal Highness, who ordered him in return to certify them that if they took such a step, it would oblige him to alter his conduct, recall his protections and give up their houses to be plundered. Notwithstanding this threat, the Rebels actually pillaged Cullon House[381] at the time appointed, and his Royal Highness was in consequence obliged to withdraw his protections from Lady Gordon of Park,[380] and Lady Dunbar of Durn,[380] for their houses; and indeed the last of these suffered considerably, but most of the effects were carried off from Park that were of any value.

[Pg 158]

Thornton Disgusted

The famous Squire Thornton[382] who had raised the Yorkshire Company, his Lieutenant Mr. Crofts, and Ensign Mr. Symson, Minister at Fala (who had been both taken prisoners at Falkirk), had come as volunteers with the Army to Aberdeen, though they had never met with very civil usage from the regular officers who seemed not at all to affect volunteers. When Pultney’s Regiment was ordered from Old Meldrum to Buchan on a command one day, these gentlemen who declined no fatigue, and had usually joined that corps, marched along. But coming the first night to a little village called Ellon, the Quarter[Pg 159] Master would not assign Quarters to the volunteers as Officers, and none of the Officers would give orders for it, which and some other things of this kind effectually disgusted them, so that they immediately left the army and returned home. His Royal Highness in order to preserve the town of Aberdeen from any surprise after he should leave it caused fortify Gordon’s Hospital and placed a garrison in it under Captain Crosby, and in honour of the Duke it was called Fort Cumberland.

Duke marches from Aberdeen on Foot

When the Duke marched from Aberdeen[383] he endeared himself exceedingly to the soldiers (if it was possible to increase their affection for him) by walking most of the way with them on foot, generally using one of the soldiers Tenttrees for a staff and never going a yard out of the way for a bridge or any burn they met with, but wading through at the nearest.

On a long march of near 20 miles from Old Meldrum to Banff the following little accident much delighted the spectators. A soldiers wife carrying a young child, grew quite faint and entreated her husband, who was near with the Duke, to carry the child for a little way; the fellow said he could not as he was burdened with his arms. The Duke overheard, took the soldier’s gun and carried it himself for some way and ordered him to ease the poor woman of the child for a while.

Rebels not expecting his March

The Duke being stopped so long at Aberdeen, made his march at length as great a surprise on the Rebels as if he had not halted a day, for by this time they were grown very secure. The Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, Roy Stuart, etc., were all lodged in the minister’s house of Speymouth, and had more than 2000 men along with them. They were sitting very securely after breakfast, when a country man came over the River in great haste[Pg 160] and told them that the Enzie was all in a ‘vermine of Red Quites.’[384] But they were so averse to believe it, that when they ran to an eminence and observed them at a great distance they swore it was only muck heaps: the man said it might be so, but he never saw Muck heaps moving before. And after they were convinced it was a body of men, still they would only have it to be some of Bland’s parties, till their Hussars, whom they had sent over to reconnoitre, returned and assured them the whole Army under his Royal Highness was coming up.

Duke crosses the Spey

As to the Duke’s passing the Spey (vid. London Gazette, April 19th):—The Soldiers had got a notion that all on the other side Spey were rank Rebels, and so immediately seized a number of the sheep and other cattle as soon as they got over. But as the case was quite otherways and the people of that Parish had been longing for the Army as their deliverers, on the minister’s representing this, and what had happened, to his Royal Highness, he immediately ordered all to be restored that could be got unkilled, and gave the minister £50 Ster. to divide among the people for their loss, and if that did not do it directed him to demand whatever would, and it should be ordered. His Royal Highness took up his quarters in the minister’s, where the Duke of Perth, etc., had been but a few hours before.

Aberdeen Militia

Immediately after the Duke’s leaving Aberdeen the two towns raised several companies of Militia to prevent their meeting with disturbance from any flying parties. His Royal Highness named their Officers and gave them authority to act. He also named twelve Governors to have the direction of the N. Town, till they should be allowed to choose regular Magistrates. There was also a proposal for raising a County Militia, but the Duke’s victory at Culloden made it to be dropped as useless.

[Pg 161]

Ancrum, Commander in Chief

The Earl of Ancrum came to Aberdeen soon after the defeat of the Rebels as Commander in chief between Tey and Spey. Mark Kerr’s Dragoons were along the coast, Fleeming’s Regiment at Aberdeen, and garrisons detached from it to several places on Deeside, and Loudon’s under Major McKenzie at Strathboggy, with garrisons at Glenbucket, etc.

Houses burnt and plundered

Parties were immediately sent out through the country in search of Rebels, with orders also to plunder and burn their houses.[385] This severe order was not at all agreeable to Friends of the Government, who could in no shape relish Military execution, especially after the enemy was so effectually subdued. But it was not universally executed; most of the Rebel Gentlemen’s houses on Deeside were plundered, and some burnt, but these last were houses of little value and really no considerable loss to the proprietors. There was very little plundered in Buchan, some things only picked up by the soldiers in their searches unknown to the Officers. No Gentlemen’s houses were burnt, and only one or two farmers’ by a worthless fellow not concerned with the army, who by mighty pretences of zeal, had been employed by Ancrum to go with five or six of Loudon’s Regiment, in quest of Rebels. There were no houses burnt or plundered in or about the towns of Aberdeen; but a Tenant’s house in the land of Stonnywood, who had been very insolent. Glenbucket’s house was burnt in Strathdawn, as were also a tenant’s house or two about Strathboggy.

Order for Arms

Lord Ancrum’s orders for bringing in of arms were very extraordinary, and indeed cannot be better exposed[Pg 162] than by giving them and Lord Loudon’s in the same place, vid. Scots Mag. for July, p. 339.[386]

Ill Conduct of the Soldiers

Most of the Officers of Fleeming’s Regiment were but young men, and did not at all behave in an agreeable manner. They seemed too much to look on the Army as a community of separate interests from that of the Nation, and it was the common axiom of those even in highest command in Aberdeen, that no laws but the Military were to be regarded. They took it in their heads to despise all in civil capacity, and especially as much as possible to thwart the Governors of the town in every thing. They had no manner of confidence either in the gentlemen of town or country, not even in those who had merited so well for their zeal for the Establishment; such as Mr. Middleton of Seaton, Mr. Burnet of Kemnay, etc., nay, some of them were on many occasions ill used by them. The Clergy of the Church of Scotland, for as much as they courted and applauded them in time of danger, were now their common subject for ridicule; and a deal of spleen was shown against them, that it should be thought they had in the least merited well[Pg 163] of their country, and thus should have a title to some regard as well as the Military, and not the least pendicle of the Army, a Commissary of foraging Clerks, etc., but would have more regard paid to their representative than any Clergyman.

People Disgusted

Such was the injudicious conduct of the Lord Ancrum and most of the officers of this Corps, which soon raised great disgust and heartburning. The Officers only, associated with one another, were seldom troubled with any advice from anybody of consequence acquainted with the country; or if they were, were sure to slight it. This gave infinite satisfaction to the Jacobites who rejoiced in these dissensions. It was this mutual disgust which on the one hand provoked the soldiers in so riotous a manner to break almost the whole windows in the town for not being illuminated on the first of August,[387] when the towns people had no reason to think Illuminations would be expected of them; and on the other hand provoked the townsfolks to resent it so highly, for had there been a good understanding betwixt the Corps[Pg 164] and them, such an outrage would probably not have been committed, or if some illegal things had been done they’d as probably have been overlooked, or at least easily atoned for.

Immediately after this, Ancrum was removed and Lord Sempile[388] succeeded him.

[Pg 165]

The manuscript preserved at Drummond Castle from which this Narrative is printed bears the following docquet:—

Signed in the presence of
Herbert Mends Gibson,
Atty. at Law.

As Fortune, or rather Providence, has screened, conducted and brought me safe out of so many miseries and dangers; gratitude obliges me to be ever-thankful to that Omniscient Power, by whose particular bounty and goodness I now live, and survive a Cause, which, though it be now a little sunk, will, I doubt not, one day or other, rise again, and shine forth in its true colours, make its Hero famous to after-ages, and the Actors esteemed and their memory venerable. But since it is not permitted to pry into futurity, we may at least take a retrospective view of our own or others’ actions, and draw from them what may amuse, instruct or benefit human Society, and by that means fulfill in some measure the end for which we were sent into this world. Conceiving it therefore to be the best method of shewing my gratitude to Divine Providence, I shall give a short but true account of what happened to me during the time I had the honour of being a soldier under the banner of a most beloved Prince; hoping that the indulgent reader, whom curiosity may induce to peruse the following pages, will pardon the simplicity and ruggedness of my style, which, I am afraid, will be the more strikingly conspicuous, as, in order to preserve the thread of my History unbroken, I have occasionally been obliged to interweave with my narrative some extracts from the Memoirs of another, whose excellence totally eclipses my humble attempt.

The lessons of loyalty, which had been instilled into me from my infant years, had made a deep and indelible impression upon my mind; and as I advanced towards maturity, and my reasoning faculties were developed, I[Pg 168] became so firmly convinced of the solidity of the principles which I had been taught, that, when arrived at the age of Twenty-two, I resolved never to deviate from them, but to act to the best of my power the part of a good and faithful subject, notwithstanding the customs of an unhappy kingdom to the contrary. Nor was it long before an opportunity presented itself of proving my fidelity to my lawful Sovereign; viz., when the Prince entered triumphantly into Lancashire on the 24th of November 1745,[389] attended by about four thousand armed men. The first time I saw this loyal army was betwixt Lancaster and Garstang; the brave Prince marching on foot at their head like a Cyrus or a Trojan Hero, drawing admiration and love from all those who beheld him, raising their long-dejected hearts, and solacing their minds with the happy prospect of another Golden Age. Struck with this charming sight and seeming invitation ‘Leave your nets and follow me,’ I felt a paternal ardor pervade my veins, and having before my eyes the admonition ‘Serve God and then your King,’ I immediately became one of his followers. How, and in what manner, I am now going to relate.

The brave and illustrious Duke of Perth (whose merits it would require the pen of an angel properly to celebrate, being a true epitomé of all that is good) halting to refresh himself at a Public-House upon the road, where with some friends of mine I then happened to be; His Grace, being truly zealous in the cause, asked of them the disposition of the place and people. They replied, that they believed it to be much in the Prince’s favour. After some conversation on one thing and another, the Duke did me the honour to invite me to join; which request being nowise contrary to my inclination, I immediately answered His Grace, that I was exceeding willing to do anything that lay in my power for promoting the Prince’s interests, in any situation he might judge most proper. Upon this, the Duke honoured me with a most sincere[Pg 169] promise of his particular patronage; and not a little proud I was of acquiring such a friend on my first joining the Prince’s army, in which I had not before a single acquaintance. After some questions, the Duke desired me to get in readiness and to meet him on horse-back at Garstang; which in about two or three hours I accordingly did. The army being then in full march for Preston, the Duke desired me to go with forty men round that part of the country which I best knew; which forty men being accordingly put under my command, I went to Eccleston and Singleton in the Fyld Country, where I delivered some commissions, and caused the King to be proclaimed, the bailiffs, constables and burgesses of the place attending at the ceremony. I dispersed several of the Prince’s Manifestoes; and Exhortations were made, in order to shew the people the misery and oppressions of tyranny and usurpation, which like oxen yoked down to the plough, they seem to labour under; and calling upon them to rise up and, like lions to shake off the infamous yoke which too long had galled the necks of free-born Englishmen;—to assert their liberties honourably both before God and Man, and to prove to the world, that they remained true English hearts, equal to their fore-fathers’, who once had given laws to foreign States;—to exert their liberties under a Prince, who was come for their sakes, and for their sakes only, and with their concurrence would make them most happy. But alas! notwithstanding all our proposals and exhortations, few of them consented to join the Prince’s army. Therefore, having assembled those who did come in, orders were given for them to give up all their arms; which being reluctantly complied with, search was made in several houses, where we found a few; and amongst the rest we entered the house of an honest Quaker, whom I had seen about ten days before at a Public-house, where he accidentally came in whilst I was there, bringing with him a gun and a pair of pistols, which he had bought. Calling for his pot of ale, he began to harangue the host and the others present, telling what an honest man the[Pg 170] Justice of the Parish said he was, and that he could keep all the Papists quiet. And with these, said he (meaning the pistols) I can bid defiance to half a hundred of Rebels. I then heard him with great pleasure, thinking I should have the satisfaction of trying the honest Quaker’s courage; which accordingly happened. For, meeting with him at his own house, I demanded of him, if he had any arms. Not knowing me directly, he said he had none, and that he was not a man of blood. Vexed at this evasive answer, I replied: ‘Hark thee, my honest friend, since nothing but an action with thy own weapons will get thy arms from thee, rememberest thou in such a place to have boasted much of thy courage, with a gun and a pair of pistols?’ At which being much struck and hanging down his head he seemed greatly terrified. ‘How now,’ said I, ‘honest Friend, thou that wast so lately so pot-valiant, where now is thy boasted courage?’ ‘Pardon me,’ he then said, ‘I humbly beg, and I shall most willingly deliver up the arms; for I have done much amiss.’ I accordingly took the arms from him, and went off, much pleased with the adventure.

All these things being now effected, on the days after I had first seen His Grace the Duke of Perth, we began our march for Preston; and on the road, passing by a house of a person, who had in the year 1715 been the chief cause of my Father’s misfortune, I turned my horse in order to have hanged the man and certainly would have done it, had not maturer thoughts intervened, and stopt my revengeful rage. Continuing our journey, we arrived at Preston about 2 o’clock in the afternoon, having with us 39 English Recruits, whom I presented to His Grace the Duke of Perth, giving him an account of what had passed. At first he seemed to be somewhat concerned; but, recollecting himself, he afterwards welcomed me back, and said, he doubted not soon to see a great joining, and desired me to come to him the next day—for the Army halted two days at Preston. So, taking leave, I went to see some of my friends in the Town; and, amongst the rest, to acquaint my Father with what I had done.[Pg 171] He approved much of it, and gave me very salutary advice, telling me always to have the love and fear of God before me, and never to deviate from my duty, but to act to the best in my power the part of a brave soldier, and never to deject but comfort all those I found in misery. He then said to me, that as the infirmities of old age no longer permitted him to espouse so good a cause, in which he had once been actively engaged, he would continually invoke the Almighty for our success and preservation. So kissing me, he gave me his kind benediction: and with the viaticum in my pocket I took leave of the tenderest of Fathers and best of Parents.

It being now the day on which the army marched from Preston, I waited, according to appointment, on the Duke of Perth, who told me, if I pleased, he would give me a Captain’s Commission in his Regiment; or, as one Mr. Gorogan[390] was to have a Colonel’s Commission over the English, that I should have a Company under him, and command the men I brought with me to Preston. The latter offer I accepted; and on being recommended to the Colonel by the Duke, I was made Captain; and Captain Larrey,[391] now living at St. Omers, was the other Captain, with 3 or 4 more. So we with the army began our march for Wiggan, where we were joined by a few more Loyalists. Having lain all night at Wiggan, we marched the next day for Manchester. The ringing of the Bells, and the great rejoicings and salutations with which we were welcomed, gave us mighty expectations. But too true is the saying: Parturiunt Montes, nascetur ridiculus mus.

Word was immediately brought to the Prince, that a number of men were at his service; and to please and content the Town, it was thought necessary, that what men were raised at Manchester—vizt., the English Regiment—should be called the Manchester Regiment, and[Pg 172] all inferior Officers displaced as not being sufficiently Manchesterfied. However, regarding how matters went, I observed a little Man, by name Morgan,[392] deputed by the Prince with orders to inspect and commission new[Pg 173] Candidates, come into the room appointed for that purpose, and after salutations made, take his place at the head of the Table, with the Blackguard Dog[393] at his elbow, whether coming there by orders or impudence, I know not. Mr. Morgan began to tell the reason of his being sent, saying, that His Royal Highness was highly charmed at the report he had heard of the great number of Manchester men who were to join his standard; and assured them all of his particular protection, and of his willingness to grant them every favour in his power. This Declaration gave great joy to all present.

A dispute then arose concerning the making of a new Colonel:[394] but taking a dislike at some of their proceedings, I gave up all pretentions to anything amongst them, and joined Lord Elcho’s Guards;[395] so the place was vacant.[Pg 174] The rest however were called upon to be Regimental Captains, and so on, according as the aforesaid pursuivant of Mr. Morgan notified: for, on demand who was to be the first Captain, all, conscious of each other’s merit, were silent; till he, with a face of assurance, named such a man, for he had great interest; after him, another, for he could raise a great number of men; and after him another, for he had great merit and power; till all the Captain’s Commissions were disposed of according to his direction; and then, looking about him, he said of the rest, it was hang choice which was pitched upon first.

The Manchester Officers, being now formed, agreed to petition the Prince to stay another day there; which he agreed to in the expectation of raising a great number of men. I was as credulous as they: but was much surprised to see the next day those men whom I had brought from behind Preston, and on the road thence to that place, enrolled for the most part in the Manchester Regiment, and thus Manchesterised, if it may be said so: and much troubled I was to see many of those men who had followed me, had been paid out of my own pocket and been under my care till our arrival in Manchester, disposed of, nay taken away from me in that manner.

Quos Ego—sed motos praestat componere fluctus.

However, being willing to be as useful as possible to the cause, I acquiesced in whatever they thought proper. The Prince, tho’ again requested to stay, being weary of delay to no purpose, ordered the following day the army to make a short march, and gave leave to the Manchester Regiment to stay a day longer to get more recruits, on promise to march up to the army the day after: which we did; but our stay was not productive of much benefit.

The Comand of the Army, which till then had been the Duke of Perth’s, was at this time given to Lord George Murray.[396] The real cause of this change I cannot pretend[Pg 175] to divine: all I can say, is that the received opinion amongst us was that Lord George being looked upon as a man, whose name would bear a greater sway in England, especially amongst loyal Protestants, and help to efface the prejudice and notion of Popery and arbitrary Power, which some, though vainly imagined were rushing in like a torrent upon them; it was just proper to place the chief command in him: and the Duke of Perth, for the good of his King and Country, most readily resigned, shewing himself willing to promote the cause in any station, and giving a notable example of a brave warrior, willing to command and willing to obey. Whether there was any other secret reason, I must leave it for time to unfold.

The Army being now arrived at Congleton in Cheshire, nothing particular happened there, except that a patrol took one Captain Wier, a famous spy,[397] with seven dragoons, who were feasting at a house some distance off. This Wier was by birth a Scotchman, and had been employed in many villanies, and having served the Court not only as a spy upon us, but amongst other foreign Powers, had been promoted for his diligence in this business. He was conducted back with us to Carlisle—how unfortunate for us, that he was not put to death, considering what he has since done!—but his life was saved through the innate clemency of the Prince, though he merited the worst of punishments.

On the first of December we departed from Macclesfield, in order to march to Leek; where we staid all night, and marched the next day for Derby. All that morning it was rumored amongst us, that we should have an engagement as the enemy’s army was said to be lying about five or six miles from us at Newcastle and Stone in Staffordshire. So we marched in the best order we could to receive them: and about eleven o’Clock, having espied a party at[Pg 176] some distance on the mountains, we drew up in order of battle, and stood so for some time, and would have fought them: but perceiving it was a false alarm, we continued on our route to Derby, where we arrived somewhat late and fatigued. But two days’ repose sufficiently refreshed us.

Derby is a large and handsome town. The heads of it were much terrified at our entrance, many of them having made large subscriptions to Government; and therefore had quitted their houses with the utmost precipitation. It fell to my lot to be quartered in one of them, vizt., one Mr. Chambers. Coming in with my billet, I asked if I could lodge there. The Steward immediately replied that I could—adding ‘And any thing we can do for you, shall be done: only pity us in our situation, which is most deplorable.’ At this wondering much what he meant, I told him to be of good courage—that neither I nor any of us were come to hurt him or any one. Having thus abated the horrid notion they had of us, which was only capable of being conceived too hard for expression, being so very strange; he conducted me to the Housekeeper, who was also in tears. She was somewhat seized with horror at the sight, though my countenance was none of the roughest: but soon collected herself and made the same answer with the utmost feminine tenderness, putting themselves and the whole house under my mercy. I truly was much surprised, for anything of this kind was quite new to me: however, after pulling off my riding-coat and boots she conducted me into a fine room; where, at entering, I perceived a number of jewels and watches lying confusedly up and down, and many things else in the utmost confusion. I demanded, to whom they belonged, and what was the reason of their being so carelessly laid up. The housekeeper then began to tell me the whole affair—‘Sir,’ said she, ‘Mr. Chambers, the master of this house, no enemy to you, has retired with his lady and family into the country,’ ‘Why so?’ said I. ‘Not conscious,’ replied she, ‘of any thing particular against you, but out of fear of what the Highlanders might do against him.’[Pg 177] She then begged, that I would have compassion on them, and be their protector; which, after some short discourse, I promised, telling them, that what was consistent with reason, and a countryman, they should always find in me. I then ordered all the things that lay so confusedly thrown about, to be locked up, assuring them, that nothing should be touched or broke open, unless with authority. So for two days I ruled master there, and, I hope they will generously acknowledge, much to their content and satisfaction in that situation of affairs—having preserved the Young Lady’s jewels from the hand of rapine, and hindered the house from being damaged.

A rumor was here spread amongst us, that Cumberland Will and Ligonier[398] intended to give us battle; which I believe would have happened, if we had marched a day or two more towards London. Every one prepared himself to act in the best manner the valiant Soldier. But the Prince’s Council judged it more proper to retire back into Scotland without risking a battle, and there to await the arrival of foreign Succors. How far they acted amiss or well in this, I know not: but a great alteration was afterwards seen amongst us. The brave Prince at that out of a generous ardour and Love to his country, wished he had been twenty feet under ground! but, notwithstanding all this, a march back was agreed upon, after we had halted two days at Derby. Here I cannot pass by an accident that happened somewhat ominous—though I am none of the most credulous—but thence we may date our first misfortune. Great numbers of People and Ladies (who had come from afar to see the Prince),[Pg 178] crowding into his room, overturned a table, which in falling overturned and broke the Royal Standard—soon after our return was agreed upon—so I leave the reader to judge and make his reflexions on this. It would seem certain at least that Providence miraculously concurs, while such and such things are carried on. Thus, when Moses held up his hands, Joshua prevailed; but when through weariness he in the least relaxed the Israelites had the worst of it. So perhaps it was, that our enterprise was not vigorously enough pursued: and remarkable it certainly was, that the Royal Standard should be broken immediately after our return was resolved upon.

The third day being come, our march was proclaimed; and we began our return,[399] wondering what it could forebode. About this time we heard of Lord John Drummond’s Regiment having landed in Scotland, and that more troops were daily expected from France. Some few afterwards came, but the whole, including the said Regiment, did not exceed Five Hundred effective men—too small an assistance in the then state of our affairs![400] Soon after their arrival, Lord Lewis Gordon, being joined by the foresaid regiment, defeated Lord Loudon at Inverury, so completely dispersing his army, that it was rendered ineffective during the remainder of the campaign.[401] This happened very luckily for us; for if Lord Loudon had not met with a check, he would probably have been able to collect a strong army to cut off our retreat, or at least give us a very warm reception on our return to Scotland. This news therefore gave us[Pg 179] great comfort; and we courageously continued our march to join the above mentioned troops (in number one thousand men) by the same road we travelled before. The English Army, being informed of our retreat, immediately pursued us; but we found the saying to be very true ‘A good pair of heels is worth two pair of hands.’ Diverting it was, to hear those bells, which before had rung for us, turn to ring for them; we sometimes going out at one end of a town, whilst they were coming in at the other: and no less odd it was, to see the Magistrates who had canted when the Prince was amongst them, immediately after taking an opposite side, and cursing and detesting those whom they had just before saluted with a Judas-kiss.

The Enemy, finding that they could not come up with us, resolved, though very ungenerously to their own party, to endeavour to raise the inhabitants of the towns through which we had to pass against us, by spreading false reports, that the Prince’s Army had been entirely defeated, and that nothing remained for them but to exert themselves like good subjects, and to suffer none of the fugitives to escape. This report was believed in many of the towns: great rejoicings were made, and every man thought himself capable of knocking out a Rebel’s brains with a club or a staff. Then you might see heroic valour displayed among cocks that never crowed but among hens upon their own dunghill. But the malicious expectations of our enemies were disappointed; and what they had contrived for our ruin redounded much to our profit. Notwithstanding the mildness of the Prince during the march of his army through England, and though he had suffered no one to be oppressed, we heard betwixt Derby and Manchester, that the latter town had made great rejoicing, and had raised some men to stop us: but we soon made these mighty heroes tremble, and the town pay for their rash determination for entering regularly and triumphantly, we shewed them we were not the people they took us for, and convinced them, that our situation was not so bad as had been falsely reported.

[Pg 180]

Every one therefore, vexed to the very heart at being so deceived, began to lay upon the mob the fault of what had happened, and the Mob on the Heads of the Place, so that discord and confusion arose among them. The Piper, however was well paid for their dancing; for it cost them five thousand pounds Sterling—scarcely a sufficient atonement for their malice.[402] Here I cannot pass by mentioning a barbarous deed perpetrated before we came to Manchester which shewed the innate cruelty of our enemies on the one hand, and our clemency on the other. A young English lad, who had joined the Prince, being somewhat before the army, had through weariness laid himself down to rest under a hedge, and fallen fast asleep. He was soon perceived by a woman and her boy: and this cruel fiend immediately determined to murder him as he lay sleeping like a lamb, conscious of no harm; she accordingly with the assistance of her son cut the poor young man’s throat. The army coming up soon after, we espied the mangled body in that shocking condition; and on searching the next house adjacent, we found a young boy in bed much besmeared with blood, and trembling, who confessed the fact, and said that his mother was the chief author of it. They were both taken into custody, and a report of the whole made to the Prince: but he was against their being put to death, so that by a wonderful clemency they escaped the just reward of their crime.

We halted two days at Manchester, and on the third marched for Wiggan. When going out of the town, a gun was fired at the Prince by a villain, who, mistaking him, shot at a Mr. Sullivan, and luckily missed him. Search was made for him, but in vain—and no great matter for any thing he would have suffered from us; for many exercised their malice merely on account of the known goodness and clemency of the Prince, which however they would not have dared to do, if he had permitted[Pg 181] a little more severity in punishing them. The Army irritated by the frequent instances of the enemy’s malice began to behave with less forbearance. And now few there were, who would go on foot, if they could ride; and mighty taking, stealing, and pressing of horses there was amongst us, for none of us was ever sure of keeping his own. Diverting it was to see the Highlanders now mounted without either breeches, saddle, or anything else but the bare back of the horse to ride on; and for their bridle, only a straw rope. In this manner we marched out of England, many a good horse being brought in to give us a lift.

During our march to Wiggan, and thence to Preston, nothing particular happened; only the enemy continued to pursue us, yet we made no more haste on that account. I met upon the road my old patron the Duke of Perth; who asking me how I did, and how I liked the service. I told him ‘Very well!’ He then inquired ‘How I could bear the thought of going into Scotland’—and I immediately replied That I had ever been curious to see that kingdom, and was proud of benefiting the cause, or occasion that was offered. His Grace was pleased to promise, that he would recommend me to the Colonel, who, he doubted not, would be a father to me; as it accordingly fell out. Marching on to Preston, we halted there two days; and on the third in the morning, immediately after we had quitted the town, the enemy took possession of it. On our arrival at Lancaster in the evening, I was recommended to Colonel Elphinstone, afterwards Lord Balmerino,[403] who commanded the second troop of the Prince’s Life Guards. Having equipped myself[Pg 182] for that purpose when in Preston, I rode on somewhat before the Army, to be in readiness at Lancaster: but on the road, nine miles distant from that place, alighting from my horse to refresh myself at a Public house, and leaving my horse two or three minutes at the door; he was immediately taken away by some of the soldiers, and I entirely lost him. Vexed I was to be served so; and having nine miles to walk in my boots sorely harrassed me. However, fortifying myself with patience, and premeditating revenge, I at last, though somewhat late got up to Lancaster: and now being in great anxiety for a horse, being the next day to have the honour of riding in the Guards, I resolved to wait an hour or two till my servant Dick, a Yorkshire-Man, came up, and to make use of his horse, till such time as I could get another. But his arrival brought me little satisfaction; for, after he had refreshed himself, and I had told him the misfortune that had happened to me, he went out, and wrote me a few lines to the following purport:—

He left these lines with the landlord of the house to give me; which he did about an hour after.

So, being served a true Yorkshire trick, I lost both man and horse. I bethought myself of applying to one Mr. Grant,[404] Colonel of the Artillery, thinking there might be[Pg 183] a spare horse. When I had informed him of what had happened, he promised that he would endeavour to provide me with a horse the next morning, till he could buy or get another; which kindness of his was very seasonable. But going down the Castle-Hill, where the Artillery lay, I espied two Highlanders stealing a horse, and breaking down a pair of barn-doors. When they saw me advancing towards them, one of them went, and the other stood guard. Now I thought this a good opportunity to provide myself: So I went boldly in, and inquired whether Captain McDonald’s Horse were not there; the man answered he knew not; at which taking courage, and going up to the horse, I demanded whose that was. He made me the same answer. ‘Friend,’ said I, ‘if you do not, I do,’ and I immediately took the horse, well pleased, that I had got a Titt for Tatt (as the Lancashire saying is). So returning to my lodgings with my prize, I repaired to wait upon Colonel Elphinstone, who received me very graciously, having been spoken to before by the Duke of Perth. He welcomed me among them, assured me of all that was kind and civil in his power, and then invited me to sup with him. After thanking him, I accepted his kind invitation; and when I took my leave of him he renewed his promises of kindness, and desired me to be in readiness to mount next morning at his quarters.

At this time the Yorkshire Hunters[405] endeavoured to shew themselves against us, but little to their honour. This was a regiment composed of the Yorkshire Gentlemen, many of whom mounted themselves and their servants on the best light horses they had, and gave themselves the fore-said name. As we were marching[Pg 184] into Lancaster, these Hunters attacked some of our Light Horse in the rear: but finding they had caught Tartars, they quickly retreated; and being pursued, some of them were taken prisoners—so that Yorkshire seemed to be put upon Yorkshire.

About this time the Prince’s Council resolved to despatch some one with orders to Lord Lewis Gordon and Lord John Drummond, and the rest of the Prince’s adherents who were in arms, to meet us at Carlisle; and for this purpose the Duke of Perth set out attended by about One-hundred Light-Horse. When they arrived at Kendal, the inhabitants of that place, seeing them come in great haste, judged they were flying from the battle and endeavouring to make their escape, assembled in a tumultuous manner, and, after insulting them, at last fired upon them out of the windows—and at going out of the town, a ball was fired at the Duke of Perth in his Chaise, who, looking out courageously, noticed the place it came from. Though the ball happily missed the Duke it shot Captain Cameron’s horse. Being now out of the town, we resolved boldly to re-enter it, and quell that insulting mob. So, marching back, they took the man who fired the fore-said ball, and killed two or three: yet this villain escaped with only a few blows from the gentleman whose horse he had killed; though certainly he would have been put to death, had not the Duke interceded for him. The town of Kendal being thus appeased, we continued our route: but hearing that the Militia of Pe[n]r[i]th and other places, thinking our Army had been cut off, had risen, and were, in conjunction with the Hessians who had landed thereabouts,[406] intercepting the road they thought they were to pass; the Duke resolved to pass by another in order to miss them. But his guide, instead of shewing the right way, conducted them upon the enemy; so that ascending the summit of the hill, they perceived their danger, being within gun-shot of a great body of both horse and foot, which unexpected sight struck a great panic amongst the[Pg 185] Duke’s party. The Duke was for fighting his way through them: but Colonel Bagott,[407] Colonel of the Hussars, was of another opinion, and he being seconded by some others, a retreat was agreed upon. The enemy immediately dispatched some of their Light-horse in pursuit of them: but the Duke’s party retiring in good order, kept their pursuers, notwithstanding all their firing, at a good distance; and after being pursued five or six miles, returned upon them with such vigour, that they took three or four prisoners, rescued the Duke’s baggage, which had just before been seized, and made them retire faster than they had come. Finding it however in vain to pursue his enterprise, the Duke rejoined the Army.

We having staid all night at Lancaster, I went, according to appointment, to wait upon my Colonel, who, being mounted at the head of his troops, placed me in his corps. We were ordered that day to march in the rear of the army; and, as we left the town, the enemy immediately took possession of it, and followed us some little way out, so that we did not directly know their intention. But, finding they soon returned, we marched on (nothing particular happening) to Kendal where we halted all night and made the town pay for its past behaviour. We then continued our retreat in exceeding bad weather and roads to Carlisle: but by the severity of the season we were obliged to make a shorter march than we intended, and halt all night at a village called Shap, where we suffered very much on account of the bad accommodation it afforded. However staying there all night we assembled together early next morning. Some few of us got that night to Carlisle. But I cannot pass by an affair that happened at Clifton which was as follows:—The enemy’s advanced Guard, commanded by General Honeywood, having got somewhat before us, planted himself in ambush near the road we were to march, and from behind the hedges expected, as the army approached to cut them off; but there the biter was bit: for though we came[Pg 186] unknowingly upon them, we had the good fortune to receive their attack in good order, killed and drowned many of them, and put the rest to flight: General Honeywood himself narrowly escaped, having lost his arm, and severely wounded. This brave action was chiefly owing to the courage of the McPhersons, commanded by Clued McPherson,[408] their Chief, who behaved most gallantly on this occasion; and most pleasing it was, to see the champions come into Carlisle, loaded with the spoils of their enemies.[409]

The whole army being now in Carlisle, our thoughts lay for some time suspended in order to act for the best; for we supposed that the enemy would come and give us battle. I cannot say that we somewhat waited them, but finding they did not, it was judged proper after two days’ stay and deliberation, to continue our march farther North, and to leave at Carlisle the few English who were with the army and about three hundred Scots. But of this proceeding I can say nothing farther, leaving to the world to judge as they think proper. The English then were about two hundred men; for many had quitted and returned home being unwilling to go to Scotland. Now some there are, who censure the Prince for leaving them at Carlisle, thinking it was out of disregard and a desire of being rid of them: but if they will pry a little more narrowly into the affair they will find, that it was the desire of Mr. Townley Colonel of the English who not only petitioned the Prince in his own name, but in the name of all the officers of the Regiment, to be left there, though the latter never assented to or desired it, many of them wishing to undergo the same fate as their Royal Master. However on Mr. Townley’s coming back and[Pg 187] telling them that it was the Prince’s pleasure that they should remain at Carlisle, they all, taking it as coming from the Prince, most willingly acquiesced, shewing true English bravery in any situation to obey:—and now, seeing themselves deprived of the satisfaction of following him they so greatly loved, they resolved to accompany him still in their hearts—all that was in their power. They shewed a true generosity in disposing of all that was not of immediate use to them, viz., their horses and riding-equipage, to all who stood in need; and though I seemed somewhat picqued at them in the beginning of this Narrative, I must ingenuously own, that they were a set of brave men; and though it is often objected to them, that they were not of an extraordinary rank, yet they behaved so as to make those of a nobler birth blush; for, from the time they had the honour of joining the Prince’s standard, they never sought pay either for themselves or their men, honourably maintaining and supporting the Regiment themselves:—Unhappy Gentlemen! They merited a much better fate than what was awaiting them![410]

Every thing being now in readiness, we began our march, in order (alas! as it happened) to bid adieu to Old England for ever! On the 22nd of December 1745[411] (being the Prince’s birthday) about four o’Clock in the afternoon, we crossed the river Esk, which separates the two kingdoms. The deepness and rapidity of the river, joined to the obscurity of the night, made it most terrible: but the good Prince, here, in particular, animated the men; and how noble was it to see these Champions, who had refused him nothing now marching breast-deep,[Pg 188] one supporting another, till wonderfully we all passed safe. The Duke of Perth here signalized himself much by his goodness; for, crossing the river several times on horseback, he took behind him several of the common Soldiers, whose strength was not sufficient to bear up against the current. Nor was the Prince wanting in giving a notable specimen of his generosity and condescension to his subjects, in imitation of the Great Alexander, who, in his expedition into Persia, suffered a poor Soldier, much fatigued, to repose himself in the king’s chair, which till then it had been death for anyone but himself to sit in. So the Prince I think, imitates, or fully equals, this great hero in point of affability to his men; for, taking on horseback a common soldier behind him, he carried him over the water, giving us all a great example of goodness and courage to follow him. But at this river I narrowly escaped drowning; for in crossing it, and being near the middle of the stream I perceived two women (tho’ never an army was known with so few) rolling down it and in imminent danger of perishing if I did not guide my horse in order to stop them: and I had like to have paid dearly for it, for coming against me, they laid hold of me in such a manner, that I was not able to dismount; and being so beset by the two women, and my horse, who was none of the biggest, going down the stream with me, I gave myself up for lost. I did not, however, lose courage and conduct in managing my horse as well as I could; and perceiving a man mounted upon a very high horse wading where I was swimming, I called to him for assistance. He seeing me in that piteous case, came immediately, and rescued me from the imminent danger I was in of perishing, and freed me also with a great deal of difficulty from my two companions: but how I got quit of them or out of the water, I remained an entire stranger; being come to the other side, I was immediately seized with a great panic and trembling from the fright of the danger I had so narrowly escaped, and in this state I continued for three or four hours notwithstanding all the efforts I could make against it. That night however, being, as I said, on the other side,[Pg 189] somewhat before the rest, I saw them come almost half round together with my deliverer, to whom I did not fail to pay my most hearty thanks, as the poor women did to me.

But here let us stop and take a short View of the Army’s behaviour whilst in England. It may be said, and is allowed even by the judgment of our enemies, that never such an army could be expected to behave as they did, giving the greatest marks of generosity to our enemies, paying for what they had, and revenging or oppressing few or none; and shewing to the World, that a noble design rather than either malice, rapine or plundering, was at the bottom of our proceedings. But as I may perhaps be suspected of partiality towards them, I shall refer the Reader to what was acknowledged by one of our greatest enemies, viz., one Parson Bissett in Aberdeen,[412] who was one of the heads of the Presbytery, and much esteemed by his own party for his morals and great talents as a preacher. This Gentleman, mounting the pulpit, soon after we had left Aberdeen, and while Cumberland’s Army was there, began his Sermon with a comparison betwixt us and those then in town, saying: ‘When the Prince, as they call him, was here,[413] I made it my business night and day to inspect their conduct, and observe their most minute actions; and instead of finding subjects of complaint, I found much to the contrary, and drew honey whence I thought it was not to be extracted. I heard what they said and did; and I heard of no robbery, of[Pg 190] no ill towards the people: but since these men are come amongst us, what is the secret that is not revealed? What is holy, that is not polluted? What’s forbid, that’s not transgressed? and in fine, where is God or Man obeyed? Here, cursing and blaspheming; there Drunkenness, Whoredom and Debauchery are carried on in full career, and reign with unlimited sway.’ So, going on in this strain, he concluded by telling his auditors, that it was a shame to be out-done by us; that, in punishment for their sins, nothing less than the curse of God could fall upon them, and make instruments of us to punish them.

But now I shall return again to the river Esk. Having wonderfully got safe over, we marched all that night through excessively bad roads, all of us being very wet and cold, without any refreshment, except what we had before we left Carlisle, till ten o’Clock the next day, when we arrived at Dumfries; and extraordinary it was to see the Army, notwithstanding all their fatigue, come in as merry and gay as if they had only marched that morning. At our entrance into the Town, we saw the great rejoicing that had been made for our defeat, the candles being still in the windows, and the bonfires unextinguished. And now it was, that being in Scotland, my Colonel began to shew me great civility upon account of my being an Englishman, and so did afterwards several of the gentlemen of that country; for seeing me amongst them, they thought they could scarce do enough for me, especially my Colonel, who, for fear of my being any time badly quartered, ordered that I should always be lodged chez lui. So that from that time I had ordinarily his quarters, and sometimes a part of his bed, when there happened to be no other, so that I had every reason to be satisfied with my lot, having such resource of comfort in all my difficulties.

After we had halted two days at Dumfries, and made them pay for their past behaviour,[414] we marched on for[Pg 191] Hamilton; and here the Prince, attended by a few of his gentlemen, went to take the diversion of shooting in the Park; in which he behaved to the admiration and surprise of all present, killing or hitting every thing he shot at, so that, without flattery, he was looked upon to be the best marksman in the army. After we had staid some time at Hamilton, we continued our march to one of the prittiest (but most whiggish) towns in all Scotland, viz., Glasgow. Here we arrived on the 25th of December, 1745, much to their confusion, and halted six or seven days.[415] That Town had given, when the Prince marched for England, five thousand pounds for its good behaviour, and paid us now as much over again for breaking the same, rebelling against us, and raising the Militia in our absence. So we taught them more wit, how to break their words another time. The Army having been here provided with cloathing and other necessaries, of which they were very much in want, the Prince resolved to make a general inspection and review of them. Accordingly orders were issued one morning for that purpose, for us all to repair to a place at a little distance from the Town. So we marched out with drums beating, colours flying, bag-pipes playing, and all the marks of a triumphant army to the appointed ground, attended by multitudes of people, who had come from all parts to see us, and especially the ladies, who before were much against us, were now, charmed at the sight of the Prince, become most loyal;[416][Pg 192] and many afterwards, when they could not testify it to us by their good offices, did it in imitation in their hearts. I am somewhat at a loss to give a description of the Prince at this Review. No object could be more charming, no personage more taking, no deportment more agreeable, than his at that time was, for, being well mounted and princely attired,[417] having, too, great endowments both of body and mind, he appeared to bear a sway above any comparison with the heroes of the last ages, and the majesty and grandeur he seemed to display most noble and divine. The Army being now drawn up in all form, and every one putting himself out for the best, the Prince rode through the ranks, greatly encouraging and delighting all who saw him. After the Review we returned again to Glasgow; and about this time the unhappy news reached us, that Carlisle was invested by Cumberland, who, having got up cannon from Whitehaven, was in a fair way of taking it.

It being now judged proper to continue our march for Stirling, we quitted Glasgow in a handsome manner, and soon sat down before that town, which we took after two or three days’ cannonading, and then began the siege of the Castle, having just received a few pieces of Cannon from France, which would have been sufficient, as many are pleased to say, if our Engineer, viz., one Mirabell,[418] a Frenchman by birth, had been good for any thing: but erecting our batteries in an improper place against the Castle, we spent three weeks’ labour in vain; during which time news arrived from Carlisle, by Mr. Brown,[419][Pg 193] who was left Lieutenant Colonel by the Prince, and one Mr. Maxwell,[420] who made their escape over the wall while the Articles of Capitulation were signing. These gentlemen acquainted us, that, after Cumberland had lain six or seven weeks before the town, and heralds had been frequently sent in to summons it to surrender, Mr. Hamilton, Governor of the Castle had at last resolved to obey them but whether with a true fear or promise of his life, is disputed. Certain however it is, that he employed that villainous Wier, whom I have mentioned before (being left a prisoner at Carlisle) with secret Messages to and from the enemy; and instead of hanging him, invited him daily to his own table. How far this conduct was good, I leave the world to judge.

Mr. Townley, Governor of the Town, being informed that the resolution to capitulate was taken, endeavoured, seconded by his whole corps, officers and soldiers, to oppose him: but finding no means effective to hinder the place from being given up, he was obliged to send, by Hamilton’s direction, articles of Capitulation to Cumberland, who returned for answer That the Town and Castle should be surrendered at discretion, and that the Officers and Soldiers should be at his Father’s Mercy, with whom he promised to intercede for their safety. How sincerely he behaved in this, is sufficiently known:[421] and when I reflect upon this, I think I may say I have good fortune, in leaving that unhappy town and regiment, that I was not on some gallows or other made a partaker also of his clemency! This news was at first hard to be believed amongst us: but it appearing but too true, the Prince was exceedingly troubled, and lamented much the loss of his subjects,[Pg 194] especially the English, who were to be made sacrifices of; and also did generally the whole army, many of them wishing they had been there, nay even to be made victims of to Cumberland’s fury!

We had now scarce got well into the siege of the Castle, before news came, on the other hand, that General Hawley was advancing towards us with about eleven or twelve thousand men. The Prince’s Army at this time amounted to about eight thousand effective men, having been joined by Lord John Drummond’s Regiment, and Lord Lewis Gordon’s, of whom I have spoken before, and some few others. So, seeing we must inevitably fight we endeavoured to prepare ourselves in the best manner for that purpose. The enemy, we heard, were now come to Falkirk, which was only eight or ten miles distant from us. We waited two days in expectation of their coming on to attack us: but finding that they continued at Falkirk, we on the third morning, leaving a sufficient force for the siege of Stirling, boldly marched out in quest of them. And here it was the soldiers shewed the greatest alacrity; the foot marching with such celerity as kept the horse on a full trot, so that by two o’Clock in the afternoon we came up with them, notwithstanding we almost marched round them, in order to have the wind somewhat favourable for us. And now the day, from being an exceeding fine one, became on a sudden obscure; the sun which till then shone upon us, was now as it were eclipsed, and all the elements in confusion, so that the heavens seemed to fulminate their anger down upon us, by the impetuous storm of hail, wind and rain, that fell just at the time of the engagement. The enemy at this time scarcely knew any thing of our march towards them till it had been almost too late; as they lay in an entire security and defiance of us, thinking it not worth their while to take the necessary precaution of having spies out, as other prudent Generals would have done, notwithstanding the contempt they might have had for us. We now roused them out of their lethargy, being just upon them at their going to dinner. Cursing their bad[Pg 195] fortune, they immediately mounted and turned out of their camp, somewhat in confusion to meet us, which they did at a short distance from it, though not to our disadvantage.

Their cavalry was in front of their left wing, unsupported with foot; and their infantry in the right, unsupported by horse: but the day being so excessively bad, hindered their cannon from coming up, so that we were upon an equal footing with them in that respect, we bringing none with us. We were about four hundred light Horse ordered to face the enemy’s dragoons, being fronted and supported by a strong line of McDonells; and our foot, with the Prince, against their foot. Here I must acknowledge, that when I saw this moving cloud of horse, regularly disciplined, in full trott upon us down the summit, I doubted not but that they would have ridden over us without opposition (I mean the front line) and bear us down without difficulty in their impetuous progress: but I soon found myself mistaken; for immediately upon our bearing upon them in order to meet them, there blew such a storm of wind and hail, which was before on our side, and now turned miraculously, as we turned, on our backs; and notwithstanding that almost disabled us to bear up against them, it so harrassed the enemy, that cursing and blaspheming was made the dying-speech of many of them. And now kind Heaven seemed to declare for us.

The brave front-line of McDonells suffered the enemy to come within ten or twelve paces of them before firing. Nobly altogether presented, and sent their benediction upon them, so that in the third part of a minute that rapid and impetuous torrent, which seemed in rolling to lay all waste before it, was now checked and stemmed in such a manner, that it was made to retake its course faster than it had proceeded. Upon seeing this, we immediately seconded our work with a hearty huzza, victory now declaring for us. But on the Prince’s wing it remained somewhat more obstinate: yet soon after they returned the same, having happily finished their affair with scarce the loss of forty men, and we had only[Pg 196] one wounded. We now pursued them sharply for about sixty paces, and fetched down a good many of them: but unfortunately being ordered to halt, when a little further pursued would have finished our affair, we let an opportunity slip out of our hands, which never afterwards presented itself again. This piece of conduct belonged chiefly to Lord George Murray,[422] who would not permit the army to pursue any farther. So being ordered to halt, we modestly bid our enemies retire, and as it were tell them to come better provided another time. Here I could say something more: but I cannot at present; therefore I’ll say nothing, leaving it to Midwife Time to say it for me, and contenting myself with halting with the army.

And now after four or five hours’ halt, we heard, that we might go, if we pleased, and take possession of the town. So the army was ordered immediately to enter the town, and about eighteen of us Guards, who were present, to go about three miles off, and take fifty-four of the enemy prisoners. When we arrived at the house, where they had got together they shut the door against us. We therefore surrounded the house, and summoned them immediately to surrender:—which they refusing at first to do, we fired into the house—and they immediately gave themselves up to our mercy. So, after taking them and fifty-four stand of arms, we conducted them Prisoners into Falkirk that night. And here it was, that I happened to perform an action which gave me great comfort afterward in my distress.—A fine young boy, who was somewhat out of order, being found in the house after all was almost done, was espied by some of our party, who bringing him out asked who would take care of him. I told them to give him to me, which they immediately did. The young boy, being now in my possession, says to me:[Pg 197] ‘I hope Your Honour will not kill me.’ Upon which, being a little surprised at what he said, I asked him, ‘Have you not well merited it?’ ‘If I may be permitted to speak to Your Honour,’ replied he, ‘I own I am taken in an unhappy affair, which neither malice nor inclination drew me into. But the Head of the Country, notwithstanding I was the only child of my aged parents, insisted, under great penalties, on my coming in to join him; so that I beg you will pity me in my condition: but if it must be that I die this night, pray! tell me what death you think it will be?’ Upon which, not knowing what to think or what to say, I was somewhat at a loss: his telling me of his aged parents, and his simplicity touched me much: and how far I may be censured for my after-conduct, I know not; but those who think I did amiss, I hope, will pardon me, as being then but a young warrior. True, such a thing, I know, ought not to have been publicly done; yet, when an opportunity presented itself of doing an Act of Mercy without harm to the Cause, I am convinced that this my behaviour will, with all generous minds, escape reproof. The young boy continuing his lamentations, I told him to be of good courage, for death was not so imminent as he expected; at which he seemed to respire new vigor and life: And after some questions asked, and promises made of his ever being grateful and upon his telling me, that his home was not above fourteen miles from thence, I asked him, if he could privately slip away thither. He replied, such a favor would be too great for him to presume to request: So telling him to do it if he could, I discharged him, ordering him to be a support to his poor aged parents.

And now by this time we had almost conducted our prisoners to Falkirk; and, after delivering them, we went thoroughly wet and cold, to repose ourselves a little while on straw, and some in the open fields or air, all places being by this time entirely filled, so that it was then impossible to find any resource or ease for our excessive hunger, wet and cold. So resting a few hours in that condition, they soon after appeared; and when[Pg 198] light, we went to see the field of the slain; and number being made of them, we found near seven hundred of the enemy slain, and about fifty of ours, which were immediately interred. But this cheap-bought victory, you will say, merited a better exit! The most distinguished among the slain were Colonel Whitney and Sir Robert Monro, who was heard much to blaspheme during the engagement, and as a punishment for which, his tongue was miraculously cut asunder by a sword, that struck him directly across the mouth. His brother, a physician, was likewise killed at his side.[423] There were likewise found slain, some Presbyterian Parsons,[424] who, fired with holy zeal, had quitted their Bibles and took their swords. It was said, that one of these Parsons, seeing the danger he was in of losing his life as a Soldier, had recourse to his dignity, supposing that would be a cloak to save him. ‘Spare my life,’ said he to a Highlander, who was on the point of taking it, ‘for I am a Minister of My Master Jesus Christ!’ To which the other ingeniously replied: ‘If you are a good one, your Master has need of you; if[Pg 199] not, it’s fitting that you go and take your punishment elsewhere!’—which dilemma was immediately solved by the Highlander’s sword. Another Minister, seeing the case his Brother was in, and being in a fair way to share the same fate, begged his life of another Highlander for Prince Charles’s sake, by which means he preserved what he would otherwise inevitably have lost.

We now took possession of the enemy’s baggage, camp, and eight pieces of cannon; which they had not time to carry off—besides a few prisoners, the chief of whom was Major Lockhart, who, after having his life given him, and his liberty upon his parole of honour, afterwards spurned against gratitude itself, by not only being heinously perjured, but more than ordinarily thirsty of those prisoners’ blood who just before had spared his life.[425]

We had now about one-hundred prisoners, one of whom seeing his situation and ours, said with a grave countenance to his companion: ‘By my soul, Dick, if Prince Charles goes on in this way, Prince Frederick will never be King George!’ But of the five or six thousand men that went with the Prince to the field of battle, scarce three thousand returned back with him, for many of them, having loaded themselves with booty, returned up to the hills. It was now a great loss to us, that we had neither fort or other secure place to keep our prisoners in, so that, if it were not merely out of mercy, it was to no purpose to take prisoners, being without the means of keeping them.

And now being come again to Stirling, the enemy being fled to Edinburgh, and finding the siege of the Castle went on but slowly the spirit of the army began much to change. Factions, grudges, and private interest were now judged proper to be exercised, so that the Prince was in a mortifying situation, seeing himself deserted by half his army, and the others mightily turned. But as it is not for me to say more than what relates to myself, I shall only[Pg 200] mention the grudge I have often dearly paid for—that exercised against my Colonel, who, on the death of his brother had lately succeeded to the title of Lord Balmerino. And here it may be proper to give some account of the character of this brave man, which though sufficiently known, his praises cannot enough be sung. He was a man of a noble personage, of approved loyalty, and had the courage of a lion. He possessed a mind and genius well ornamented with both natural and acquired parts, being versed in most languages. He could recite whole pages of Horace, Ovid, and Virgil at his age of fifty-eight, as perfectly as a school-boy of sixteen, so that his memory for his years was wonderful, the more so for its not being in the least impaired by his hard drinking—his sole and predominant passion, which if he had a little more restrained, he would have shone with the same lustre in the army as he afterwards did on the scaffold. However, whilst with the Prince, he was never failing with his duty; and proud he was of having something, wherein he could shew his loyalty and obedience to his Master.

But what was the cause of the quarrel betwixt him and Lord George Murray, I know not; as Lord Balmerino did not ever directly inform us why he was treated after that manner: only I remember, His Lordship, when he saw himself so apparently ill-used, frequently addressed his corps as follows. ‘Come let us do as we are ordered! It is in vain to dispute; a time will come when I shall see all these things righted, and that too at Lord George’s cost or mine. But at present he is my superior, and we must obey as we tender the good of the Prince.’ With such soothing expressions has he often accosted us, when some were mutinying. And certainly he suffered a great deal from Lord George, for, to my knowledge, we have been ordered twenty or thirty miles, harassed and fatigued, and a courier sent after us, ordering us immediately to return without halting—saying it was my Lord George Murray’s orders.[426] And now a harder time than ever[Pg 201] came upon us, for I can safely say and prove, that from the time of Falkirk Affair to the Battle of Culloden, notwithstanding the fatigue of the day, I scarce slept three nights out of seven in bed.

And now having been some time before Stirling Castle, news arrived from Edinburgh, that Cumberland was come thither with an intention to rally General Hawley’s army and attack us again. As our number had been so much diminished by the desertion of those who after the battle of Falkirk had gone home loaded with plunder; it was judged expedient for us to retire higher into the country, where we were sure of being joined by some more forces. Accordingly we had orders to proceed on our march; and on the morning on which we began it, the Prince to St. Ringin,[427] distant about half a mile from Stirling, to give the necessary directions for quitting the town and raising the siege; which being done, we retired again, and when at a short distance, we were surprized with a hideous noise just behind us; and upon the Prince’s sending back to inquire what it was, it was found to be a church blown up, just upon the place where a few minutes before we had been standing. This church had been converted into a magazine for our gun-powder, which by some accident had been set on fire, and several of the town’s-people and of our soldiers were killed by the explosion. However, continuing our march, we arrived that night at Crieff a little town in the Highlands; and the Prince lodged at Drummond Castle, the residence of the illustrious Duke of Perth, which was only a short distance from the said town. And now it was judged proper for the army to separate; accordingly the Prince went the Highland way with the Highlanders and prisoners for Inverness; and the Horse and Lowland Regiments the Low-Country Road by the Sea-Coast,[Pg 202] which was much longer, so that it was three or four weeks before we again formed a junction.

And now we marched from Crieff to Perth, a large fine town; from Perth to Cowpar-in-Angus; from Cowpar to Glams; from Glams to Forfar; and so on to Montrose. The reason why I am so short in mentioning these places, is, I have little to say; we passing them quickly, and nothing extraordinary happening. But at Montrose we halted a few days. It is a fine loyal seaport town and looked upon as I was told there, to produce men of the greatest wisdom in Scotland. Having staid three days there, we were a little surprised at the sight of ships of war, that appeared a little distance off the Coast: and the rumor being that Cumberland was pretty nigh us, we began to apprehend lest they should land and intercept our passage; to prevent which, we marched with all haste out of the town, the foot going out the third day at night, and the rest following early the next morning except the Hussars who remained some days longer to watch the enemy’s motions.

Some of my readers may be curious to know what sort of men these Hussars were. A set of braver fellows it would be very hard to find; many of them having mounted themselves on horses which they had taken from the enemy. Their Commander[428] also was a wise, courageous virtuous man, and behaved himself in his station to the admiration of all, regulating his corps with such order as to make our enemies and the country, even fifty miles distant from us, have more fear of them than almost the whole army. In fine, he was of infinite service to the Prince, as also were his horse; for their conduct was daring, and their courage was steeled, and few of them there were, who would have scrupled to go, if possible to hell’s gates to fetch away the keys.

Soon after our departure from Montrose, we arrived at Aberdeen, where we staid two or three days; and notwithstanding our being in the town the Presbyterian Ministers ceased not to preach and pray publicly against[Pg 203] us. And here it was that I happened to be bedfellow to my Colonel, Lord Balmerino in the same bed where Cumberland afterwards lay, it being in one of the Chief Provosts’ houses.

When we marched out of Aberdeen, it blew, snowed, hailed, and froze to such a degree, that few Pictures ever represented Winter, with all its icicles about it, better than many of us did that day; for here men were covered with icicles hanging at their eyebrows and beards; and an entire coldness seizing all their limbs, it may be wondered at how so many could bear up against the storm, a severe contrary wind driving snow and little cutting hail bitterly down upon our faces, in such a manner that it was impossible to see ten yards before us. And very easy it now was to lose our companions; the road being bad and leading over large commons, and the paths being immediately filled up with drifted snow. However, we continued marching on till about three in the afternoon, when my horse overcome by the inclemency of the weather, fairly gave it up and would carry me no farther: and now by a little halt I quickly lost my Company, and was obliged to alight and lead my horse leg-deep in snow; being upon a wide common, as it appeared to me, not having seen all that day’s march scarce a house, tree or barn. I now expected every moment to perish, as I was quite benumbed and all covered over with snow, and my horse refused to follow me. At last, unable to proceed any farther, I sunk down, quite exhausted, upon the snow. In this dreadful situation, I luckily recollected a little bottle of spirits, which had been given me by the Provost’s Lady; and accordingly tried to put my frozen hand into my riding-coat pocket to take it out. On taking a draught of the liquor, I soon found that never repose to the wearied traveller, never meat to a most ravenous hunger, never drink to a most burning thirst, could be more refreshing or agreeable than this was to me; and I should have finished my bottle, if a reflection had not come into my head about my poor horse, which seemed to be in as bad a situation as myself, being one of a delicate and tender[Pg 204] breed. Knowing that he could drink beer, I resolved to make an experiment whether he would partake of the contents of my bottle. So pouring the remainder of the liquor into the crown of my hat, which I had pressed low down for the purpose, and dissolving some snow in it, in order to mitigate the spirits, I gave it my poor horse to drink: which to my great surprise and pleasure, he did, his mouth, I believe, being so cold that he did not know what he drank. However, now finding ourselves to respire as it were new life and vigor, we endeavoured to proceed, and after three quarters of an hour, being almost upon the relapse again, we stumbled upon a house, and following the walls of it came to the door, where entering together with my horse, I surprized the poor people who were sitting at the fire. But they, seeing the condition I was in, received me with a great deal of good-nature, and permitted my horse to stand in the house till he was well rubbed, and then led him to a little place for him to lie in, giving him hay and corn as he wanted. After I had taken off my riding-coat and boots and well warmed and refreshed myself, I heard of two more (who had been in almost as bad a situation as myself except that their horses continued to carry them), who were come to the next house adjacent. So going out to see them, I found them to be two old acquaintances, vizt., one Mr. Maxwell, and Mr. Ball, an English Gentleman, who, after some chat, concluded, that two more harassing marches, than that over the Esk and the present, could scarcely be imagined. Accommodating ourselves as well as we could for that night, being obliged to lie with our horses, we departed early next morning for Old Meldrum, which place most of the army had reached before us.

From Old Meldrum we marched the next day for Banff, a little pretty agreeable town. About this time we heard, that the Highlanders, who were with the Prince, had broke down the barracks of Riven of Badenoch (which were a great eye-sore to them, having been built to keep them in order), and having taken the Sergeant and eleven[Pg 205] more prisoners, were in full march for Inverness, distant thence only twenty-four miles. And now, after a short stay at Banff, we marched for Cullen; and by this time we heard that the Prince had made himself master of the Lord President’s House, and after some little resistance forced the soldiers in the town of Inverness to retire into the Castle, which, after a regular siege, likewise soon surrendered at discretion. About 200 men were taken prisoners here, and several officers, the principal of whom were the Governor and the Master of Ross. This rapid success of the Prince gave us great courage. So, marching from Cullen, through Fochabers, over the River Spey, Elgin, Forres and Nairn, towns only ten miles distant from each other, we came to be greedy spectators of our dear Prince again, and what he with his brave Highlanders had effected. And now, to second our victorious arms, we were joined by several more of the Clans and Chiefs, and the brave Amazon Lady McIntosh,[429] Seaforth and others coming in, or causing their Clans to come in, and many who had left us at Falkirk rejoining their colours, greatly reinforced the army. When in this flourishing condition, it pleased the Prince to make a visit to the Duke of Gordon’s, whither all the Guards were ordered to attend him; and in going a curious fine standard with this motto ‘Britons, strike home!’ that was taken at Falkirk from Gardiner’s Dragoons, was honourably conferred upon me by the Prince at the head of the whole Troop; and I had the honor of carrying it ever after. Having passed Nairn, Forres, Elgin, and the river Spey, just at the other side under Fochabers, we came to the Duke’s seat.[430] What reception the Prince had, or what passed there I know not: but after a short stay we attended our Royal Master back again to Inverness. But as soon as we arrived there, we had orders to conduct some of the chief officers, who had lately been taken prisoners to Forres, and after leaving them there (they being upon their parole of honor) to go to Cullen[Pg 206] to inspect all affairs there on that side of the country, and to observe the motions of the enemy who lay at Aberdeen. While at Cullen, where we were continually upon the watch by our patrolling parties, we heard that Colonel Grant, a good French Officer, had with his Artillery taken Fort Augustus, and made the garrison prisoners; that a part of Fitz-James’ Horse had landed and joined the Prince;[431] and that Lord George Murray had blocked up seven hundred men in the Castle of Blair, when he behaved with a great deal of conduct and policy, for, he appeared before the Castle with only a few men, having hid most of the Highlanders with him in an adjacent wood. The garrison being thus deceived made a sally upon him with about three hundred men; but he immediately drew his party out of the wood and surrounded them, upon seeing which, they immediately surrendered.[432] So, sending them prisoners to Inverness he persevered in the siege of the Castle: but the approach of the Hessians soon obliged him to raise it and leave four hundred men remaining in the Castle.

At this time President Forbes together with Lord Loudon, were endeavouring to confederate and knit together what forces they could: but to prevent their doing much mischief, a party of the brave McDonalds, with some few others, were detached under the Command of the Duke of Perth, who soon dispersed this rising power, and obliged its heads, viz., Lord Loudon and the President to save themselves in boats.

Some of my readers may be curious to know who this President was, and what interest he had. He may truly be styled the Oracle of his Country, for many resorted[Pg 207] to him for advice; and had he been as great a friend as he was an implacable enemy, James would in all probability have swayed the English sceptre; for by his interest, cunning and persuasion he brought over his own party, together with Sir Alexander McDonald and several others, who before were just sworn in to the Prince’s interest.[433] So, I say, had he been as firm a friend as he was an implacable enemy, we should have seen, instead of the four thousand men who marched into England, an army of Eighteen or twenty thousand men.

About this time we heard, that the officers who were prisoners upon their parole of honour had broken it, and escaped to the enemy’s army, all of them except the Master of Ross and one or two more.[434] But what will the world say, to see these officers, whom no tie of religion, gratitude or honour could bind, protected and cherished by their own party—nay sent against us, to endeavour to destroy those who before had saved them!

And now we heard, that the Advanced Guard of the enemy was approaching us, and were got up to Strathbogie. We who were also of the advanced Guard, upon receiving this intelligence, quitted Cullen, and retreated to Fochabers, where a considerable body of our men were endeavouring to make a resistance at the River Spey, and had for that purpose built barracks, and made all necessary preparations, in case the passage of the river had been attempted. But finding their army lay quiet at Aberdeen, and that their advanced party in Strathbogie only made now and then some little excursions towards us as far as Keith, we, though at first we were very diligent and alert, we relaxed in our vigilance, nay fell asleep and at last into a lethargy, in which we unhappily continued till awakened by the foul affair of Culloden, which merits an epithet bitterer than I can give.

About this time an advanced party under the command of Major Glascow went out at night, and hearing that some[Pg 208] of the enemy were at Keith,[435] surrounded that place, and having taken most of them prisoners, with their arms and equipage, returned the next day with great honour to Spey-side, where Lord John Drummond and Lord Ogilvy commanded.

As we lay hereabouts a considerable time, assessments were made upon the country for our support, and among others upon the Earl of Findlater’s Estate, who on our arrival had taken wing and joined Cumberland Will. The Earl’s Steward, being threatened with military executions, if he refused to comply with our demands (which were always seconded by such threats, though seldom put in practice) begged leave to write to his Master for instructions how to act. Upon this the Earl, having consulted with Cumberland, sent a Letter addressed To the Man they call Lord John Drummond, telling his Lordship, that if he or any other person should pretend to exercise any military authority over any thing belonging to him, there were Rebels’ houses enough, on which his Master Cumberland promised him he should have his revenge. This Letter excited a great deal of indignation among us; and was the cause of what afterwards happened to his house;—for several of our party, without any order being given, and indeed without the Prince’s being in the then situation of his affairs, able to restrain their fury, ransacked it, and carried away several articles of value, but without setting fire to it, or wantonly destroying anything merely for destroying’s sake.[436]

At last news arrived that the enemy had left Aberdeen, and were marching against us.[437] This intelligence gave great satisfaction to many of us, who were in a manner tired out of our lives. Yet notwithstanding the approach of the enemy, all the Prince’s endeavours to collect his whole army, were ineffectual; for many under pretence of cultivating their lands, or promising to come up soon enough, went, staid, and came as they thought proper.

[Pg 209]

And now finding the enemy advanced pretty fast both by water and land, the fleet bringing up their provisions and wearied soldiers; frequent patrols were sent out by us in order to observe their motions. Here I had the honour of commanding the last patrolling party that ever crossed the Spey for the Prince’s cause. Lord John Drummond (Commander at the Spey) having ordered me with ten others to patrol all night towards the enemy, we began our work about seven o’Clock and continued it till about five the next morning, being then eight miles from Fochabers and two from the enemy; when we took a man with a Letter from one of Cumberland’s Secretaries to the Duchess of Gordon,[438] desiring her to employ all her interest among her vassals in getting down provisions and getting together what forces she could, as the Duke of Cumberland intended to pass the river that day. Having secured the Messenger and Letter, we continued our route, till we came up in a manner to where they were encamped; for as they lay upon the declivity of a hill, and had no guards on the top, we were able to approach very near to them unperceived. But finding them drawn out in order of battle, after seeing all we could see, and some bravadoes and huzzas, we retired with all speed, leaving them to wonder what we meant. We soon reached Fochabers (on the Spey) where I found Lord John Drummond. Having given him the Letter taken from the Duke of Cumberland’s Messenger and informed him of the situation I had found the enemy in, I retired to repose myself a little while. When fast asleep, a servant came in to tell me that the enemy was in the town, and that it was too late to think of escaping, almost all of our party having already passed the river. However, starting up in great confusion, I resolved to risk all rather than fall into their hands, and mounting my horse escaped by a back road. I had no sooner crossed the river than I was ordered to join a party of about eighty horse who were to remain behind on the banks of the Spey to observe[Pg 210] the motions of the enemy; whilst the foot, amounting to about two thousand men, marched for Inverness, where the Prince then lay with the greatest part of his army. Finding that the enemy after a short halt at the Spey side, began to cross the river, we likewise retired and followed our foot, to inform them of the enemy’s being in full pursuit of us. This intelligence made our men pass through Elgin, without halting, and straight on that night to Forres, which was ten miles farther; and, after some stay there, to Nairn, out of which we were next morning driven; the whole English Army entering the town at one end, whilst we marched out at the other, and continuing to pursue us sharply for three or four hours. And here it was His Grace the Duke of Perth and Colonel O’Sullivan[439] gained immortal honour by their bravery and conduct in bringing us off in good order from under the very nose of the enemy; for notwithstanding all their firing upon our rear, and though we were much inferior in numbers, we lost not one man.

Soon after their desisting from pursuing us, we received orders to halt, and encamp upon that very place, where the fatal battle of Culloden was afterwards fought. Having accordingly encamped as well as we could on the heath that grew upon the common, which served us both for bedding and fuel, the cold being very severe, we were soon after joined by the Prince and several of his Clans. Finding that the enemy did not pursue us we rested ourselves all that night upon the Common, and early next morning drew out in battle-array. But that day being Cumberland’s birthday,[440] and the enemy shewing no intention to attack us on it, we reposed ourselves again, though still keeping ourselves in readiness, upon the place where we had rested the preceding night; a biscuit being given to us for our refreshment. In that situation we remained, till the brave Prince came amongst us in the dusk of the evening, with the full resolution of going to attack them that night in their camp, distant only seven miles. Orders were accordingly given to that[Pg 211] effect, which were obeyed with the greatest pleasure and alacrity by the whole army. We began our March about seven o’Clock leaving great fires burning in our camp: but by some strange infatuation or misfortune the road was not rightly taken, either through the ignorance or treachery of Lord George Murray’s guide. This still remains doubtful, but this I can say, that with the little knowledge I had of the country I could have conducted them much better and sooner. After we had marched till about three o’Clock in the morning, over double the ground that was necessary, we at last came pretty nigh the enemy’s camp: and when we were supposing to surround them, and for that purpose in some measure drawing out; my Lord George Murray began to be missing; notwithstanding the Prince’s Aides-de-Camp in riding from rank to rank, and asking, for God’s sake! what has become of His Lordship, and telling that the Prince was in the utmost perplexity for want of him. In that situation did we remain a considerable time, till, day breaking fast in upon us, we heard that Lord George Murray was gone off with most of the Clans. Where he had been all that considerable time, or what was his intention in it, I leave Time to prove. Now, after we had stood some time on the brink of entering their camp, the Prince, on receiving the unwelcome news of Lord George Murray’s going off with the greatest part of the army, was under the necessity of ordering us likewise, much to our dissatisfaction, to march back again to our Camp. In this manner did that noble and well-concerted scheme fall to ruin—and not only to ruin, but in such a manner as to ruin us, who before had hopes of ruining the enemy. But O! for Madness! what can one think, or what can one say here![441]

[Pg 212]

The enemy at our departure, being fully awakened and seeing the jeopardy they had been in, judged rightly, it was their time now to pursue us in the unhappy situation we were then in, being harassed, hungry and starved and fatigued, almost to the greatest extremity. We had no sooner reached our camp again, than news came of the enemy’s being in full march towards us, and of their intention to attack us. This disagreeable intelligence vexed us much in our present situation, the more so, as of the twelve thousand men, who were actually in arms and in the pay of the Prince, not above Four thousand were now with him many going every moment, notwithstanding his orders to the contrary, to Inverness, and to woods and houses adjacent, in order to repose and rest themselves after their late excessive fatigue. Many of these were so far from rejoining us, that they were taken asleep by the enemy after the battle. Those, however, who staid, put the best face on the affair they could, and all of us presently appeared surprizingly courageous, who only seemed to survive and animated by the spirit of loyalty and love for our dear Prince. But now why we resolved to fight, or why we did not retire to Inverness, and keep that town till we were fully joined, which might have been easily done, or even at last, if judged proper, avoided fighting and make another expedition into England in spite of them,—I may say it was Fortune’s will;—for, contrary to the Prince’s inclination, Lord George Murray insisted on standing and fighting them that day: and as for what he said of our wanting provisions, it is most certain, though we did that day, we might have retired to Inverness and found there a sufficiency of meat for two or three days. However, the Prince, notwithstanding his great inclination to avoid fighting, was at last obliged to give way to the importunity of Lord George Murray, who even used terms very cutting in case of refusal; and was also for fighting His Grace the Duke of Perth—but this may be said for him, he doubted not but the same Hand that had supported and miraculously conducted the Prince hitherto would[Pg 213] infallibly continue to support him, and make him a glorious Conqueror.[442]

I shall now proceed to give account in what manner we were ranged in battle-array. The brave McDonalds, who till then had led the van, and behaved at all times with great courage and bravery, were now displaced, and made to give way, at the pleasure of Lord George Murray, to the Athol men, whom he commanded. The rest of the front line was composed of Highlanders: the second, of Lowlanders and French, with four pieces of cannon at each wing: and in the rear was the Prince attended by all the horse, and some foot. In this manner were we drawn up—four thousand men to fight eleven thousand. The enemy being by this time in full view, we began to huzza and bravado them in their march upon us, who were extended from right to left in battle-array, it being upon a common. But, notwithstanding all our repeated shouts, we could not induce them to return one: on the contrary, they continued proceeding, like a deep sullen river; while the Prince’s army might be compared to a[Pg 214] streamlet running among stones, whose noise sufficiently shewed its shallowness. The Prince, the Duke of Perth, the Earl of Kilmarnock, Lord Ogilvy, and several other Highland and Lowland Chiefs, rode from rank to rank, animating and encouraging the soldiers by well-adapted harangues.

The battle being now begun, the whole fury of the enemy’s Artillery seemed to be directed against us in the rear; as if they had noticed where the Prince was. By the first cannon shot, his servant, scarcely thirty yards behind him, was killed; which made some about the Prince desire, that he would be pleased to retire a little off: but this he refused to do, till seeing the imminent danger from the number of balls that fell about him, he was by the earnest entreaties of his friends forced to retire a little, attended only by Lord Balmerino’s corps. Frequent looks and turns the Prince made, to see how his men behaved: but alas! our hopes were very slender, from the continual fire of musketry that was kept up upon them from right to left. We had not proceeded far, when I was ordered back, lest the sight of my standard going off, might induce others to follow. In returning, various thoughts passed my soul, and filled by turns my breast with grief for quitting my dear Prince, now hopes of victory, then fear of losing—the miserable situation the poor loyalists would again be reduced to—and what we had to expect if we left the field alive: these thoughts, I say, strangely wrought upon me, till, coming to the place I was on before, and seeing it covered with the dead bodies of many of the Hussars who at the time of our leaving had occupied it, I pressed on, resolving to kill or be killed. Some few accompanied my standard, but soon left it. At this time, many of ours from right to left were giving way and soon the battle appeared to be irretrievably lost. The enemy, after we had almost passed the two ranks, flanking and galling us with their continual fire, forced us at last back, broke our first line, and attacked the second, where the French troops were stationed. I happened then to be there, and after receiving a slight[Pg 215] grazing ball on my left arm, met with Lord John Drummond, who, seeing me, desired I would come off with him, telling me all was over and shewing me his regiment, just by him, surrounded. Being quickly joined by about forty more horse, we left the field of battle in a body, though pursued and fired upon for some time. When we arrived at the foot of the hills, some of us took one way, and some another: I, however, with about six more, continued with Lord John Drummond; and it was with some difficulty we passed the rapid torrents and frozen roads, till one o’Clock that night, when we came to a little village at the foot of a great mountain, which we had just crossed. Here we alighted, and some went to one house and some to another. None of these cottages having the conveniences to take in our horses, who wanted refreshment as well as we, many of them perished at the doors. I happened to be in one of the most miserable huts I had ever met with during my whole life; the people were starving to death with hunger. However, having laid myself down on the floor to rest myself after having been almost thirty hours on horse-back; the people came crying about me and speaking a language I did not understand, which made my case still more unpleasant. But by good luck, a soldier soon after came in, who could speak both to them and me, and brought with him some meal, which was very acceptable, as I was almost starving with hunger. Of this meal we made at that time a very agreeable dish, by mixing it very thick with cold water, for we could get no warm: and so betwixt eating and drinking we refreshed ourselves, till four o’Clock in the morning; when Lord John Drummond and the rest of us began our march, we knew not whither, through places it would be in vain to describe; for we saw neither house, barn, tree, or beast nor any beaten road, being commonly mid-leg deep in snow, till five o’Clock that afternoon; when we found ourselves near a village called Privana a Badanich,[443] the barracks of which, as I mentioned[Pg 216] before, the Prince had destroyed. Being now, to our surprize, almost upon it, we consulted amongst ourselves how we might best get intelligence from it; for, as it lay on the road from Inverness twenty-four miles we apprehended the enemy might be there. But fortunately a soldier coming out told us, that the village was occupied by the Prince’s men. This intelligence gave us great pleasure; and having accordingly entered the place, we found a great many of the Prince’s adherents, the chief of whom was Lord George Murray and the Duke of Perth; but we heard no news where the poor Prince was. At first we had great hopes of rallying again: but they soon vanished, orders coming for every one to make the best of his way he could. So some went one way, some another: those who had French Commissions surrendered; and their example was followed by my Colonel, Lord Balmerino, tho’ he had none. Many went for the mountains, all being uncertain what to do or whither to go.

In this perplexity I resolved to steer my course through the mountainous country, notwithstanding the advice of many to the contrary, who told me, it would be impossible for me to escape, and begged I would go and surrender, assuring me, that if I attempted the mountains, I should inevitably perish in them. But reflecting, how nigh suffering my Father had been in the year 1715, taking Courage and Patience for my guides, I resolved to enterprize a journey through a Country that few of my Nation had ever passed before. So, folding up my Standard, whose Motto was Britons! strike home! I put it in my Riding-coat pocket, in hopes it might be of use another day, and began my journey, in company with three others, for the Highlands. Having discharged our horses, after a long day’s journey, we came to a house situated on Garvie-more, twelve miles from any other, where we met with many of our party, who had arrived there before us. However, putting up in the best manner with what little we could obtain, we set forward for Fort Augustus: but on the road, a misfortune happened, that disconcerted[Pg 217] all our plans; for a man who carried our provisions of Oatmeal, fallen a little behind, by accident met with some of the Brigade Picquets, who robbed him of our meal and two riding-coats. This unexpected loss obliged us to separate soon afterwards, being too many to subsist in this wild tract of country, if we had kept together. However, having got betwixt Fort Augustus and Fort William, we struck up into the country to the right, and passed several large mountains in Lochiel’s Country, where we staid three days, because we heard, that the brave Prince was nigh us, and to take leave of one another, the necessaries of life being exceedingly scarce, from the great number of people wandering over the hills as well as we. I here went to wait upon the Duke of Perth, who was at the house of Doctor Cameron, Lochiel’s Brother: but being told by two sentinels at the door, that His Grace was indisposed, I returned without seeing him. It was now reported, that an English spy had been at Doctor Cameron’s house which obliged me in all haste to quit that place; for certain it is, had I staid there any longer, and the Highlanders supposed me to be the spy, they would have made away with me. I therefore left my companions and set forward to Lochaber, the wildest country I ever was in. And now it was that I began to be truly miserable, and to endure hardships which I had thought it impossible for human nature to support, for in that most hideous place I was deprived of every thing that could give me comfort: true it is, I found some few inhabitants; but in language food and customs quite different from what I had ever seen before. In this place I was forced to stay several days, on account of the prodigious quantity of snow that fell upon the mountains, and hindered me from discerning or making any road. During my stay, I by good fortune got a pound of black bread to live upon. The snow somewhat melting I set forward again from Lochaber towards the sea-shore. On the road I was overtaken by about forty women, half-starved to death who were wandering up and down for safety. Some of them, who spoke English, told me,[Pg 218] they had been driven out of their houses by the soldiers who were sent out from Fort William to ravage burn and plunder all before them and now it was that the most heart-rending scenes of misery began to present themselves; for many of these poor creatures with children in their arms, lay extended in the clefts of the rocks half covered with snow, dead, and a-dying in the most piteous manner. With these companions of misery, and daily meeting with more I passed some days. I now learned, that many of the unfortunate adherents of the Prince had been famished to death on the hills and I expected it would soon be my turn, for I began to be almost unable to proceed, my shoes being worn out, and the sharp rocks wounding my feet. However, I encouraged myself with the thought that my pursuers would have the same difficulty to climb the rocks as I had; and on the twentieth day[444] after our defeat at Culloden I came to the sea, in Clan-Ronald’s Country; the view of which was most agreeable to me, though even then I saw no prospect of escaping. Getting a little refreshment from the people who dwelt on the sea-shore, I began as it were to revive again, having been almost starved to death with hunger and cold; for I had been obliged to lie down for whole nights under the shelves of rocks, and was for two or three days together without eating at all, as nothing could be obtained either for love or money. Though I was fat and strong at the battle of Culloden, I was now quite emaciated and reduced to so miserable a state, that, if I had had another day to walk, I am sure I must have died; for I was not only starved with hunger and cold, but frightfully covered with vermin, which bit me all over my body so that there remained not one whole place in my skin. This, joined with the pain in my torn feet, made me often think that Job could not be in a more piteous condition. Yet as he had God for his comforter, so had I; for the justness[Pg 219] of the cause I was suffering for, gave me great courage, and supported me much: and though I saw daily enmities exercised against me, it was a great satisfaction to me, to think, that, during the time I had the honour of being a soldier under the banner of our dear Prince, I could not accuse myself of one act that a Christian might blush at.

Being somewhat recovered by the particular care of a worthy Gentleman (whose kindness I had the satisfaction in a little time to return by an agreeable meeting with him at Paris), I began to inquire, if it were possible from island to island to make my escape out of the country; for could I have sold myself at that time as a slave into Turkey, I would have done it. My host told me, that it was impossible, as all the boats had been destroyed by Cumberland’s order. However, one morning, being in that perplexity of thought how to get off, and fearing every moment the landing of soldiers to destroy the country—news was brought us that two French ships had come into the Lough just by—which mightily raised our hopes, that either a restoration of the Prince’s affairs were at hand, or that we should escape to France. So, running down to see and hear what we could we found them to be ships destined for the Prince’s service, having on board a great quantity of arms and ammunition, with five barrels of gold, pretty large and nearly one-yard long—which before our late fatal disasters might have been of great use.[445]

Notice being sent all about the Mountains, as far as time would permit; several, who lay despairing, came down to the sea-shore, and among the rest, my old patron the Duke of Perth, Lord John his brother; Sir Thomas Sheridan, Secretary Murray, Mr. John Hay, and Doctor Cameron. These being assembled together, judged it proper though no one knew where the Prince was (many thinking he was gone off for France) to have the money and arms brought on shore; which was done on the[Pg 220] evening after. Going securely to sleep that night expecting to sail for France the next day, we were surprised by the noise of cannon, which awakened us about three o’Clock in the morning; and getting up to see what the matter was, we had for our comfort the disagreeable news and sight of three English ships, that were come from Fort William to attack the French, whose appearance on the coast they had noticed, it seems. This sight displeased us very much: however, fighting was the resolution of us all. The two French Frigates (viz., the Mars and the Bellona), being pretty strong, and having a sufficient quantity of men, cannon, and ball, resolved to make head against the three English vessels, of which one was the Baltimore,[446] that name being written upon her rudder, which was carried off by a cannon-ball. The place they fought in, was a creek of rocks, which held the French (the English coming down upon them) as it were penn’d up, having the land on their back and both sides. However it was easy for them to hold communications with us on shore, who were four hundred armed men or more; so that had they been obliged to abandon their Ships, they might have saved themselves on shore. The Crews of the two ships amounting to nearly eleven hundred men, might, with the assistance of the Highlanders, have made an effectual resistance to the English, if they had attempted to invade us. The battle furiously beginning at three o’Clock in the morning, it remained doubtful till four in the afternoon, who would be victors. Nor was it a small pleasure to us to see those combatants engaged, and the skill of the French, whose fire seldom missed the English; for many of us being upon the rock as it were hung over these ships, in such a manner that they could not hurt us with either cannon or musketry; we could discern how matters went, and few balls were fired but we might see whether they hit or missed, which latter the English frequently did. During the engagement, the Highlanders were busied in carrying the arms, money,[Pg 221] and powder off from the sea-shore; which service they performed with amazing resolution, many a cannon ball being fired, in order to hinder them, by the largest of the English ships. Few Highlanders there were but what had a cask of brandy hid privately in the hills, with which some of them got merry before night. At last we had the satisfaction to see the English hoist their sails, leave the French, and sail to the main ocean. The French repaired their ships as fast as possible, and endeavoured to make what haste out they could, lest the English should return with a greater force.

All being over and hopes reviving again; one who had been in the Guards with me, came and told me, he had found a barrel of money, and that he would get me as much of it as I pleased. To this proposal I replied, That I had no manner of use for it, for, if I should be so fortunate as to escape into France, I had friends enough there, who would take care of me; and that if I died or were taken, it would be of no service to me. Moreover if the Prince should rally again, how shocking it would be to have to reproach ourselves with being a hindrance to our dear Prince’s designs. On hearing this reply, he, being of a temper exceedingly rude, began to repent of informing me of it; and seemed resolved to take some, and let the rest be embezzled away; for as far as I could learn he had hidden it in a place unknown to any one but whether in the confusion when everything was carried off, he had stopped it, or carried it away, elsewhere, I know not, for he would not tell me. But strange, you will say, must have been the confusion when a barrel of gold fell into his hands, and no one the wiser. However, I determined to quitt my hands and conscience of it; and much search being made for it at this time, I went and told one Mr. Harrison, a Priest,[447] about it, and what such a man[Pg 222] intended to do, and beg that he would keep an eye on him: but he, being a little before me, overheard me, and turning back knocked me down with a stick, and swore, that he would kill me the first opportunity. But the Priest, taking my part endeavoured to pacify him, desiring him to desist from thoughts of the money, and shew him where it was. The man, however, remained obstinate, and said he was resolved to have some of it, since the Prince’s affairs seemed now desperate; alleging that his Father and himself had been ruined for loyalty. They then both agreed to go together; but what afterward passed, I know not.

Recovering myself from the fall he gave, I went towards the ships, in order to get on board that night, and in going I was so happy as to meet with the Duke of Perth, who, seeing me in a most piteous condition, called me to him, and, after embracing me, and giving me most agreeable consolations, said: ‘Dear Mr. Daniel, I am truly sorry for you; but I assure you that you shall go along with me, and if we are so fortunate as to get to France, depend upon it, that I shall always be your friend.’ In reply I begged His Grace not to be in pain about me; for the loss of me was only the loss of my life, not having one dependant upon me; and assured him that I was truly resigned to God’s holy will; and thanking His Grace for his kindness and concern for me, wished we might be so happy as to reach France. And now, after we had staid some time upon the sea-shore, waiting for the boats, three were sent to fetch us; but we were obliged to wade breast-deep into the sea, before we could get on board of them. While we were lying on the shore—the Duke, poor man! wrapped up in a blanket!—a Highlander by accident let the snuff of his tobacco-pipe fall into a barrel of gun powder; which blowing up, with a great number of stones about it, one of them flew so near my ear, that[Pg 223] I could not hear at all for three hours after. This explosion alarmed us at first, as we supposed the English had returned to attack the French ships again: but happily no other mischief was done, except that the Highlander lost his life.

The boat the Duke was in, put off immediately; and another coming took me in, with many more, and carried us to the Bellona, where we remained at anchor till two o’Clock the next morning, when we sailed for France.[448] The chief of those in our ship were Sir Thomas Sheridan;[449] Mr. Sheridan, his nephew;[450] and Mr. Hay.[451] We were twenty-five days in sailing to France, and met with no opposition during our voyage. I was exceedingly seasick, and having no pockets, and every one thinking I should die, I gave a purse of money to Mr. John Hay’s[Pg 224] servant, telling him, if I died, to keep it; and if I survived to carry it for me to France; which he carefully did for me. In the ship I was in, there raged a contagious distemper, which carried off sixty-seven in twenty-five days: and about the tenth day of our voyage, I saw the body of my friend and patron the Duke of Perth, thrown over-board; which afflicting sight, joined with my violent sickness, I expected would have put an end to my life. But what I thought would have killed me, perhaps contributed to save my life in that pestiferous ship; as my continual vomiting may have hindered any thing noxious from taking any effect upon me. But what is very surprising, for twenty-two days I had not one call of nature, which I affirm upon honour. And now after all my adventures dangers and fatigues, I at the end of twenty-five landed in France, where, to my satisfaction, I have lived since, in the expectation daily of seeing what I have ever wished to see.

Postscript

Having now finished my Narrative, I hope the truth of what I have written will make up for the faults that may be found in it, and that the candid Reader will find matter of admiration and esteem in the behaviour and actions of one so dear, whom I had once the honour to serve. I shall conclude with

Fuimus Troies, et erimus iterum.

Trojans we have been, and will again

to the satisfaction of all good men!

[Pg 225]

The misfortunate battle of Colloden being fought upon the 16th of April, 1746, his royal highness seeing that the day was irrecoverably lost, concluded that his only business was to endeavour the saving of himself out of the hands of his enemies: whereupon, having retired to a neighbouring eminence, hard by the place of action, accompanied by a few of Fitz-James’s horse, there, having made a little stop, not knowing whither to direct his course when luckily one Edmond Burk, the servant of one Alexander MacLeod,[452] son of Mr. John MacLeod, of Muiravine Side, rod accidentally by them, thinking to find his master among them, whom he had not seen since the beginning of the battles. His master (who happened to be there present with the prince), knowing him to be very well acquaint with all the different rods of the highlands, ordered him to lead them the safest and surest road to Glengarry. Whereupon the prince,[Pg 228] accompanied by Master O’Sulivan,[453] Mr. Allan MacDowell,[454] priest, and the said Alexander MacLeod, marched westward, and arrived that night about eight o’clock to Thomas Gortlickshorge,[455] a gentleman of the name of Fraser, in Stratharagaig,[456] where he met, as it was said, with my Lord Lovat, and supt with him there that night.

After supper the prince reckoning it dangerous to stay so very near the enemy, the first night, we resolved to continue his journey towards Glengarry; about break of day, finding himself quite fatigued and worn out for want of rest, he consulted with his fellow-travellers, whither he might repair with most safety to take some hours repose. They all concluded that the Castel of Invergary was the surest and safest place for that purpose, and a great conveniency of concealment, and (that he) might repose himself without any fear (there) till such time as he and his party should take further resolutions. Being[Pg 229] then prevailed upon by these reasons, he immediately repaired thither, where he was received by Glengarry with the greatest pleasure.[457] When he sufficiently refreshed himself he took a resolution to proceed still further, fearing to stay long in one place. He departed that same day from Glengarry, being the 17th in the evening, and continued his route towards Lochaber, and came that night to Donald Cameron, of Glenpean’s house, where he passed the remaining part of the night.

Next day being the 18th, he set out for the Braes of Moror, and arrived in the evening at Angus Mack Eachan’s[458] house, son to Alexander McEachan, of Domondrack. He was so much fatigued that night, that he could neither eat nor drink, and required the help of a man to support him to his bed. The next day, being the 19th, he ventured to pass the whole day in a wood near the house, in order to recruit more strength for a night walk; and accordingly when it was late, he set out for Arasack, where he arrived about six in the morning, and went straight to Angus MacDonald’s house in Borrodale, where he quartered, after his landing, till he marched out of the country.[459] At his arrival here, he found a great many Mack Donalds assembled together, who had lately escaped out of the[Pg 230] battle of Colloden—gentlemen of both Glengarry’s and Clanranald’s families. During the eight days he stayed in that country, he had daily conferences with young Clanranald, Colonel MacDonald of Barisdale, and several others of both families, treating which was the safest place, and surest method for his concealment. After they had satisfied him as to that, they protested, and assured him he should have nothing to fear, that they would stand by him if he only would stay among them to the last man. With this he seemed to be very much satisfied, till Mr. O’Neil[460] and O’Sulivan,[461] by the advice of Mr. Allan MacDonald, and one Donald MacLeod, of Galtrigil,[462] perswaded him in a private council, to quite that country for good, and all; and as there was no appearance of succeeding further, and that they lost all hopes of gaining the point they once undertook, it was better to run for the Lewis, where Donald promised to procure a ship for them as far as the Orkneys, and there, he assured them to find a ship to transport them to France.[Pg 231] The prince being prevailed upon by these convincing reasons, ordered a ten-oar boat belonging to Angus MacDonald of Borodale, to be seized upon, and without any further consultation, he put to sea about six o’clock at night, accompanied only by these persons who were the authors of the new scheme, without acquainting any body of any such design,[463] till they were seen fairly under sail of the coast.

This night’s voyage was like to cost them dire; for they were not long at sea when there came on such a terrible roaring of thunder, preceed’d by such dreadfull flashes of lightning, accompanied with a prodigious poure of rain, so that the whole elements seemed to rebel against them, and threatened to send them every moment to eternity; the wind, which continued to blow fair the whole night, coming about to the north, quite contrary to their course, about twelve o’clock at night, made them despair of continuing their intended voyage any further, and so [they] prepared for death, as being sure to be shattered upon the rocks of the nearest shore. Amidst all these dangers he appeared intrepide, and offered his service to Donald MacDonald and Donald MacLeod, seeing they were the only two that was of any service in the boat, whilst all the rest was oblidged to give it up, stiffened and benumbed with cold. They continued in that agony the whole night, ’till about break of day, when Rory MacDonald, who stood at the helm all the time, discerning Benbicula in south-west, where he knew to be one of the best harbours on that coast, and the wind blowing astern of them, he piloted them into the harbour of Roshiness, within five long miles of Clanranald’s house, which being Sunday, and the 29th of Aprile.[464]

They were no sooner landed but they were seen by a[Pg 232] herd of Clanranald’s who stayed in the place always to take care of his master’s cattle, and seeing a number of men finely clad, and fully armed, supposing them to be an enemy, he immediately made off, with a nimble pair of heels, and carried the news of what he had seen to his master, as he was at dinner with Mr. John MacAuley,[465] Neil MacDonald,[466] and several other gentlemen. Clanranald, moved by this unexpected surprise, before he resolved upon any thing, sent Donald MacDonald to know the certainty of what the herd had told him. Master MacAulay, who was parish minister in the country, to satisfie his own curiosity sent one of his auditors to learn what they were, from whence they came, and where they were bound for. This fellow, pretending to have been sent thither by Clanranald, upon a report of a boat’s being land’d there, and to examine what they were, learned it was the prince who designed to make for the Lewis in order to make his escape, who came back and told the minister the same. The minister judging that he could not meet with a better opportunity to show his zeal and affection for the government, despatched a courier that same day away to the Herris, with a letter to his father, who was minister there,[467] charging him to write immediately upon receipt of his letter, to Mr. Colin MacKenzie, established minister at Stornoway,[468] informing him of the same, and ordering him to settle all measures with Seaforth’s factor there to apprehend the prince at his first landing.

Donald MacDonald, who was sent by Clanranald to[Pg 233] learn the strength of the enemy, as it was believed, having returned, acquainted him of the matter of fact, assuring, he spoke to Mr. Allen MacDonald, who ordered him to tell Clanranald to come and see him, as he designed to go off that night. Whereupon Clan and Neil MacDonald went privately out of the town, and took their way straight to Roshiness, where they found the prince, in the house with Mr. O’Sulvan, O’Neil, Mr. Allen MacDonald, and Donald MacLeod. The prince received him very kindly, after having communicated to him his design he took leave of him, and put to sea again that night, with the same persons that accompanied him thither. The heavens proved more favourable to them that night than the former, having met with no danger or opposition, and at daybreak they came in to Loch Maddy, in north-west, where they skulk’d the whole day, being the 30th, seeing they durst not venter to sea in the daytime, for fear to be discovered by the several men of war that guarded the coast at that time. They set out from Loch Maddy about six o’clock, which was the ordinary hour they always departed, and landed in Scalpa, in the Herris, early next morning, being the 1st of May.[469]

Before they came near a house they took borrow’d names and employments. Master O’Sulvan took that of Captain Sinclair, the prince called himself William Sinclair, the captain’s son, O’Neill changed his name into Neilson, and mate Master Allen named himself Dalrumple, and Rosman, and Donald MacLeod, master of the boat y^t brought them thither, and swore the crew to attest the same.

After this ceremony was over, they came to Donald Campbell’s house, who was the most sponsable gentleman in that part of the country, but an enemy by his name, and a downright hypocrite in his heart;[470] and being asked[Pg 234] by their landlord what they were, they told him they were sea-fareing men from the Orkneys, who being homeward bound from Irland, lost their ship near the Mull of Kintyre, and most of their crew, and were thereupon forced to freight their present boat and crew from Mull, as fare as the Lewis, where they hop’t to find a vessel to transport them safe home to their own country. The next day, being the 2nd of May, they sent Donald MacLeod away to Stornaway before them to have a ship ready freighted, and to get intelligence how the people stood affected, and to send them word accordingly; which project would have had the intended success, were it not for the imprudence of Donald, and MacAulay’s malicious letter.

As soon as he was arrived at Stornaway he set about putting his commission in execution, and discharged himself so well of that duty, that he got a ship freighted that same evening, and wrote back to the prince, who remained still at Scalpa, to repair thither as soon as possible, but unwarily having gone to drink a bottle with the captain of the ship, reposing too much trust in him, he disclosed to him all the secret, whereupon the captain told him, if he should load the ship with gold he would not employ her for that purpose: Having said this, he went and published in all the streets of the town that the pretender (as he called him) was to come to town privately next night, and if Mr. MacLeod had not escaped out of the town he had certainly been apprehend’d that night. The prince, who knew nothing of what was passing before him, he set out upon the 3 of May for Stornaway afoot, leaving orders with his crew to return home to the mainland and restore the boat to the owner. That day he suffered a vast deal of cold and fatigue, the day being so extreme bad; Donald MacLeod mett him about a quarter of an mile without the town, and told him it was dangerous for him to venter into it by reason they all got notice[Pg 235] of his approach, and were in an uproar all under arms, and that all this was the effect of Mr. MacAulay’s letter.

The prince, raging with anger and fear, retired that night to my Lady Kildin’s house,[471] which lay about half a mile off without the town, and there he passed the remaining part of the night, notwithstanding that a great manny of the mob made a dreadful noise about the house a great part of the night. Having held a consultation with the lady what was properest to be done, she told him that his only safety consisted in returning to Benbicula again, under Clanranald’s protection, since his project in coming thither misgave. In order thereunto, she procured them a boat to cross Loch Stornaway, which was a nearer cut to return to Scalpa; where he left his boat and crew, having taken leave of the worthy lady, he set out about four o’clock in the morning, crossed the Loch, and arrived back at Donald Campbell’s house, that night, which was the 4th of May.[472] He was no sooner arrived but he found all the crew was gone except two, upon account the country people threatened to apprehend them.

The prince fearing to make a stay in any man’s house, who found out what he really was, and reckoning it impracticable to find as many men as would manage his own boat so soon as he would require [them], especially in the heart of an enemy’s country, he bought a small boat from Donald Campbell, whom it was said he bribed by giving him a sum of mony for to hold his tongue, and disown that he knew what he was. It seemed very difficult for them now to get safe into Benbicula, by reason the chanel was pestered with the English navy, sent there a purpose to hinder the prince or any of his party to make their escape. He set out upon the 5th from Scalpa, and[Pg 236] rowed along the coast the whole night; as they passed the mouth of the Finnasvay bay, they observed a ship in the harbour which they belived to be the Baltimore sloop of war, Thomas How Captain, a brother to my Lord How in Irland, and being seen from aboard the Baltimore she immediately sent off one of her long boats in pursuit of them, and chased them the whole night; about 5 aclock in the morning she came up pretty close to them, the prince terrefied at the approach of the enemy begg’d of the rowers to pull away strongly for fear to fall a sacrifice in the hands of these ravenous wolves, whereupon they ran in upon a ridge of rocks they observed betwixt them and the land, and there sculked close by one of the rocks to observe what course the Baltimore was to take next, while all of a sudden they saw her change her course, not able to find them out. Despairing of success she returned to her harbour.

The prince and his party, taking fresh courage, being free from danger that day, they determined as it was near day to draw nearer the land, and sculk there, ’till it was late, that the men might refresh themselves, for the fatigue of the ensueing night; they approached to the shore, and found it to be a desert island, about two leagues from the continent of the Herris, where they found no living creature. They were turned of provisions so short that a lippie of gradan oatmeal[473] was all that remained to them to satiate their hungry appetites, which some of the men took, put some water about it with a little salt, and fell a eating of it. The prince seeing them eat it as hearty as if it had been better cheer, ask’d them whither it tasted better than it look’t, they answered if he would only try it, he would be as well pleased with it as what they were, whereupon, calling for a little of it, he eat it as contentedly as the most delicate dish that ever was served upon his table, saying at the same time that it tasted pretty well, considering the ugly appearance it made. It was not long after, when Providence cast more plenty in their way, for one of the crew, who[Pg 237] was more curious than the rest, having gone to take a view of the island, found in the farther end of it abundance of cod and ling, half a barrel of salt and a pot. Although they were starving the whole day for hunger, yet they durst not make a fire, by reason they thought it dangerous to raise a smock upon the island, lest being seen from the continent it might discover them. When it grew dark the prince ordered the crew to carry some of the fish to the boat, when not a man, either simple or gentle obeyed him,[474] he himself went in a passion, and carried half a dozen of them in his arms, and threw them in the boat, saying since they were all so gentle and scroupelous, that he would take the sin upon himself, and show them the exemple; the whole crew dash’d and confused, would have load’d the boat if he permitted them. Now being about six o’clock, they put to sea, and landed in Benbicula the next day, a little after sunrise, in the very same harbour which they left some days before the 6th of May.

He set his foot no sooner ashore[475] but he sent an express for Clanranald, who came next night, having taken none with him but Neil MacDonald, who was there with him before. Upon Clanranald’s arrival, he seemed quite easie and told him that Providence had sent him under his protection, where he hoped to be sheltered, and that he was to throw himself in his hands to dispose of him as he thought fit. Clanranald assured him he had nothing to fear, and that he would find a place for his concealment, where none should have the least opportunity to see him, but such as he should employ to carry to him whatever he wanted.

After he had sufficiently refreshed himself for some days, it was thought dangerous to make any longer stay at Roshiness, because being a place much frequented by boats from the neighbouring countrys, they would be soon[Pg 238] discovered; for this reason, he was conducted from thence to Bareness, about three miles from Roshiness, where he had the conveniency of a little hutt of a house that was in the place, the entry of which was so very narrow, that he was forced to fall upon his knees, and creep in upon his belly, as often as he entered. This habitation not pleasing him, he begged of Clanranald to send him into some Christian place wherein he could have more room, and use more freedom and ease, for in that monstrous hole he could never have satisfaction, which he said the devil had left because he had not room enough in it.

The next day being the 10th of May, it was determined to send him to Corrodall, a little pleasant glen in South-West,[476] belonging to Neil MacDonald, where there was two country-houses, and conveniency enough for his concealment. Neil was appointed for to conduct him thither, whom he desired to remain still with him. About eleven aclock at night, they set out with Neil, who was their faithful guide, towards Corrodale, where they arrived next day about six in the afternoon; when they came near the house, Neil left him under a rock while he went in to see if there were no strangers there; and finding none but Ranald, his brother,[477] who had come thither the day before by Neil’s own orders, he presently returned where he left the prince, and conducted him to the house.[478] He seemed extraordinary well pleased with[Pg 239] the house, which he swore look’t like a palace in comparison of the abominable hole they had lately left. He sat upon a seat of green turf that was made up for him that same evening, and after taking a refreshment of gradan bread-and-cheese, and goats milk, upon which he fed very hearty, he desired his feet to be washed, being extreme dirty, and very much galled by his night walk; after which he smok’t a pipe of tobacco and went to bed, which being heather and green rushes, he slept soundly ’till twelve next day.

During this stay at Corrodale, which was five weeks,[479] his ordinary conversation was talking of the army, and of the battle of Colloden, and the highland chieftains whose lamentable case he deplored very much. One day as he was taking a walk in the morning with Neil MacDonald only, the subject of their discourse was describing to Neil the battle of Colloden, wherein he said his horse was shot under him; for (says he) as I was riding up to the right wing, my horse began to kick, at which I was much surprised, being very quiet, and peaceable formerly, and looking narrowly to him to see what was the matter with him, I observed the blood gushing out of his side. Oh! oh! says I (speaking of the horse), if this be the story with you, you have no less than reason to be uneasie, whereupon I was oblidged to dismount and take another. Then the conversation rowlled upon the order of the battle, and how he was forced to condescend to give the right hand to the Atholl-men and others, which he knew to be the MacDonald’s right, meerly by the perswation of my Lord George Murray, and several others, but however he did a great deal of justice and honour to the Mack Donalds, by assuring Neil they were the last that abandoned the field; and, moreover, that they would have had certainly been cut all to pieces, had not the pickets come to their relief, to whom he said, they owe an eternal obligation.

[Pg 240]

He blamed always my Lord George as being the only instrument in loseing the battle, and altho’ that he, the morning before the action, used all his rhetorick, and eloquence against fighting, yet my Lord George outreasoned him, ’till at last he yielded for fear to raise a dissension among the army, all which he attributed to his infidelity, roguery, and treachery.[480] He always flattered himself that the highlanders were still upon foot to hinder the enemy from harrassing their countrys, and conceived great hopes that they would be able to stand it out, ’till they got a relief from France. He was so fond to know what was passing among them, that he sent his boat twice to Mudort[481] for intelligence, and hearing of a skirmish betwixt Cluny MacPherson and a party of the elector’s troops in Badanack, of which Cluny had the better, it gave him no small joy: he had notice given him likewise that Borrisdale, upon whose courage and conduct he lay a great stress, was at the head of about three thousand men in Glenkuaak.[482] All these, and manny such like stories kept him still in top spirits, together with the expectation of a French landing in England, where he perswaded himself the Duke of York was landed at the head of ten thousand French, and assured those who durst not contradict him of the same.

It gave him a great deal of pleasure to look to the ships that passed in the Chanel every day, which he flattered himself to be French, though they were really some of the English fleet sent thither to guard the coast, and hinder any of the Highlanders to escape, and would have Neil to go and pilot to some harbour that they might not be lost. It was wonderfull how he preserved his health all the time, notwithstanding all the fatigue and troubles he underwent and the bad usage he met with very often; for I have not seen him one hour sick all the time I have[Pg 241] had the honour to accompany him, save only eight days he was troubled with a flux, which kept him very busie while it lasted; he had always a good appetite, and could eat any meat that came in his way, as well as those who was accustomed to it from their infancy. He took care to warm his stomach every morning with a hearty bumper of brandy, of which he always drank a vast deal; for he was seen to drink a whole bottle of a day without being in the least concerned.

He took a vast delight, when it was a good day, to sit up a stone that was before the door of the house, with his face turned towards the sun; and when he was desired to move from thence fearing to get a headache, he ordered them to pack about their business, that he knew himself what was good for him, better than they could describe, that the sun did him all the good in the world. Notwithstanding his melancholy fits, yet at other times he was so hearty and merry, that he danced for a whole hour together, having no other musick but some highland reel which he whistled away as he tripped along. It happened one day as he was walking along the coast with Neil and the rest of the gentlemen, being an excessive hot day, they spied a number of young whales approaching pretty near the shore, and observing them to make straight for the rock whereon they sat down, he sent immediately for his fusee, and as they came within his reach he fired at them; and being informed some time before that Neil was an incomparable good swimmer, he ordered him to strip and hall ashore the whale, which he swore he had shot dead. Neil, in obedience to his orders and to humour him, began to strip very slowly till he saw the whale which had received no hurt out of sight.

During his stay at Corrodale, Clanranald paid him several visits, as also all the gentlemen of the country, who sent him presents of all they possessed. As he now despared of any assistance from abroad, and wishing to be out of the Highlands, he thought of setting about getting a ship to transport himself out of the kingdom. In order thereunto, he sent off Mr. O’Neil and Captain[Pg 242] Donald MacDonald, Clanranald’s son, who joined him at his return from the Lewis, in order to go to France, thinking to get passage from the Lewis privately, to either Sweden or Denmark, from whence they were to pass into France.

Having received fifty guineas each to defray their charges, they set out for the Herris, where they were no sooner arrived but O’Neil, who was there with the prince before, was immediately known, and if he had not made his escape back to Benbicula, he had been apprehended without going any further, whereupon he returned to the prince, who did not care much for him ever after. Captain MacDonald, who pursued his journey towards the Lewis, met with the same fate at Stornaway, there, having found his uncle, Alexander MacLeod,[483] he carried him with him to his own house, where he lay concealed for a long time after, and returned to the prince no more.

The enemy, who was not idle all this time to inform themselves about him, got sufficient intelligence that he was in Wist, disposed of themselves so that it seemed impracticable for him to escape. That he might lose no time, he sent Neil as minister plenipotentiary to Boystile,[484] to treat with him to procure a boat for him, and sufficient hands for to manage it, in case of accidence—for now he was to attempt to gain the mainland, seeing there was no safety for him in Wist. Boystile, who did not go near him all the time for fear of suspicion, sent him back word with Neil, that he himself would come in person and consult with him what was properest to be done. Boystile came next day, and was received by the prince[Pg 243] with open arms, and found some of the gentlemen of the country who came to see him the day before, of whose number was Hugh Macdonald, of Ballissher, from North Wist,[485] who was ready to sacrifice his life and fortune for the prince’s safety (I say), Boystile at his arrival found all these lying in their bed, very much disordered by the foregoing night’s carouse, while his royal highness was the only one who was able to take care of the rest, in heaping them with plaids, and at the same time merrily sung the De Profundis for the rest of their souls.[486]

Neil, who was straggling every day about the neighbouring towns for intelligence, and who never missed to come in seasonable time with what news he gathered among the people, arrived, as the Prince, Boystile, and the other gentlemen were very busie and very hearty taking their bottle. It was always the prince’s custom whenever Neil returned from any expedition, to learn from him privately what news he brought before it was made public. Neil told him that two hundred of the[Pg 244] Sky militia, head’d by Hugh Macdonald, of Armidale,[487] and Alexander MacLeod of Ullish,[488] was landed at Barra, who was sent thither by my Lord Lowdian. Campbell, and MacLeod, having had an information that the prince was sculking in that country, and that these gentlemen’s orders were, after a diligent search made in Barra, to pass into South Wist, and to stay there guarding the coasts and foords in the country ’till they were reinforced by a greater number, and, moreover, that Captain Ferguson[489] was ordered to the Lewis for the same purpose, Captain MacKenzie to the Herris, and the Baltimore to cruize upon the coast of Wist, so that it seemed next to a miracle to have been able to escape. The prince, who always[Pg 245] appeared very gay and cheerful, notwithstanding his crosses and misfortunes, was very much dejected at this news; which Boystile observing, begged of him to be in no ways uneasie, that the danger was not so great as what he apprehended, and that he, despite of all the search of the enemy, would procure a place for him where he would not be exposed to the least danger till such time as a more favourable opportunity offered for making his escape; and fearing least the enemy might surprise them, being now three days in the country, Boystile took leave of him in order to prevent their coming so suddenly till he got time to fit into some other place.

Neil fearing the fickleness and the inconstancy of the common people, who might perhaps be perverted from their fidelity to discover him to his enemies, in hopes of a great reward, did not think proper to stay there any longer; whereupon, having got into their boat, which they always had nigh them, they set out about eleven o’clock at night, without acquainting any body of their design, except those who were partakers of it, and took the retreat towards Benbicula, and landed about break of day in Fuyia,[490] a desert island, about three miles from Roshiness, where they sculked for eight days.

During their stay in this solitude, he kept a private correspondence with Boystile about leaving the country, as it appeared impossible for him to conceal himself any longer from those cursed villains who left not a stone unturned to find him out. Boystyle, who used all endeavours to effect his design to get him safely conveyed to the mainland, lost no time to provide whatever necessaries their voyage required; when unluckily he himself was taken prisoner and carried away on board the Baltimore, so that that design perished, and came to nothing.

Upon the news of Boystile’s being made prisoner[491] he[Pg 246] expressed a great deal of regret for him, saying it was a great pity he should fall into the hands of such ruffians, who would have no regard for his merit, for really he was the honestest man (said he) I met with since my stay in the isles. While he stayed upon the island he went about the shore once or twice a day, to see if he could find out which was the most commodious hole or cave for hiding him in case some of the men of war that kept the channel still came to land any men. There he had occasion to see the Lady Clanranald, who came from Roshiness to have the honour of seeing him before he left the country, and carried along with her to him some of what necessaries he wanted: he received her very kindly, made much of her, and thanked her for her generosity, telling her next day at parting that he would not forget soon what kindness he met with in the country. They had plenty of bread and other meats during their retreat in that Patmos, but before the eight days was expired they were obliged to leave the hole to another party of the MacLeods who landed upon the island from Skay.

After being chased from thence they had no other resource but to return towards the south end of the country, upon hearing that the Skay militia had departed from Boystile’s house two days before, and were upon their march towards Benbicula, where they flattered themselves infallibly sure to find him. About eight o’clock at night, upon the 12th of July, they put to sea from Lochaskivay, and rowed the whole night along the coast, and as the day began to dawn Neil advised them to land in Lochskiport, and to stay there ’till it was late; but the prince, who was eager to be as far on that day as possibly he could, would not condescend, and so continued their voyage the whole day. About five in the afternoon they landed at Corrodale, where they refreshed themselves ’till it was ten, and arrived next morning at sunrise at the mouth of Lochynort, in South-Wist; they had not so much as one mouthful to eat that night of any kind, and having made up a tent of the oars and sail of the boat, he laid himself down upon a kind of a heather bed[Pg 247] that was made for him, while Neil stood sentry upon the rock before the tent door the whole night, after he had placed two of the crew whom he could trust most to about a mile off as an advanced guard.

When it was near day he asked Neil whether it was possible to find any meat, who told him it was impracticable, by reason the nearest town lay five miles off, whereupon he roused up the rest, and got into the boat and rowed to Stialay, a small island near the entry of Loch Boystile, within three long miles of Boystile’s house, being the 14th of July in the evening. They were no sooner landed and the tent made, than Neil posted off immediately to Boystile’s house for provisions; when he arrived, he found all the family in bed, and having knocked them up, he acquainted Boystile’s daughter who came first to the door with the princes being upon the Island of Stialay, where he had but very ill accommodation. She ran into the room where her stepmother[492] was in bed, bringing Neil along with her, who told the lady the miserable condition his royal highness was in, she got up in the greatest hurry, and sent off what was readiest to relieve them in the mean time, ’till such time she could get more prepared against the next night. Neil returned, charging the lady at parting, to learn what was passing among the enemy, and to inform them accordingly.

At his arrival he found the boat ashore waiting him, and having passed to the island, the prince met him at his landing, and asked of him if he got any meat. Neil told him that he brought some fresh butter and cheese and a few bottles of brandy. ‘Come, come,’ said he, ‘give me one of the bottles and a piece of the bread, for I was never so hungry since I was born’; which being given him, he took two or three hearty pulls of it before he came near the rest, which gave him so good an appetite, that he eat that night more than ever he was seen to eat at three ordinary meals, and all the rest did proportionably. After supper he called for the brandy-bottles,[Pg 248] and drank the king’s and the duke’s healths; which done, he wrapt himself in his plaid, laid down, and slept away the remaining part of the night very soundly.

Next morning there was a consultation held concerning the course they were to take from thence. Some were of opinion that they should venter to run for the continent in the small boat they had, of which the prince himself approved very much, saying he would rather drown than fall into the hands of those profligate fellows who were in pursuit of him. Others were of opinion that the safest step they could take was, to make for some one of the Southren Isles of Barra, and the rather because the first party who came after him to the country landed first in that island, and it seemed very probable that they would not return there again. They all agreed to this last proposal, and that no time might be lost, they prepared every thing to set off next day, if the weather favoured them. This project came to nothing as well as the former, for the Lady Boystile sent an express that same afternoon, that one Captain Scott[493] was landed at Barra from Fort William, with a detachment of regular troops, in order to join the Skay militia in South-Wist, and that they intended, according as she was informed, to be at her house by ten o’clock next day, which she would inform him of, if possible, whatever happened.

This news put them in a greater consternation than ever, which obliged them to cross over to the other side of Loch Boystile that night for the more security. Next day about break of day, the prince sent off Rory MacDonald to learn whither Scott was arrived, and to bring[Pg 249] back word what was passing among them. Rory returned at eight o’clock, and told the prince that the lady, her daughter, and all the servants, were tied neck and heel in one house, in order to extort a confession from them of the prince’s being in the country; while her seller and all her most valuable effects were left to the mercy of the ungenerous soldiers, who were busie in carrying the plunder to their boats. The news of the ladies ill-treatment struck such a terror into the minds of the timorous crew, that they immediately sunk the boat, and abandoned the prince and the few gentlemen who accompanied him. In this desperate condition there was no remedy to be thought upon, but to dismiss the few gentlemen that accompanied till then, and retire to the mountains; whereupon having left every body to shift for himself (of whose number was O’Sullivan, who was left under a rock with the best part of the prince’s baggage), the prince, with Neil and MacO’Neil,[494] made for the top of the nearest hill, that from thence they might have a better view of their enemies motion, and take further resolution how they were to dispose of themselves next.[495]

I forgot to tell that when Captain Scott landed in South-Wist, Hugh MacDonald,[496] who lay in Benbicula then with his party, sent one of the country gentlemen in whom he could repose a great deal of trust, to tell the prince privately that, as it seemed now impossible for him to[Pg 250] conceal himself any longer in the country, if he would venter to be advised by him, though an enemy in appearance yet a sure friend in his heart, he would fall upon a scheme to convoy him to the Isle of Skay, where he was sure to be protected by Lady Margaret MacDonald.[497] The scheme was this: to send his stepdaughter, Miss Florence MacDonald, to Sleet, to live with her mother ’till the enemy was out of Wist. The prince at the same time was ordered to dress in woman’s close, that he might pass for her servant-maid, and Neil was appointed to take care of both. The scheme pleased the prince mightely, and he seemed very impatient to see it put in execution.

But to return to the top of the hill, the prince with Neil and Mr. O’Neil remained there the whole day. About sunset the prince told Neil that he entrusted himself in his hands, and that his life and safety depended upon him, Neil answered that the charge was more than what his life was worth; but yet, with God’s assistance that he would find means to preserve him from all danger till every thing was got ready to leave the country. After this they took a refreshment of bread-and-cheese, and set out towards the north end of the country, every body carrying his own share of the baggage, the prince carried his own few shirts, O’Neill carried his own linnen, and Neil carried the provision, his own gun and sword, and the prince’s fusee and one of his holsters, while the other hung upon his own belt. As they were going on, the prince clapt Neil’s shoulder, often telling him if ever it was their good fortune to get free of their present troubles, he would make him live easie all his days for the fatigue of that night. Neil was informed some days before, that Miss Flora lived with her brother in a glen near Locheynort, where they had all their cattle a grazing at that time, and which happened to be very near the rod they were to pass that night.[498]

[Pg 251]

When the prince was informed of it, he would needs go to see her, and tell her of the message he had from her stepfather. When they were near the little house where she was asleep, for her brother was not at home, Neil left the prince and O’Neil at a little distance off,’till he went in and wakened her; she got scarcely on the half of her close, when the prince, with his baggage upon his back, was at the door, and saluted her very kindly; after which she brought to him a part of the best cheer she had, among the rest was a large bowl full of creme, of which he took two or three hearty go-downs, and his fellow-travellers swallowed the rest.

He discovered to her her stepfather’s proposal, and ask’t whether she was willing to run the risque. She joyfully accepted of the offer without the least hesitation, and that no time might be lost, she was ordered immediately away to Benbicula to consult with her step-father and the Lady Clanranald, to get every thing in readiness as soon as possible, and to send them word back again next day how all was going on with them. Having taken leave of Miss Flora, they pursued their journey, and about sunrise they arrived upon the side of a hill three miles from Corrodale, where they sate down under a rock in order to take some rest. The prince, as he took no victuals the night before, complained of hunger, and ask’t of Neil if he had any thing to eat; Neil gave him a piece of bread-and-cheese that Miss MacDonald had given him the night before. After he eat of it very heartily, he laid himself down and slept, while Neil stood sentry upon him all the time; when he and O’Neil was[Pg 252] sufficiently rested, he ordered Neil to take some rest, and sent O’Neil to mount guard in his turn.

When it was drawn late, the prince ask’t Neil if there was any possibility of getting any supper; Neil told him he would find enough, and leaving the prince and O’Neil under the same rock, he went and bought abundance of such cheer as the neighbourhood could afford. The prince was prodigious impatient the whole afternoon for Miss Flora’s answer, and despairing to hear a word from her that night, he sent off Neil, at eight o’clock at night, to Benbicula, with strict orders to be back next day at four in the afternoon, under pain of gaining his displeasure for ever. Neil, notwithstanding the fatigue and the length of the journey (which was thirty miles backward and forward), willingly condescended.

When he arrived at the fourds which seperates Benbicula from South Wist,[499] he found them all guard’d by the Skay militia, who had placed sentries within a gun shot of each other from east to west; their consigne was to let pass no person whatsoever until he was examined first by the captain of the guard; by this means Neil was stopped, and was kept prisoner there till next morning, when it was low water Neil was sent away to the captain of the guard on the other side, who happened to be Hugh MacDonald; when Neil went in he found Miss MacDonald, who was stopped in the same manner by another party of the MacLeods, who had the guard two nights before, with some other gentlemen at breakfast with Mr. MacDonald. Neil call’d miss aside, and ask’t if every thing was ready, she told him as it was put out of her power to go on the length of the Lady Clanranald, that nothing was as yet done, but that she was going off within half an hour after to consult with the lady, and designed to go to Roshiness, both of them, that same afternoon, and carry along with them whatever clothes or provisions was requisite for the voyage, and she begg’d of Neil to make[Pg 253] all the hast possible to return to the prince, and, without losing one moment of time, to make the best of his way to Rosshiness, where he would be sure to find them without fail.

Neil posted off immediately, and arrived at the prince at the hour he had appointed, and found him under the same rock where he had left him; he no sooner saw Neil come in sight than he ran to meet him, and took him by the hand asking what news he had from Miss Flora; Neil told him what orders he had from the lady (as he called Miss Flora), after which they set out for Roshiness. The greatest difficulty for this journey was to find a boat to go by sea, as it was impossible to venture by land, because, as I have already told, all the fourds were guarded by the MacLeods; but God, who always provided whatever he had occasion for, removed this difficulty also, for when they arrived at the side of Lochskiport, there they found four country people who had come there some days before to fish, with a small yawl.

Neil knew them immediately, and agreed with them for to ferry him and two other gentlemen that were with him over to Fouay, where they expected to meet with Ranald MacDonald (called Walpole);[500] but when they landed upon the island they found no living soul of either man or beast upon it; being, at this time, clear daylight, they could not bring the boat no further, for fear to be seen from the land, wherefore they ordered the boat men to land them on the nearest rock of Benbicula, that from thence they might go afoot to Roshiness, which done, Neil payed the boatmen and sent them away home.

The prince sate down upon the rock where they had land’d, and, being quite overcome for want of rest, he fell asleep, and so did O’Neil; during the time they slept Neil thought proper to take a walk round about[Pg 254] for fear that any body should come upon them at any unawares; but he had not gone ten yards from them, when he observed an arm of the sea come in betwixt him and the rest of the land, which formed an island; he returned immediately and informed the prince, who started up like a mad man and walked to the end of the island at such a rate as if he had a mind to fly over to the other side, but his career was soon stopped; whereupon he fell a scoulding Neil as if it had been his fault, and the curse rascals (meaning the boatmen) who land’d them upon that desert island designedly that he might starve with hunger and cold, in short, there was no pacifying him till, at last, Neil told him to comfort himself, that he would sweem over to the other side and would bring a boat in half an hour’s time, from that moment he never gave Neil one minute’s rest, till, to please him, he began to strip, notwithstanding that it rained most prodigiously, when luckily Neil observed a rock appearing in the middle of the sound, and begg’d of the prince to allow him a little more time, that it seem’d very probable at low water they could pass over with dry feet without being obliged to hazard his life by sweeming, which was to be the ultimate resource, which happened accordingly, for in less than three quarters of an hour’s time, they passed over without wetting the soles of their shoes.[501]

The prince seem’d as well pleased when he got out of that labyrinth as if he was landed in France; he was so cold (for the rain pierced to his very skin) that he trembled, the moor being so plain that there was not the least bush, eminence, or hill to cover him from the weather, and he was so hungry that he was not able to walk, having eaten not a mouthful of any kind since the evening before.[Pg 255] In this deplorable condition it was hard to determine how to behave, but as there was no time to be lost, despite of rain and weather, he continued his journey for Roshiness, where he expected to find the ladies before him that night. When they had walkt about a quarter of a mile, they lighted accidentally upon two sheelings, where two of Clanranald’s tennants stay’d, who, seeing them coming, came to meet them. Neil, to prevent their coming too nigh, stept on and met them; they enquired what were these other two that came along with him.

Neil satisfied their curiosity by telling them they were poor Irish gentlemen, who made their escape from Culloden, and run to the country for shelter, and that it was an act of charity if they had any kind of eatables to give them some refreshment, for that they had not tasted meat for eight-and-forty hours before, whereupon the honest fellows order’d them to go in; the door of the hut was so low and narrow, that the prince was obliged to creep upon his belly. There they feasted splendidly upon such cheer as there was to be had, which was mostly milk kind; being thus sufficiently refreshed they went off, and as Neil was not thoroughly acquainted in that rod, he brought one of the fellows with him for a guide to whom he gave half a guinea for his pains. When they were within three miles of Roshiness, being at that time five in the afternoon, they laid down in a lock side among high heather, which was all the shelter they had from the rain.

There they past the remaining part of the day, the prince shivering with cold all the time. When it was late, they set out for Rosshiness, the night turned so dark that they could not see three yards before them, and the rain was so vehement, with the wind blowing directly in their teeth, that they could scarcely look where to set their foot; besides the rod was so very bad, that the prince, despite of what care Neil and O’Neil could take of him, fell at almost every step in some ditch or mire, where, very often, he lost his shoes, which gave Neil a vast deal of trouble and pains before he could fish them[Pg 256] up again, being sometimes obliged to put his hand to the very shoulder in the puddle for them.

After having surmounted all these troubles and difficulties, they at last arrived in the long wished for harbour. When they came near the house, Neil left the prince and O’Neil about a cannon-shot off, while he himself went in to see whether the ladies were come; but finding none but the man who took care of the house in bed with his wife, who told him that twenty of the Skay militia who landed there two days before, were in a tent about a quarter of a mile of the house, he returned to the prince with that dismal news, which so enraged him, that he was like to tear his clothes in pieces, not knowing where to run for safety, the enemy being every where.

The guide, though he did not understand the language they spoke, yet understood the confusion they were in, told them there was one of Clanranald’s boomen[502] not far off, into whose house they might go with safety till they came to a further resolution. They immediately betook themselves thither, and I leave the reader to judge what a bonny figure they made when they came to examine themselves before light, all bespattered with dirt and mud, after the foregoing night’s walk. There he resolved to return Neil to Nuntown[503] to inform Miss MacDonald that he was arrived, and to hasten her to come without any longer delay.

Neil, who foresaw clearly the danger he would be exposed to, if he was left with a man who knew not one step of the country, or where to retire to in case of necessity, absolutely denied to part with the prince upon any account, and so Mr. O’Neill was obliged to go upon that expedition; who was mighty well pleased to be entrusted with that embassy, not so much to further the prince’s affairs, as to be in company with Miss Flora, for whom he professed a great deal of kindness at that time. About[Pg 257] break of day, the Booman’s wife told Neil that it was dangerous for them to stay in the house any longer because the militia were wont to come every morning to buy milk, whereupon Neil and his pupil went and lodged under a rock pretty near the shore, where the Booman sent one of his derry maids to give them notice from time to time, what was passing among their neighbour enemies.

It is almost inexpressible what torment the prince suffered under that unhappy rock which had neither height nor bredth to cover him from the rain which poured down upon him so thick as if all the windows of heaven had broke open, and, to compleat his tortures, there lay such a swarm of mitches upon his face and hands as would have made any other but himself fall into despair, which, notwithstanding his incomparable patience, made him utter such hideous cries and complaints as would have rent the rocks with compassion.

Neil, who stood all this time aside him, could be of no more service to him than to let run to the ground the rain which stagnated in the lurks of the plaid wherein he lay wrapt. In this miserable condition he continued for about three hours, till their faithful scoote came for the last time, and told them they might return to the house, for that the militia was gone; Neil helped him to his feet, and they marched away to the house, where the good derrymaid took care to make a roozing fire for their coming. He was no sooner entered but Neil stripped him of all his clothes from top to toe, and hung rops round the house to dry them on; he sate down in his shirt at the fireside as merry and hearty as if he was in the best room at Whitehall.

After he had warmed himself, he desired Neil to ask the wife if she had any eatables. She said that she had nothing except a chapin of milk she kept for her bairns, which Neil desired her to warm in a pot, and when it was hot to froth it up with the machine made for that purpose. When all was ready, the wife placed the pot before the prince and Neil, and gave them two horn spoons as coarse as ever was made use of, the prince ask’t Neil[Pg 258] what it was, who told it was fresh creme, he not doubting but it was really so, and at the same time believing it to be solid, pushed his hand to the very wrist in the scalded milk, which made him draw back his hand in the greatest hurry, all full of wrath, and dropt his spoon in the pot. Neil had all the difficulty imaginable to keep his gravity, to hear him curse the wife and her pot a hundred times, calling her a vile witch for (says he) she contrived it a purpose that we might burn ourselves. Neil, seeing him altogether out of humour, in order to pacify him, told he would take a stick and labour her to an inch of her life with it, and immediately ran to an oar of the boat that was lying before him to knock out her brains. The prince, believing him to be serious, begged of him not to touch her, for, if he came to do her any hurt, she would certainly run off and bring a party upon them.

After this repas, the prince inclined to sleep a little, as he rested none the night before; but to get a bed for him was the question—in short, there was no better shift than to take the leaf of the door, and lay it down upon the floor, and spread an old ragged sail over it, which Neil found in the house; there he slept some hours wrapt in his wet plaid. The guide, who went with O’Neil the night before to Clanranald’s house, returned towards evening, who brought along with him a rosted fowl, and a couples of bottles of wine, and a letter from O’Neil to the prince, the contents of which I could not find out, though it’s very probable he excused himself for not returning, under pretence to hasten all matters for leaving the country. The prince supp’t very heartily upon what the lady had sent him, and afterwards slept soundly upon a heather bed, which Neil made for him.

Next morning the prince wrote a letter to O’Neil by the same post that brought the former, desiring him to come to him that night; but O’Neil contented himself to return him an answer by the same bearer, telling him he could not come by reason that he waited Miss McDonald and the Lady Clanranald, who was to come next day without fail.

[Pg 259]

The prince waited that day in the house of Roshiness. Next morning Neil carried him to a hill half way betwixt Roshiness and Nuntown;[504] there they lay till the evening, when they returned to their former quarters.

The prince seemed very uneasie that night that neither Mac O’Neil nor the ladys did not come according to promise; but the truth is, thay could not really come sooner, as they were busie night and day to get his dress made for the prince, and whatever other things he might have occasion for. The next day Rory McDonald, and one John McDonald, who were to be two of our crew, arrived in the morning, and told that both boat and crew were ready whenever he pleased.

Whereupon Neil carried the prince to the same hill where they had sculked the day before, and leaving him in the hands of the two McDonalds before mentioned, posted off himself to hurry the ladys from Nuntown, and sent off O’Neil directly to the place where he left the prince when himself went with the Lady Clan, Miss Flora McDonald, Clanranald’s daughter, and Mr. McDonald of Milltown, Miss Flora’s brother, about another rod, where they were to have the conveniency of a boat to Roshiness.

The prince, who arrived first, welcomed them ashore, and handed the Lady Clan to the house, while O’Neil took care of Miss Flora. There they passed some hours very hearty and merry till supper was served, which was scarce began, when one of Clanranald’s herds came with the news that General Campbell[505] was landing his men[Pg 260] within three miles of them. The supper thus ended, which was hardly begun—all run to their boat in the greatest confusion, every one carrying with him whatever part of the baggage came first to his hand, without either regard to sex or quality, they crossed Lochisguiway,[506] and, about five in the morning, landed on the other side, where they ended the supper.

About eight a servant came to the Lady Clanranald to acquaint her that General Campbell, with a party of his men, were at her house, and wanted that she should be there before twelve of the clock otherwise that her house should suffer for all. Here the lady and her daughter took leave of the prince and went off. Great was the debate betwixt Miss Flora and O’Neil upon this occasion, who insisted strongly to leave the country with the prince; but Miss McDonald would never condescend, because he being a stranger, and consequently did not speak the language of the country, would readily be taken notice of by the common sort, and so took leave of the prince and Miss, made the best of his way to South Wist along with Milltown.

The company being gone, the prince, stript of his own cloaths, was dressed by Miss Flora in his new attire, but could not keep his hands from adjusting his head dress, which he cursed a thousand times. There they lay till the evening, waiting impatiently for the night to set off. Here they were alarmed by five wherries, the same, as they supposed, that landed the Campbells the night before in Benbicula, supposing, by taking this precaution, to keep the prince from making his escape. But their fears were soon over; for the wherries sailed by to the southward without ever stopping. After sunset they got into their boat, which was managed by the following persons—Rory McDonald, John McDonald, John McMurich, Duncan Campbell, and Rory McDonald of Glengary family; the prince passed for Miss McDonald’s maid, and Neil McDonald in the quality of a servant.[507]

[Pg 261]

The weather proving calm in the beginning of the night, they rowed away at a good rate; but, about twelve, there blew a gale of westerly wind, which eased the Rowers not little, but at the same time there came on such thick mist as robbed them of the sight of all lands; great was the debate among the boatmen upon this occasion, some asserted that they lost their course, while others maintained the contrary, till their dispute end’d at last to cease rowing till day would decide their error. In the morning, the weather being quite clear, they rowed along the coast of Sky, but the wind, shifting about to the north, blew at nine o’clock so strong in their teeth, that for an hour and a half it was impossible to discern whether they made any way or not.

The prince, who, all this time, was not in the least discouraged, encouraged them to row still better, saying that he would relieve him that was most fatigued. The poor men, almost ready to breathe out their last, at length made the point of Watersay on the north corner of the Isle of Sky, where, having got into a cliff in a rock, they rested themselves for an hour, and at the same time revived their drooping spirits with a plentiful repas of bread and butter, while the water that fell from the top of the rock furnished them drink.

This gave them fresh vigour for to undertake the remaining part of their labour, the weather being quite calm again, they rowed round the point close by the land. They had not gone far on the other side, when they spyed two centrys upon shore, one of whom approached nearer, and ordered them to put to, but they rowed the faster; which he observing, advanced as far as the sea would permitt him, bad them put to, a second time in a more threatning manner, and seeing them like not to obey, he cocked his piece, which he thought to fire upon them, but, as Providence ordered it, she misgave, and so he was disappointed. The other who look’d on all this time, made to heels to a neighbouring village, about a cannon shot off, to acquaint their officer (if there was any) of what had happened.

[Pg 262]

The boatmen, justly judging what he was going about, made them now row for dear blood. They very soon saw the event of their conjectures, for a body of about fifteen men, full armed, marched straight from the village to the rock, where their centry was post’d, and if they had the presence of mind to launch out one of their boats (of which they had two close by them) we must have been inevitably taken.

The prince by this time was sensible of his error in not allowing the men at parting from Uist to have any arms in the boat, which if they had had, were fully resolved to fight it out to the last man, notwithstanding the inequality of numbers. The enemy seeing it quite out of their power to execute their design in coming thither, as we got fairly out of their reach, took a walk along the shore, without giving the prince or crew any uneasiness, further than to gaze at them till they landed in Kilbride in Troterniss within a cannon shot of Sir Alexander McDonald’s house,[508] twelve miles from the place where we saw the enemy.

In the neighbourhood of this place was another party of the Sky militia, who was post’d there to examine all boats that came from the isles, as they were pretty well assured that the prince was there at that time. Miss and Neil having kept the prince in the boat as well as they could, went to the house, leaving strict orders with the boatmen not to stir from it till they came back, or some word from them, and in case their curiosity led any body[Pg 263] thither, who might perhaps take the liberty to ask who was the person kept in the boat, to answer Miss McDonald’s maid, and to curse her for a lazy jade, what was she good for, since she did not attend her Mrs.

When they were come near the house, they were informed by a servant that Sir Alexander was gone for Fort Augustus some days before to wait upon Cumberland, and that there was no company with the lady but two gentlemen, to wit, McDonald of Kingsbourg,[509] and Lieutenant McLeod,[510] commander of the party before mentioned, and one Mrs. McDonald who came the day before from North Wist, and who was so strictly examined by the party upon the point of Waternish (taking her to be the prince in disguise), that she was at all the pains imaginable to keep off the soldiers’ hands from examining her person too closely, which must have been the Prince’s fate had he fallen into their hands.

Miss Flora having met with one Miss McDonald, Lady Margarate’s gentlewoman, sent her to acquaint her lady that she wanted to speak to her, who came back and carried Miss Flora to the lady’s apartment, where she told all the circumstances of the prince’s escape from the isles, and that she must harbour him as he came now under her protection.

The lady, in the greatest perplexity, was at a loss how to behave upon this occasion, for her hurry and impatience hindred her to fall upon proper means to get the prince conveyed privately to the house, especially at such an improper hour as eleven o’clock of the day. Whereupon she sent for Kingsborough, to whom she disclosed the whole secret. Kingsborough, without being in the least discomposed, explained to her the danger the[Pg 264] prince and her would be exposed to if she insisted to have him brought to her house, where she was to entertain one of the king’s officers that day, who could not miss to see and take notice of the person in disguise, as well as every body else about the town.

Having got the lady at last to yield, though with great reluctancy, he ordered Neil to return to the prince, and to carry him to the back of a hill, a long mile from the house of Mungstot, and there to wait till he came to join them, and ordered that some light clothes should be packt in the form of a bundle, for the prince to carry on his back, as if it had been some of Miss Flora’s baggage, which done, they set out for the hill, but they had not gone far, when tiring of his burden, which he carried very awkwardly, threw it from him, leaving it for Neil to carry, or leave, as he should think fit. It was in vain that Neil insisted he would take it again, but he would never condescend, saying that he had carried it long enough.

When they came to the place of meeting they sate down upon the side of a hillock, where they wait’d for Kingsborough. The prince, who was a long time silent and very pensive, ask’d Neil whether he had carried his case of knives from the boat; Neil, who did not miss them till then, answered he had not; ‘Then,’ said the prince, ‘you must return and look for them.’—‘Shall I for the sakes of all the knives in the universe leave you here all alone?’ reply’d Neil.—‘There will be no fears of me,’ said he, ‘do you what you are ordered, for I must absolutely have it, so no more words.’ Neil still opposed, but in vain; seeing him at last quite out of humour, and ready to fly in a passion, went leaving him there within a gun shot of the high rod, without a soul along with him.

When Neil returned he found Kingsborough with him taking a glass of wine, which Lady Margarate MacDonald had sent by Kingsborough, together with some few biscuits of which he ate a little, and gave the rest to Neil[Pg 265] to keep for him till another occasion. About an hour before sunset they set off for Kingsborough, where they were to be that night. Miss Flora, who staid for dinner at Mungstot, that she might not be suspected by Lieut. MacLeod, followed a horseback at some distance, and was mightily diverted to hear several of the country people with whom she fell in upon the road, as they returned from the meeting house at Mungstot, it being Sunday, make their remarks upon the behaviour of Betty Burk, her maid, which name the prince borrowed when he left the Isle of Wist.

Neil, who walked a little behind the prince, and Kingsborough, hearing the subject the fellows were upon, went slower till they came up and joined him, but they, notwithstanding, continued to speak with the same freedom as before, of the impudence and assurance of Miss Burk, who was not ashamed to walk and keep company with Kingsborough, and was no less vexed than surprised how he took so much notice of her, when he never minded her mistress, who was so near at hand. Betty, very easie of what would be said of her, went on always at such a rate, that she very often got a piece before her fellow travellers, which gave occasion to some of the fellows to cry out, ‘Curse the wretch do you observe, sir (meaning Neil), what terrible steps she takes, how manly she walks, how carelessly she carries her dress,’ and a hundred such like expressions, which they repeated over and over again.

But what they most took notice of all was, when Kingsborough and his companion was come to a rivulet about knee deep, which crossed the high rod, to see Burk take up her petty coats so high when she entred the water. The poor fellows were quite confounded at this last sight, which made them rail out against Burk, calling her all the names in the world, and ask’t of Neil if he was acquainted with her. Neil told them that he knew nothing about her further than to hear she was an Irish girl who met with Miss MacDonald in Wist, and uppon a report[Pg 266] of her being a famous spinister of lint, engaged her for her mother’s use.

The honest people soon after departed with Neil and Miss Flora, and made for their different homes full of astonish——

[Manuscript ends abruptly.]

[Pg 267]

The first advice that Mr. Grant got that any invasion or insurrection was intended was by a letter from Mr. Craigie, at that time his Majesty’s Advocate,[511] of date 5th August 1745 (Appen. No. 1st),[512] which came to his hands at his House of Grange-Hill in the low Country of Murray on Saturday 10th, and next day he had an account, that the young Pretender with some forces had actually landed and heard various and different Reports of their numbers.

Thereupon Sir James Grant and Mr. Grant went Monday the 12th to Castle Grant. Their country was all the time disarmed by authority of an Act of Parliament, nor durst they appear in arms otherwise than as Directed by the Statute, without Rendering themselves obnoxious to the Law, and att the Mercy of the proper officers, to whom the Execution of it was Committed. And they could not but observe, that his Majesty’s Advocate, however well satisfied he was of their zeal, yet makes no insinuation of their raising their Friends and Clan in arms: on the contrary says in Generall that at London they have no good opinion of this Country, and Desires no more of Mr. Grant, than to have a sharp look out, and send him Intelligence how matters go. For these Reasons Mr. Grant contented himself with calling together the Gentlemen in that country and causing enquire what arms could be found, should there be occasion for using them—

[Pg 270]

And he was the more confirmed in this opinion by advices he had that Lord President was returned to Culloden and had had Interviews with Severalls of his Friends, Chiefs and other Clans, yet he sent no message, nor made any insinuation to Mr. Grant that it was proper for him to appear in arms.

August 24th Mr. Grant Received another Letter from Lord Advocate, dated the 20th (App. No. 2)[513] in answer to one that Mr. Grant wrote the 15th with such Intelligence as he had then got of the Rebells. In that Letter he acquaints Mr. Grant that the Troops were in full march from Stirling which he hoped would be soon in Mr. Grant’s Neighbourhood; but he gives no authority nor advice to Mr. Grant to arm his Father’s clan unless that was intended by the Dark and ambiguous words that follow, viz. Which with the Assistance of His Majesty’s Friends it is hoped will restore quiet to the Country. But Mr. Grant was and still is persuaded that had such been my Lord Advocates meaning his Lordship who well knew the Law, and had reason to know in fact that the country was not half armed, would have expressed it in very different and plainer Terms.

Next Day after the Receipt of this letter Mr. Grant having got advice that Sir John Cope with the army under his Command were already past Tay Bridge[514] wrote to Sir John The Letter (App. No. 3),[515] which he sent by one of his[Pg 271] friends Robert Grant, now Ensign and Adjutant in Loudouns Regiment, whom he also Informed what number of arms were, according to the Reports made to Mr. Grant, found in the Country, and what number of men could be raised on short warning to the end that if Sir John should Demand any Assistance, that Gentleman might be able to inform him what he could expect.

This Gentleman instead of finding Sir John about Delnacardoch or to the southward of it, as Mr. Grant hoped he should, found him at Ruthven of Badenoch,[516] and Returned to Mr. Grant Monday the 26th at night without any other answer to his Letter than a verball message that Sir John thanked him for it. He further Informed Mr. Grant that Sir John, instead of going in quest of the Rebells, was marching to Inverness to avoid them and that next night he was to encamp in the head of Strathspey.

About this time Mr. Grant had advice that the Person called Duke of Perth was in Braemar raising the Highlanders in that country, that the Mackintoshes and M‘Phersons were all in concert with the Rebells[517] that their[Pg 272] plan was that they, and even the Pretender and the Highlanders with him, were to march down through Strathspey, and join Perth, and march through Strathaven, Glenlivet, and into Aberdeenshire and so Southward before Sir John Cope, raising all the men in the Country through which they marched. This obliged Mr. Grant to set about raising his Friends as fast as possible for Defence of his own country, which upon Sir John’s marching to Inverness behoved to be quite naked and exposed to them, and Deprived him of the Honour of waiting on Sir John as he intended to have done, when he was encamped in the head of Strathspey; However as Sir John was quite a stranger to the country, and there were some Dangerous passes in it he sent three of the Gentlemen of the country to wait on him and with orders to raise 40 or 50 of the men nearest to these grounds to serve him as Guides and give him Intelligence and with them to patrole in the Neighbouring Hills, not only all Nights but till the Army was quite clear of these Passes, and out of any kind of Danger from the Rebells; While Mr. Grant at the same time was gathering his Friends and cantoning them in the proper passes, to prevent if possible the Rebells entering his country, they having the very next day or second day after Sir John past made a march with six or seven hundred men, that pointed as if that had been their Design.

Mr. Grant therefore could not help being greatly surprised with accounts he had a few days after from Lord Lyon[518] by his letter without date (App. No. 4),[519] ‘that Sir[Pg 273] John Cope complained that tho’ Mr. Grant in his letter wrote him, that he and his people were ready to join and assist him, yet by some fatall advice, he woud neither join him with one man, nor go near him, and that if he had been joined but with one hundred or two from each of the Highland Chiftains, that he was told by the ministry would join him, he would have done their Business; but instead of that not one man has joined him of which he has acquainted the Ministry.’

Lord Lyon must undoubtedly have misunderstood Sir John. A Coppy of Mr. Grants Letter to him is subjoined (App. No. 3). He had no call nor the least Insinuation from Sir John to join him, nor did he know that the Ministry expected, or had authorised either him or any other Chiftain of a Clan to raise men in arms to join him.

But it seemed still more surprising that tho’ Sir John had not called for any assistance from Mr. Grant when he was on his march north, yet after the Army was at Inverness, and out of all Danger from the Rebells, Lord[Pg 274] Lyon still prest Mr. Grants marching his men to join Sir John at Inverness, and which advice was enforced by Major Grant,[520] Governour of Fort George, who came on purpose on that account to Castle Grant: But as the M‘Phersons and M‘Intoshes were then Rising and Glenbucket was in Strathaven and Glenlivet committing the Greatest outrages, even burning Houses to force out the Men, such a measure must, without doing the smallest service to the Government, have Involved his own Country of Strathspey in absolute ruin. Yet Mr. Grant agreed with Major Grant, that if Sir John was to march directly in quest of the Rebells, he would join him with all the men he could possibly raise, tho’ he could not agree to leave his own Country Exposed, to join Sir John if he was to march where there were no Rebells to be attacked.

Upon the Intelligence that Mr. Grant had of Glenbucket levying men in Strathaven, and the outrages committed there, particularly a letter from his sister Mrs. Grant of Ballindalloch, dated September 5 (App. No. 5),[521] He sent about two or three hundred men to Strathaven and upon their approach Glenbucket retired from that country whereof Mr. Grant acquainted Sir John Cope, then on his way to Aberdeen by a letter about the 10th September (App. No. 6).[522]

Mr. Grant got a Message from Lord President, Sept. 14th, Desiring an Interview, and as neither of them in the then situation of the Country could be absent a night from his own House, Mr. Grant met him Monday 17th at a place apointed, when the Lord President acquainted him, that he the Lord President was impowered by the[Pg 275] Government to raise some Company’s, That therefore he made offer of the first of them to him, and that he Mr. Grant should have the naming of all the Oficiers of that Company. Mr. Grant answered, that since he the Lord President proposed it, he would take the Company but could not name the Officers till he returned home, least by naming some, he might Disoblige others, but at the same time, gave his opinion that the raising some Companys would not do the service, and that it would be necessary to raise the whole of the Clans, that were Friends to the Government.

Upon Mr. Grants return to his own House, He and all the Gentlemen in the Country had got Information that the Lord President got the Disposall of Twenty Companys, he found them greatly Disobliged that only one of them was to be given to their Clan, which they thought very far short of the proportion they bore to the other Northern Clans, that were the avowed and constant Friends of his Majestys Government, and looked on it as a slight intended to them and that either it was intended, that no more of them but that company should be employed in the service, or if they were that it must be att their own expense while the other Favourite Clanns were to be payed by the Government. And for these Reasons Mr. Grant found greater Difficulty in naming the officers than he could foresee before he knew the number of the Companys to be raised. That if the measure of raising Companys were still insisted on that Mr. Grant rather than hurt the service would accept of four or even of three of them; But a smaller number would not employ the principal Gentlemen of the Clan nor satisfy any of them where so many companys were to be Disposed of.

Lord Deskfoord[523] was therefore prevailed with to go to Culloden to explain these things to Lord President and at[Pg 276] the same time to assure him, that the whole Clan should on all occasions be ready to act in the Governments service, only that it would be necessary to give them pay during the Time that they should be employed, because Mr. Grant’s private Fortune could not bear so great an expence.

Lord Deskfoord at his return reported the Lord President’s answer, That he was trusted with the Disposal of Twenty Companys, yet at the same time all possible economy was enjoined, That he could not therefore at first exceed one Company to any one Clan, That he knew the value and Importance in that country of the Family of Grant, and had for that reason offered the first to Mr. Grant, and should he refuse it others might follow his Example, and thereby the whole sceme miscarry. And whether it was the best measure that might have been proposed yet it being the only one that the Government had yet proposed for employing their friends in the north, a miscarriage might be of bade consequence. That he therefore hoped that where so much was at stake Mr. Grant would come over small Difficultys, and if in the future Distribution of these Companys due regard was not had to the Family of Grant That Mr. Grant would have reason to Complain.

Upon Consideration of this answer Mr. Grant satisfied his Friends, and with their approbation accepted of the Company offered, whereof he acquainted Lord President by his letter September 22d (App. No. 7),[524] and therein named the officers. And Lord President by his answer, Sept 24th, (App. No. 8),[525] Confirmed what Lord Deskfoord had reported of the Communing Between them, Approved the nomination Mr. Grant had made of Officers, and desired that the men might be ready at a call, because he Daily expected arms and money.

September 28th Lord President wrote to Mr. Grant,[Pg 277] (App. No. 9),[526] the Different accounts he had got of the Battle of Preston, and after Expressing his apprehension of the effects it might have in that country ‘Suggests That Mr. Grant should have all his people Alert that they might be able to do such service as the exegence might require, which would help to cause their Neighbours Consider.’

This was the first letter that Mr. Grant received from any Person intrusted by the Government that Directly proposed the raising his Men, other than the Company already mentioned and having received advices about the same time that the Farquharsons in Aberdeenshire were rising, and that the M‘Phersons were to march through Strathspey to join them, he furthwith rised all the men that he could Find any Kind of Arms for, and got together about seven hundred. The M‘Phersons did accordingly about two days after march near the Borders between Badenoch and Strathspey; but upon Mr. Grants marching up to meet them, they retired to Ruthven, and from thence to Cluny M‘Phersons house. But Mr. Grant having got Intelligence, that the M‘Intoshes were in Motion, he keeped his Men together for eight Days ’till he had certain notice that they had not moved.[527]

Mr. Grant had sent him by his Baillie in Urquhart Twelve miles benorth Inverness a Letter to the Baillie from Angus M‘Donald son to Glengarry,[528] Dated September the 30th, ordering the Tenants in that Country to Join his Standart (as he called it) and threatening in case of Disobedience to burn the Country, and was afterwards advised by the Baillie by a letter of October 8th that he had been prevented by the said Angus M‘Donald from Marching into Strathspey as Mr. Grant had ordered him with such of the Tenants as were willing to follow him, and that the Country would be ruined in ten Days. These[Pg 278] Letters Mr. Grant answered October 6th and 10th, exhorting them to continue stadefast to the Government, ordering the Baillie to bring the Men to Strathspey, and engaging[Pg 279] himself to repair all the Damage the Rebells should do them if they complyed with his order (App. No. 10, 11, 12, 13).[529]

[Pg 280]

Mr. Grant received a Letter from Lord Loudoun, October 11th (App. No. 14th),[530] acquainting him of his arival to command the Troops with one from Lord President, October 12th, Desiring him to bring the Company together, and to have them ready to march at a Call, and as many men as Mr. Grant could arm to have them ready on any Exigency if they were called out and adds ‘Ways and Means shall be fallen on to subsist them’ (App. No. 15),[531] and October 16th (App. No. 16),[532] Mr. Grant assures Lord Loudoun that he would exert himself to do everything in his power for his Majestys service under his Lordships Direction and Advice, acquaints him of his having sent a party to Banffshire to stop levying cess for the Pretender[Pg 281] (which effectually did at that time), and gives him notice that the Company was ready at a Call.

October 22d and 23d Mr. Grant received from John Grant his Chamberlain or Steward in Urquhart Two letters, Dated 21st and 22d October (App. No. 17 and 18),[533][Pg 282] Aquainting him that Glengarry’s son, M‘Donald of Barrisdale, Glenmoriston and the Master of Lovat, were come to force out his Tenents in Urquhart, and threatned to carrie away their whole Cattle, if they did not Join. That upon the Chamberlains assuring them, that Mr. Grant would make good all their Damages The Tenants absolutely refused to Join and resolved to oppose the M‘Donalds, should they attempt to carry off their Cattle, tho they were not able to resist both them and the Frasers, and aquainting him also of a Dispute between the Master of Lovat and Barrisdale which of them had the best title to these Tenents. The Master insisting that he had the best right to them except such of them as were of the name of M‘Donald whom he willingly yielded to Barrisdale, and that this Dispute had superseded the execution of their Threatnings Till it should be decided by Lord Lovat.

That Mr. Grant looked upon this as of the utmost immportance to the Government, that the King’s Faithfull subjects who were Determined even at the hazard of their lives and the whole of their little Fortunes to persevere in their Loyalty, should not suffer to be Dragged against their wills into the Rebellion and that too within Twelve miles of Inverness. He was at the same time aware, That Lord Loudoun who had then got no more than one of the new Companys the Monroes, not having yet called for the Grants, had not a force sufficient to leave Inverness, and to march against such Numbers as might be brought to oppose him, and as Urquhart is Distant about fourty miles from Castle Grant, There was no time to Deliberate, or to receive Lord Loudon’s Directions. Mr. Grant therefore forthwith assembled his friends to the number of betwixt six and seven Hundred tho many of them were ill armed, and Marched for Inverness in his way to Urquhart having[Pg 283] Recommended to Lord Deskfoord to give notice of his March and the Design of it by Express to the Earl of Loudoun and Lord President, and to begg that Lord Loudoun would order Quarters to be provided for the men at Inverness. But upon Saturday the 26th James Grant of Dell one of the Tenants in Urquhart met Mr. Grant upon his march with Accounts that the Rebells had Left Urquhart, and marched Northward to the country of Assint, and Mr. Grant thought himself Lucky that they had done so; for about the same Time The answer to Lord Deskfoords Letter signed by both Lord Loudoun and Lord President Dated October 26th (App. No. 19)[534] was brought him by Express ‘Wishing that Mr. Grant had Communicated to them his Design, before he set out with such numbers, which might have the effect to begin Horseplay before they were sufficiently prepared.’ And upon Receipt of this Letter Mr. Grant Dismissed his men except about 100 that he constantly Keept partly about his House and partly in some proper passes or Inlets to his Country.

November 3d Mr. Grant got a Letter from Lord Lewis Gordon in the Pretender’s name (App. No. 20),[535] Desiring[Pg 284] Mr. Grants allowance at least his connivance to raise men. Mr. Grant would not see the Messenger and ordered such a verbal answer to be given him as his Message Deserved, but being at the same Time Informed of Lord Lewis’s practices in Strathavin and of his Designs on Kincardine,[536] an Estate upon Speyside belonging to the Duke of Gordon, Mr. Grant raised about 200 men more and marched them to Abernethy lying betwixt Strathaven and Kincardine, and thereby not only prevented Lord Lewis from forcing out any men in Kincardine, but also obliged him to retreat from Strathavin, and give over for that time his recruiting there.

November 7th Mr. Grant Received a Letter from Lord Loudoun, Dated Nov. 5 (App. No. 21),[537] commending the Company of Grants that had been sent to him, and if Mr. Grant should need any assistance against Lord Lewis Gordon, promising all he could give him and at the same time got a letter from the President of the same Date, (App. No. 22),[538] and to the same effect. And in this Letter he for the first time made an offer to Mr. Grant of another Company and desired him to name the officers.

By this Time the Gentlemen in Strathspey heard it Reported that the Laird of M‘Leod was to have no less than four companys, and began to complain that Mr. Grant had accepted of even one Company; Therefore[Pg 285] instead of giving an answer in writing Mr. Grant chose to go to Inverness about November 10th and found that about 400 M‘Leods were already come to the neighbourhood of Inverness tho’ it was then said that 200 were to be employed and the rest to return Home.

Mr. Grant told Lord Loudoun and Lord President, that all his Friends were in perfect good Humour, and readie to venture their Lives and Fortunes in the service, and that it was of the outmost consequence to him to preserve that good spirit among them. That he found great Danger of Creating Jealousys and Animositys among them by raising the first Company, tho’ there would have been no Danger nor Difficulty in raising four or five. But as the Country was now in Great Ferment the Danger of Disobligeing many Gentlemen of his name would now be much greater should he accept of another Company, and thereby have the naming of the officers and no more. However upon their continuing to urge it Mr. Grant agreed to take it to consideration till he should return to Strathspey, and converse with the Gentlemen of the Country about it.

After Returning to Strathspey the Gentlemen had got certain accounts that M‘Leod had got four Companys, besides another to be given to his cousin M‘Leod of Genzies, and therefore cou’d not be persuaded to agree to Mr. Grants accepting of only one which they thought a very partial Distribution, and Mr. Grant by his Letter 29th November, whereof (vide the Coppy App. No. 23d),[539] aquainting the Lord Loudoun of their Resolutions; ‘but at the same time asured his Lordship that the whole body of the clan should be ready upon a few days notice to go upon any Duty under his Lordships eye or Command, that his Lordship should think for his Majesty’s service.’

In the same letter Mr. Grant after aquainting Lord Loudoun of the Great outrages the Rebells were committing in the shires of Banff and Aberdeen and noticing of what Importance it would be to relieve these Countys, and especially the Town of Aberdeen, from so grievous[Pg 286] oppression, beggs to have his Lordships commands and promises in five Days after Receiving his Lordships Orders to march with five or Six Hundred men to Aberdeen to restore the peace of those parts. Mr. Grant now felt the disadvantage of having accepted even of one Company; the want of 100 good men and of 100 broadswords and Pistols that he had at Lord Loudouns desire furnished them must have been a considerable loss in such an Expedition, however he thought himself strong enough without them for any body of the Rebells that he heard was in Aberdeenshire but as he could not forsee whether they might not be reinforced from Perth, therefore in that letter he also suggests that in case of any Reinforcements being sent from Perth to Aberdeen, it might be proper to send Captain Grants Company to his assistance, and hoped that in his absence Lord Loudoun would Protect his Country.

Lord Loudoun however did not think proper to give Mr. Grant these orders (and very likely he Judged better than Mr. Grant) for by his answer, December 2d (App. No. 24),[540] he aquaints Mr. Grant of an Expedition he was going upon, which would take him a few days. After which he proposed to march along the Coast for the Relief of that country, where, if it should prove necessary, he would expect and begg Mr. Grant’s assistance.

Earl of Findlater and Mr. Grant had repeated advices from Banffshire, particularly from the Earl of Findlaters Chamberlain and Mr. Grant of Auchynanie[541] of the oppressive demands made on the people of that country of men and Money, and Military Execution threatned, in case of Refusal and that December 10th was fixed for commencing such military Execution att Keith. Lord Findlater had thereupon, December 9th, wrote to Lord Loudoun and in his absence to Lord President begging relief and Mr.[Pg 287] Grant had given assurance to Auchynanie of Assistance how soon such violences should be begun, and December 11th at night he had a letter from Auchynanie of that days date, that they were already begun, and Lord Findater had one from his Chamberlain[542] much to the same purpose (vid. App. No. 25, 26, 27).[543] No Return was come from Lord Loudoun or the President, and there was[Pg 288] ground from their former Letters to presume, that Lord Loudoun was then upon another Expedition, and immediate relief seemed to be absolutely necessary. Mr. Grant thought therefore that he might be justly blamed by the Government as well as by his Friends in that Country should he stay tamely at home, waiting for orders from Lord Loudoun, and suffer them in the meantime to be ruined. Therefore he brought together 5 or 600 men and with them marched, December 12th, from Castle Grant, whereof he then acquainted Lord Loudoun by Express (App. No. 28th),[544] ‘That he proposed to be next night at Keith and endeavour to come up with Lord Lewis Gordons party, wherever they were, and that he would continue in that country with a force sufficient to keep the peace until he should receive his Lordships further Directions.’

The weather was so excessive bad and rainy that Mr. Grant by Mid Day of Saturday, the 14th, had got no further than Auflunkart within four miles of Keith, where he got Intelligence that upon notice of his March the Rebells had left Keith and gone to Fochabers. Mr. Grant therefore halted there that day to refresh his men and clean their arms, and there he received a Letter from Lord Findlater of December 13th (App. No. 29),[545] covering[Pg 289] Lord Presidents answer to his Lordship, Dated December 11th (App. No. 30),[546] which came to Castle Grant only the 13th. In that Letter he Informs Lord Findlater that on the 10th five or six hundred men had marched from Inverness towards Aberdeen by Elgin for the Relief of these Countys. That they were quickly to be followed by Lord Loudoun with as many more if needfull, and by a further force if it shall be wanted.

At the same time he had some accounts that Lord Loudoun was come to Murray, and that the Rebells had brought the boats on Spey to the East or Fochabers side of the River; Wherefore Mr. Grant sent a party of an hundred men who secured the boat of Bridge[547] which is[Pg 290] two miles further up the River and by Express aquainted Sir Harry Innes[548] at Elgin of what he had done, and Desired him to ask whether Lord Loudoun had any Commands for him, and that night he cantoned his men at Auflunkart Mulbain and adjacent villages.

Next morning Sir Harrie Innes came to him with a Letter from M‘Leod (App. No. 31),[549] Expressing ‘his joy at the news of the Grants being there, and aquainting him that he was at Elgin to attempt to pass Spey to assist in Protecting that country. That he heard the passage was to be Disputed, and that the Rebells had gathered all the boats at Bogg[550] to the East side, and that he was perswaded that Mr. Grants moving that way would Disperse them, and open that passage, which otherwise might be hazardous.’ (Vide Mr. Grants answer, App. No. 32.)[551]

Upon Receipt of this letter Mr. Grant marched towards Fochabers, but when he came within Two Miles of it, accounts were brought him, that on his approach the Rebells retired from it through the Enzie. Mr. Grant apprehending that they might have gone to Cullen, and taken Possession of Lord Findlaters House Detached a Party thither who took possession of it and the Town and prevented a party of the Rebells that had been sent thither for that purpose, and sent some gentlemen to wait of M‘Leod who passed the River without any opposition, and Mr. Grant again that night billetted his men, much in the same place they were the night before.

[Pg 291]

The Gentlemen sent to M‘Leod Brought Mr. Grant word, that he was to remain that night at Fochabers, and to march the next day the 16th to Cullen, wherefore Mr. Grant marched next day to Keith, and after Quartering his men and placing advance Guards some miles further towards Strathboggie, where he heard the main body of the Rebells was, he went himself to Cullen to assist the Deputy Sheriffs in accomodating M‘Leod and his men. For which purpose Mr. Grant had got a Commission of Sheriff Depute from Lord Findlater, and on the 17th returned back to Keith.

Mr. Grant aquainted M‘Leod of the Letter he had wrote to Lord Loudoun, and of his purpose to remain at Keith till further orders; but M‘Leod was very earnest with him to go forward, and was of opinion that he would receive orders to do so.

Upon Mr. Grants Return to Keith a Messenger brought him a Letter from Lord Lewis Gordon with a printed Declaration by Lord John Drummond and a printed Letter signed Marshall (App. No. 33).[552] These papers joined[Pg 292] with what M‘Leod had said Determined Mr. Grant to go at least to Strathboggie, and therefore returned a verbal answer by the Messenger who brought the Letter, ‘That if Lord Lewis with his men would be at Strathbogie, next Day at 12 o’clock Mr. Grant and his men should there give them the answer, which he was Determined should be proclaimed over the Cross and affixed upon it.’ He immediately aquainted M‘Leod by Express of his[Pg 293] Design and that night got his answer (App. No. 34),[553] with a letter from Captain Monro of Culcairne from Fochabers.

December 18th Mr. Grant marched to Strathboggie and upon his approach the Rebells fled, and there he made the Proclamation (App. No. 35)[554] and affixed it upon the most publick places and provided quarters for the Two Companys that Culcairn was bringing, fully Determined if he was not countermanded to proceed forward in Aberdeenshire as far as he could do any service to the Government, or give any assistance to M‘Leod, when on the 19th he received a letter from Lord Loudoun and another from[Pg 294] Lord Deskfoord, both dated at Inverness December 14th (App. No. 36, 37),[555][556] which pretty plainly apeared to Mr. Grant to be a Rebuke tho’ in very modest and polite terms for his undertaking that Expedition without orders and that Lord Loudoun, as he thought he had provided sufficiently for that service without Mr. Grant, he wished him rather to return than to proceed further, tho’ he wou’d give him no orders because he had given him none to go there. He therefore Resolved to return to Keith of which he aquainted Culcairne then at Strathboggie, as he did also[Pg 295] M‘Leod by express, vid. his Letter with M‘Leods answer—(App. No. 38, 39).[557][558]

Mr. Grant therefore Immediately returned to Strathspey but that as he apprehended that when M‘Leod was gone forward some small partys of the Rebells (whereof he had heard of severalls that could be formed in one Days time) might give Disturbance to the Country, he ventured even without orders to leave a party of 60 men at his house in Mulbain within Two miles of Fochabers, of which however he acquainted Lord Loudoun after his return to Castle Grant by a Letter, December 24th (App. No. 40),[559] wherein he renewed his offer of Employing his whole Clan, wherever Lord Loudoun should think they could be of any service to the Government, and that small party happened afterwards to be of good use after the Unlucky Disaster that happened to M‘Leods party at Inverury by securing the boats upon Spey to make good their Retreat. December 25th Mr. Grant received a letter from Sir Harrie Innes dated 24th December (App. No. 41),[560] with an Account of the Disaster at Inverury,[561] and that M‘Leod was come to Elgin and by his orders Desiring[Pg 296] Mr. Grant to have his men ready to oppose Lord Lewis Gordon, and at least to secure the boats upon Spey, and Sir Harry presses Mr. Grant to march his men the length of Rothes to the Protection of Murray, and December 29th he received Two letters one from the Magistrates of Elgin and another from Sir Harrie Innes, Dated December 28th, aquainting him that M‘Leod had marched to Forres and that by their Intelligence they Expected Lord Lewis Gordon with 500 men, and therefore begging Mr. Grant to come to protect them. Mr. Grant so far comply’d as to secure the Boats; but after the two reproofs he already got he did not think that he could be Justified if he should march his men a third time, without orders from Lord Loudoun, who surely could best judge when it was proper to employ his men. Therefore he wrote to the Magistrates his opinion, that Lord Lewis would not venture to Cross Spey while Lord Loudoun was so near him and he Mr. Grant above him, but that he could not promise to march any body of men but in concert with and by the Direction of Lord Loudoun (App. 42),[562] and he[Pg 297] could not help being pleased that he had given such an answer when afterwards he Received another letter from Sir Harry Innes wrote that same night, December 28th[Pg 298] (App. No. 43),[563] and Lord Loudouns Letter, December 30th (App. No. 44),[564] in answer to Mr. Grants to him of the 24, wherein he writes Mr. Grant, that he could not yet undertake any new operation; But that how soon he should find it proper to undertake any thing of moment towards the East, he should aquaint Mr. Grant in order to Concert together the most effectual way of Doing it.

[Pg 299]

January 9th, 1746, Mr. Grant wrote to my Lord Loudoun by James Grant his Chamberlain of Strathspey (App. No. 45),[565] concerning some new attempts that were made[Pg 300] to force his Tenents of Urquhart into the Rebellion. The reason of sending his Chamberlain was that he might explain to my Lord the particulars and receive his Lordships orders which he was directed to obey, and in that Letter after giving him some further Intelligence Mr. Grant writes as follows:—

‘I think it my Duty to take nottice to your Lordship that the Rebells are exerting themselves in every corner of the North to encrease their army. I therefore think it absolutely necessary that all the Friends of the Government should use their utmost efforts to Disconcert and Disperse them. I had a meeting yesterday with all the Gentlemen of this Country and I can assure your Lordship we wait only your Lordships order and Directions, and there is nothing in our power but we will do upon this Important occasion for the service of our King and Country. I wish it were possible to Assist us with some arms; and money to be sure would be also necessary; But give me leave to assure your Lordship, that the last Farthing I or any of my Friends have, or that our credit can procure us, shall be employed in supporting of our men upon any expedition your Lordship shall Direct us to undertake for this glorious Cause we are all Ingaged in. I wish to God your Lordship and the Lord President would think of some measure of conveening the whole body of the Kings Friends in the North, and I would[Pg 301] gladely hope we would form such a body as would in a Great Measure disconcert, and strike a Damp upon the army of the Rebells in the South and effectually put a stop to any further Junctions they may Expect benorth Stirling. And at the same time surely we might prevent their being Masters of so much of this North Coast as also hinder many of the Kings Subjects from being opprest by the exorbitant sums of Money the Rebells are at present Levying.’

January 17th Mr. Grant received Lord Loudouns Answer, Dated Jany 16 (App. No. 46),[566] approving indeed Mr. Grants sceme, but that he could not in the present Situation undertake it, till he had got a return to Letters he had sent for Instructions, and a little more certainty of the motions of the Rebells, and that how soon Instructions should arive, he should aquaint Mr. Grant and consult with him.

After this nothing Material happened in the North till the Retreat of the Rebells from Stirling and upon the first Intelligence of their coming to Blair[567] Mr. Grant again conveened his men to the number of above Six Hundred tho’ very ill armed whom he stationed in the properest manner he could either for Joining Lord Loudon (who he supposed would probably come to his assistance) to attack the Rebells at the passes in the entrance into the Country, or if Lord Loudoun should not come to his Assistance, and that the Rebells should be too numerous[Pg 302] for him to engage alone, so as to retire but keep in a body and prevent as far as possible their Destroying the Country or forcing away any of his men.

About February 8th Mr. Grant received a letter from Lord Loudoun, dated 7th (App. No. 47),[568] with what accounts he had of the Rebells motions, and of their Designs on that Country, which he did not seem to think they would soon attempt, and recommends to Mr. Grant first to employ people to get Intelligence, ‘And in the next place I hope you will have your people alert that we may Act by Concert and support one another which I asure you I will to the outmost.’

Mr. Grant obeyed both these Orders with all the Exactness that he was Capable of. Sunday, 19th February, he sent by his Chamberlain of Strathspey the Intelligence (App. No. 48),[569] wherein he[Pg 303] begged some arms if any could be spared, and Tuesday, February 11th, sent two Expresses with Intelligence[Pg 304] (vide App. No. 49),[570] that the Rebells were come the length of Ruthven.

February 12th Mr. Grant received Letters from Lord Loudoun and the President of the 11th with accounts that the arms were landed, That Mr. Grants Clan was well armed, yet in the Distribution Lord Loudoun would reserve as many as he could for him.

They seemed to think Mr. Grant in no Danger of being Disturbed by the Rebells, and mention their Readiness to receive the Rebells and support Mr. Grant (App. No. 50, 51).[571]

February 13th, Mr. Grant sent Lord Loudoun further Intelligence of the Rebells Motions and numbers, beggs to have if possible 400 guns, for that his people were extremely ill armed, tho’ to Deceive the Rebells he behoved to give out the contrary. And the 14th he sent more Intelligence to the Governor of Fort George to be communicated to Lord Loudoun and still Demanding Arms[Pg 305] (App. No. 52),[572] and still further on the 15th (App. No. 53),[573] when the Rebells were come into Strath Spey, the length of Avymore, and were that night to be at Inverlaidnan.[574] Lord Loudouns Letter of February 15th (App. No. 54),[575] which was the last he had from him while att Inverness came to hand Monday, 16th, telling that if the Rebells[Pg 306] should come he hoped to give them a Warm Reception. That as he was threatened with being attacked he could not spare a party to carry arms to Mr. Grant, but that if Mr. Grant would send Down 300 men he would provide them as well as he could.

After the 15th Mr. Grant durst not send any Letters to Lord Loudoun, but both the 16th and Munday the 17th (the Day that Inverness was taken)[576] he sent two Expresses each day with accounts of the Rebells motions. And even after Lord Loudoun was gone to Ross, Mr. Grant found means of conveying to him an account of His Royal Highness the Duke marching Northward from Perth, and by the same Conveyance got a Return signed by Lord Loudoun and the President, which he transmitted to Sir Everard Falconer.[577]

Mr. Grant was made to believe that his Royall Highness was Immediately following in Pursuit of the Highlanders, and therefore kept his men together in order to join the army till Sunday 23rd February that he received a letter from Mr. Murray, secretary to the Pretender (which at present is fallen by hand), Reproaching him for assisting the Government, and for the further offers of assistance made by his Father Sir James Grant which the Rebells had Discovered by Letters sent Mr. Grant by Express by Lord Justice Clerk whom they had Intercepted, and therefore ordering him Betwixt a Day limited to send to Inverness all the arms in the Country with hostages who were named in the Letter for the peaceable Behaviour of the Clan.

Mr. Grant at this time had Intelligence, that the[Pg 307] Macphersons, some of the Athol men and the Menzies were in a body in Badenoch above him that Glenbucket with about 300 men were in Strathaven and Glenlivet and that another party was Marching by Murray to enter Strathspey by the Lower end of it; He was Informed that the Duke was still at Perth. He was not an equal Match for all these partys alone, and could not hope for assistance from any Quarter. Therefore he had no Choice but that of either being Besieged in his own House or making good his retreat to the army. The House could not hold out long, and therefore the other was resolved on, and he chose rather to force his way against Glenbucket, than to venture by Ruthven where the M‘Donalds by Joining the M‘Phersons had it in their power to intercept them.

Monday 24th Feby. Lord Findlater and Mr. Grant and their Ladys set out for Strathaven escorted by between 5 and 600 men, and the Better to encourage them to leave their Houses, he proposed to give them his Bond to repair all the Dammage that the Rebells should do them; But the men said that they relied upon his word without any Bond.

Upon Mr. Grants marching his men Glenbucket retired from Strathaven into the low Country, and at Strathaven an Express sent by Lord Justice Clark (but who had been taken prisoner by Glenbucket and set at liberty on his retiring) came to him and brought him the news that the Duke was come to Aberdeen.[578] Mr. Grant thereupon directed his course thither, and when he came to Newe, three miles from the house of Forbes of Skellater one of the Rebells, finding himself out of Danger of any Great body of Rebells sent home his men to take care of their Cattle and houses, taking with him only 150 for an escort to Aberdeen, and ordered that all the men in the Country should be ready on the first call to come to Join him.

These 150 Mr. Grant marched to Kintore and left them there and March 1st went himself to attend His Royall Highness to Aberdeen; and remained there till the 9th that he was ordered to Inverury, where his men then[Pg 308] were, and from thence to proceed slowly to Strathspey, so as to serve as an advanced Guard to the Troops in their march to Strathbogg, and in that March before he reached Castle Forbes[579] had the Disagreeable news of a Ridiculous and Scandalous Treaty of Neutrality (as it was called) that five Gentlemen of his name had signed to the Rebells which he transmitted to Aberdeen to be communicated to his Royall Highness. As this was done in his Absence and was in his opinion the greatest affront that could have been done him, none living can look upon it with Greater Indignation than he does, notwithstanding of what all these gentlemen say to alleviate it, which is, That finding their country threatened to be Burnt, and no appearance of Immediate Relief, They consulted together on the properest measure to Divert their Ruin, and it was agreed on as the most prudent measure to endeavour to gain Time by treating with the Rebells untill the Army would come up, and for that end to send three of them as Deputys for the Rest, that when these three came to Inverness they were forthwith made prisoners and keept there upon their paroles, and the Rebells insisted that other two gentlemen should likewise come before concluding any Treaty. That by these means they got the matter Delayed for some Days, and when at last a written paper was presented to them to sign promising upon their Honours that neither they nor their Dependents should bear arms against them, They all absolutely refused to sign it, until they were Threatened to be thrown into Dungeons, and Lord George Murray with a party of Two Thousand men and some Cannon ordered to Strathspey to burn and Destroy the Country and then they signed it, believing that in the Strictest Honour, they could not be Bound to perform a promise Extorted from them in such circumstances. That it was Twelve days after their first confinement before this parole was signed and some time Before the dukes passing Spey.[580] Three[Pg 309] of the five were allowed to return home, and how soon Mr. Grant got home to Castle Grant, which was before the Battle of Culloden, These three joined him and were very active in bringing together the men.

This is a plain and genuine narrative of Mr. Grants conduct from the beginning of the late wicked Rebellion until he went to Aberdeen. The part he acted afterwards is already sufficiently known to His Royall Highness the Duke, and Mr. Grant wants not any other Justification, whereas the former part being acted in a corner of the Highlands could not be so generally Known.

The naked Facts are stated without any observations upon them, which will naturally enough arise to any Person into whose hands this may come. And no Facts are stated but such as are either sufficiently proved by the writings in the Appendix or can be proved beyond Contradiction and no part of another persons conduct mentioned except in so far as it was necessarly Connected with his.

And it is hoped it does appear that nothing was ommitted on Mr. Grants part that he could Devise for supporting the Government or Distressing the Rebells. He did not indeed know what were Lord Loudouns or Lord Presidents Instructions or powers, nor was it fit that he should know them; But by that means perhaps it was that sometimes he undertook Expeditions and projected scemes that these Gentlemen possibly, yea probably, for good Reasons Judged not to be expedient or seasonable, but however that may be an argument of his want of skill, or of his too great forwardness, but surely it can be none of his want of Zeal to his Most Gracious Sovereign and our present Happy Constitution.

[Pg 311]

We hear that Mr. John Grant is charged w^th reading and explaining to his Congregation and Parishioners in Irish the Pretenders Manifesto from the Pulpit and in other places. This is as false as the Charge is Malicious. I thank God for it I was never reckoned a Bedlamite or a madman, and truly if this Charge were well founded I think that all the Punishment that the Law can conflict [sic] is but to little. How soon ever I had certain information that the Pretenders son was landed I wrote a letter to Lochaber to Mr. John Stewart for intelligence as it was reported the Rebel Army was to besiege Fortaugustus[581] and Inverness. This I did in presence of the Laird of Grants Baillie. I gave a Copy of the return to my letter to the Baillie that he might let the Governor of Inverness and the Laird of Grant see it. The Baillie told me that the Governor own’d that piece of Intelligence to be of vast consequence to the North and that the Laird of Grant was likewise informed of it—the letter inform’d that they were to march directly south.

In Nov^r when the M‘Donalds and Frasers came to the country in order to raise the men I preach’d publickly ag^st it and exhorted my congregation to live peaceably.

This rais’d the Wrath of most of my Parishioners who were in the Rebellion ag^st me insomuch that I was daily insulted even by the meanest of the Parish particularly towards the close of Dec^r last I was after sermon attacted by above 20 men and threatned to be drowned in a Loch near by for my praying for his Majesty King George. I and some other gentlemen went to a woman in Distress.[Pg 314] Immediately there came into the House 2 fellows with drawn durks to kill me and were it not for some Gentlemen then present I wou’d have suffered for the stroak that was leveld at me cutt an Iron Crook. I was the object of the M‘Donald’s hatred because of my attachment to the present happy Establishment, in so much that in Feb^y last when the M‘Donalds to the number of 400 or 500 men came to the Country my house was attacked by 8 or 9 of them; they first rapp’d at the doors and windows and then they were to set fire to the house were it not that the Gentlemen with whom they lodged and whose house was close by mine hindered it for fear of his own house.

My wife spoke to them next day they swore that they wou’d knock me down with butts of their Guns because they’d scorn to give me a better death. My wife was so frighten’d that she sicken’d abhorted and was verie like to have lost her life being confined for 6 weeks to her Bed. I was then obliged to give up preaching. After I was for 2 Sabbaths without preaching my Parishioners cry’d out ag^st me for their wanting of sermon, then I ventured to preach and prayed for his Majesty King George. But the second Sunday I preached I was mobb’d in the Churchyard and had my Cloaths torn. A fellow who was for some time my officer and whom I turn’d off for his having gone to the North after the Rebels proclaimed publickly in the Churchyard that I should no more pray for King George and that I should have no stipend pay’d me this year, which last hold but to true for I did not receive 40s. of the last years stipends as yet. I was then a 2^d time obliged to give up preaching as I had not the Protection of the Law. The Sunday immediately before the Battle of Culloden I was attacted by 4 of the Rebels and very rudely dealt by for my Praying for King George and for having given up preaching they swore that if I would not preach next Sunday and pray for the Pretenders son whom they call’d Prince Charles, They or some of their Corps would attend and shoot me thro’ the head. But blessed be God their power was[Pg 315] soon broken and I then preach’d and pray’d w^thout distraction or fear. Towards the beginning of May when Mr. Grant of Grant had with his men left the country of Urquhart and gone to Inverness with the People of Glenmoriston and Urquhart who had surrendered Mr. John Grant was surpris’d to hear of Alex^r Grant of Sheugly and his son’s confinement at Inverness. Mr. Grant of Grant wrote to his Bailie to acquaint me to repair to Inverness without loss of time as he had particular business with me in relation to the surrenderers in the Parish of Urquhart. Accordingly I went to Inverness without delay and waited of Mr. Grant, was by him keept for 6 or 7 days living still in the Town on my own Charges without any other business but giving the Characters of the Men who had surrendered in Urquhart. Mr. Grant likewise challeng’d me for asserting Alex^r Grant of Sheugly and his son as peaceable subjects and told me that he would put me on my marrow bones for that sometime. After I answer’d Mr. Grant that I attested nothing but what I was conscious was truth; this Conference happen’d in Mr. Grant of Grant’s room on the 9^th of May. Sunday thereafter, being the 11^th of May, Mr. Grant of Grant sent a Gentleman of his name to my Quarters desiring that I shou’d repair to his Room immediately. I was not within in the meantime but how soon I got notice of it I immediately went to Grants Lodgings where I was made prisoner. I was surprised at this as I suffered in my Person and Means for my attachment to the Government. But upon Reflection my surprise soon evanish’d. I have been minister at Urquhart for near 6 years without legal Gleib, Manse or any of those advantages which the Law allows. I several times apply’d to Mr. Grant of Grant as Patron and principal Heritor in the Parish for redress either by giving me a piece of Land which my Predecessors allways had in farm by the Lairds of Grant or then by consenting to my having Legal Gleib and Manse as the Law directs I was put off with fair promises but no performance. I could not live with any comfort as I was situated, Mr. Grant having [Pg 316]settled a Brother-in-Law of his Bailie’s in the Kitching w^ch my Predecessors had and all the other houses of the Town excepting one brocken house. This neighbour I got was Bankrupt and his wife a notorious scold. Last year I wrote to Mr. Grant to grant me my conveniences for my own money otherwise to excuse me to ask for them in a legal manner. When Mr. Grant received this letter he rampaged, burnt my Letter, and swore revenge ag^st me; besides there is near two years stipends due me out of Mr. Grant’s Estate in Urquhart w^ch w^th some mony he has of my Fathers per Bond and to w^ch I am expressly provided in the Bond makes a pretty good sum and as Mr. Grant likes money very well this is a verie easie Method of paying his debt and being revenged of me at the same time. As the above are all matters of fact I know no other reason for my suffering and confinement to the present Royal Family or that I might be of use to the Government in something which might be very disagreeable both to Mr. Grant and his Bailie.

(Signed) John Grantt.

Castle Street, Sixth July 1746.

Minute of the Presbytery of Abertarff

At Fort Augustus, 13th June 1746.

The Presbytry of Abertarph being met and Constitute It was represented that the Rev^d Mr. John Grant, minister of the Gospel at Urquhart, and member of this Judicatory, had been sometime ago laid under arrest on suspicion of being disaffected to the present happy establishment, and the Presbytery being deeply affected to think that any of their number should give the least umbrage to any mortal on that important subject took Mr. Grant’s past conduct with regard to Government under their most serious deliberation, and upon the whole find Cause to certify that (abstracting from the present Charge brought against him, to which they are entire Strangers, having no immediate Access to enquire into it by reason of the great disturbances here) he still behav’d himself among them as became a minister of the Gospel, discovering upon[Pg 317] every occasion his Inviolable Attachment and Loyalty to his Majesty’s person and Government. Given in name presence and at appointment of Presbytry, date and place forsaid by

Thom. Frazer, Mod^r.

Minute of the Presbytery of Abernethy

At Abernethy the 5th Day of July 1746.

The Presbytery of Abernethy, taking to their Consideration That the Reverend Mr. John Grant minister of the Gospel at Urquhart had been taken up and shipped off for London upon a Suspicion of treasonable practices during this wicked and unnaturall rebellion, Could not but in Justice to Mr. Grant’s Character Certifie of him as follows. First, That he was born in the Bounds of this Presbytery of Honest parents who professed the Protestant Religion according to the Principles of the Established Church of Scotland and he had his Education in this way. 2^dly That as Mr. Grant very early in his younger years thought of applying himself to the Work of the Ministry he attended the Colleges of Philosophy and Divinity and brought from the several Professors sufficient Testimonials of his diligence and progress in his studies as well as of his morall Character so that this Presbytery had Encouragement to enter him upon Trials and upon finding him qualified Did Licence him to preach of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. 3^dly That, after he was licenced he continued in the Bounds of this Presbytery for the space of some years and both in his publick Discourses and private Conversation discovered the firmest attachment to His Majesty King George his Person and Government. And had the same Principles and views with respect to Government that all the Members of this Judicatory have particularly That the Security of our Religion and Liberty is inseperably connected with the stability of our Most Gracious Sovereign King George his Throne and the Succession of his Royall Line. And since Mr. Grant removed from our Bounds and was ordained Minister at Urquhart in the neighbouring Presbytery of Abertarph,[Pg 318] which will be about six years agoe he has continued in the strictest friendship and most intimate Correspondence with the most of our Members and still they found that neither his Principles nor practices were anyways Derogatory from what he had early imbibed, publickly owned, and all along practised while among them. And from the Report of some of our Members who have been in the Parish of Urquhart since Mr. Grant was carryed of It is notour and well known there that several Attacks were made on Mr. Grants Life during the Rebellion for his Attachment to the Government and his continuing in his duty to pray for His Majesty King George and the Royall Family.

At one time a Man who had the Rank of an Officer in the Rebellious Mob threatned on a Sabbath Day immediately after Divine Worship to seize him, carry him to a Loch in the neighbourhood, and Drown him there, and gott about thirty or fourty of the same Gang to Join in the Undertaking. At anoy^r time two Ruffians broke into a Company where Mr. Grant was, attacked him with drawn Durks untill hindered by those who were present. Again on a Sabbath day immediatly as he came out from Sermon some of the Rebells Wives and others fell upon him, tore his Cloaths and abused him so that with great Difficulty he was rescued from them and gott into his own house. Another party of the same wicked Crew threatned publickly to burn his House and Family, when they got their opportunity. Therefore from our Knowledge of Mr. Grant’s Principles, our through Acquaintance of him, together with the Notouriety of thes facts with respect to his Usage by the Rebells, we cannot but hope that he is entirely innocent of any charge of Dissloyalty can be brought agst. him, and we are apt to presume that some invidious person or persons have given in an Information against him which tho’ false in fact may either kill him by Confinement as he is of a tender Constitution or ruin his circumstances by the Expense of such a Process, by either of q^ch they will sufficientlie gratifie y^r malicious views. And we are fully satisfied that if there is the least[Pg 319] of misconduct chargeable on Mr. Grant it must have been entirely owing to Inadvertency and oversight and not the effect of Principle or Design. Given Day and Date above in name in presence and by appointment of the Presbytery of Abernethy, and signed by

Pat Grant, Mod^r.

The Examination of John Grant, minister of Urquhart near Inverness

Westminster

to Wit.

Being asked where he was at the time that the Rebellion first of all broke out, he saith, that he was at his own Parish at Urquhart aforesaid, where he continued from the Beginning to the end of the said Rebellion without stirring from thence to the distance of 10 miles. Being asked whether or no the Laird of Grant ever made him, the Exam^t, privy to any Intention which he the Lord of Grant had of raising his men for the Service of the Government, or ever sent for him to any consultation about what measures were proper to be taken by the Grants upon occasion of the Rebellion, he saith, that he was not either privy to the Intentions of the said Laird of Grant, or was he ever sent for to any place by the said Laird of Grant to give his advice or opinion what was proper to be done about raising the Grants: He Saith, he remembers that upon the breaking out of the Rebellion the Laird of Grants Baillie who was at Urqhart where the Exam^t also was told the Exam^t privately that the Laird of Grant was not determined, and would not determine what to do, till he saw how matters were likely to turn out or that effect and whoever should first attack his, the Laird of Grants country whether but in general it was       [sic]

[sic]       Rebels or the Kings Forces He the Laird of Grant w^d raise his men against them.

was told to the People of Urqhart that it was the said Laird’s desire that the People should live peaceably. This[Pg 320] was upon the first appearance of the Rebellion when the Gentlemen in the Grant’s country sent to the Laird of Grant to desire his assistance and advice, as they were threatned with Fire and Sword by Lochiel, unless they would rise and join the Pretender’s Son, and he saith that the Baillie aforesaid told the Exam^t sometime afterwards privately the Laird would not be averse to some part of his Clan’s joining the Pretenders son Privately in order to save the Country. Being asked whether he was one of those who opposed the Laird of Grant’s accepting the Company which was first offer’d by the Lord President to the said Laird for raising the Grants for the Government, he saith he was not, nor was he privy to or advised with concerning the said company. He saith, that sometime in November last a Party of the MacDonalds and Fraziers came to Urqhart under the command of M‘Donald of Barrisdale and the Master of Lovat, the whole amounting to about 4 or 500 men: that M‘Donald and the Master of Lovat lodged at the Exam^ts house two or three Days at that time, and the reason of which was, that the Exam^ts wife was related to the Master of Lovat’s Family: that the Master of Lovat and another person of the name of Frazer applied to the Exam^t to be Chaplain to them, and promised to give him six and eight pence a day, if he would consent thereto, to which the Exam^t answer’d, that if they would go to Inverness to serve his Majesty King George, he would be their chaplain with all his heart for one third of the money that he reproached them for having taken up arms for a Popish Pretender, and shew’d them the consequences of such Behaviour. That the Master of Lovat said, he was acted upon, and as he was engaged so far, must go on still further: That, whether they applied to him to be chaplain in Joke or Earnest, he cannot say, tho’ he is well satisfied that they both knew the Exam^t to be in a very different way of thinking from them: that, neither of them used the Exam^t ill, or insulted him upon account of his being steady to the Government: but that some of their men quarrelled with the Exam^t on account of his having preached against the Rebellion, and dissuaded[Pg 321] them from it in the strongest terms he could use, and on account of his having prayed publickly in the Church for His Majesty, and told the Exam^t that it became him not to preach and pray in that manner. He saith, that during the time the said Party was at Urquhart, he made it his Business to declaim against the Rebellion, and whenever he heard of any People who had an Intention to join the Rebels, he went to them and used the most prevailing arguments he could to turn them from their Design: that MacDonald and the Master of Lovat having soon found that the Exam^t was determined not to engage with them, did not open themselves to him about their Intentions at all: that he several times was in Danger of his Life from MacDonalds upon account of the aversion he constantly express’d upon all occasions in public and private against their undertakings.

He saith, that after the said Party of the Macdonalds and Fraziers had quitted Urquhart, other Partys of the Rebels were continually passing and repassing thro’ the said County: that the Exam^t persevered in his Endeavours to dissuade them from their engagements, and was very often in Danger of his Life upon that account; that about the latter end of the Month of February last the General Rendezvous of the Rebel army was about a mile from his house, that there was a general cry thro’ all the said Army that the Exam^t was not to be tolerated in the daring manner in which he acted for the Government: that he received several notices that his House should be plunder’d and burnt unless he desisted: that his Life was also several times threatned; that the Highlanders publickly declared that he deserved no other kind of Death than to be beaten in Pieces with the Butt Ends of their Guns: and upon the 21^st and 22^d of February he expected nothing but Death from them.

Being asked, whether he received or conveyed any Letters to or from any Persons concerned in the Rebellion to or from any People concerned in the same, he saith, he never was directly or indirectly concerned in any thing of that sort, nor was he ever directly or indirectly the[Pg 322] Instrument of receiving or conveying any verbal messages to or from any of the Persons concerned in the said Rebellion to or from their accomplices.

Being asked, whether he ever willingly gave any Harbour or Protection or assistance of any kind whatever to the Rebels; he saith, he never did, on the contrary he saith, that he took all the methods he could to prevent their receiving any Party where had or could exert his Influence.

Being asked whether he was Privy to the Neutrality which was signed by some of the Grants for the Rest whilst the Duke was at Aberdeen, he saith, that he was not Privy to it in any shape nor any ways assisting or advising in it.

Being asked whether if the Laird of Grant had exerted himself to the utmost for the Government he might not have been of great service to it, He saith, that his opinion is that if the Laird of Grant had been so disposed he might have been of great service.

He saith, that he was informed by the Factor of the Earl of Stair, that Glenmorrison told him, the said Factor, that he Glenmorrison went out to assist the Pretender’s son with a Party of the Grants by the Laird of Grant’s advice.

He saith, that with relation to the 84 Grants, who surrendered at Inverness, they were indeed engaged to surrender before the Exam^t saw them, but he strengthened and confirmed them in their Resolution.

He saith, that he never assisted the Rebels in any shape whatever; never was privy to any of their Schemes or Plots: never served them in any manner; but on the contrary opposed them, preached against the Rebellion constantly, and constantly prayed for King George, to the daily hazard of his life for several months: that he was so well known and remarked for opposing them to the utmost, that he was the object of their Hatred, and that it is next to a miracle that he was not sacrificed to their Resentment.

John Grantt.

Whitehall, 14 Aug. 1746.

Taken before me, Thos. Waite.

[Pg 323]

Information for Alexander Grant of Sheugly and James Grant his son

As to the Case of Mr. Grant of Shewgly, It’s informed That he is impeached with a Correspondence w^th the Pretenders Son. This is absolutely false in itself, as he never corresponded with him in word or write in his life, but upon the Pretenders son arrival in Arisake how soon he set up his Fathers Standart that he wrote circular letters to all the countrys in the Highlands desiring to assist and join him with all the men they could agains a preceese day, among which there was a letter sent to the Country of Urquhart directed for the s^d Alex^r Grant and the rest of the Gentlemen of Urquhart with one other to the Laird of Grant himself. The very next morning after receiving the letter they chapterly conveened in order to consider of the proper use to be made therof, and what was thought upon was: immediately to send that Letter with the other letter to Mr. Grant younger of Grant by the Baillie of Urquhart to make the legal use thereof as he thought proper; All this accordingly was done with that very breath and the Baillie went accordingly. This letter was keeped by Mr. Grant till such time as the said Alex Grant was made prisoner at Inverness and then gave it to the Duke of Cumberlands Secretary.

As also its informed that the said Alex Grant was assisting in sending men from the Country of Urquhart to join the Rebels. This is also false and injurious as it can be made plainly appear, that the s^d Alex^r Grant at three several times did turn back some of the Gentlemen of the Country w^th a considerable body of men who marched bag and baggage under full arms six miles from their habitation, and that by the s^d Alex Grants persuasion, tho the Country was very oft harased and threatened w^th destruction, prevailed withal to stay at home till some time in February last that a Regiment of the Macdonalds came to the Country to force the men, or otherways under-go[Pg 324] utter destruction by burning the country and destroying their heal effects, which to prevent the most of the Gentlemen with three or four score men went alongs, and with all the persuasion in the said Alex Grants power could not get them prevailed upon to stay.

And further to testifie the s^d Alex^r Grant his sincere endeavours to assist the Government. Mr. Grant younger of Grant w^th five or six hundred of his men having come to the Country of Urquhart some time after the Battle of Culloden, in order to get the Grants of Glenmoriston and Urquhart to surrender, Mr. Grant did put upon him the said Alex. Grant in the strongest manner to concur and assist to get his purpose effectual, which the s^d Alex Grant accordingly went about and with a great deal of labour and fatigue both night and day got them at last convinced, and with great difficulty prevailed with them to surrender, providing they could be made sure of their lives, which Mr. Grant not only engaged by Vow and Oath but by a very binding Letter under his hands to Grant of Daldeagan, which letter is still extant to produce in the Duke of Cumberland’s hands. This seems no less than a paradox in itself considering that Mr. Grant gave out to the Duke of Cumberland that he and his men apprehended them in Rocks and Woods. The next day after their meeting the said Alex Grant with 84 men of the Grants of Glenmoriston and Urquhart came near Mr. Grants lodging there and surrendered prisoners upon terms and gave up their arms before Sir Alexander Macdonald and several other Gentlemen, and the next day thereafter Mr. Grant with his men marched directly to Inverness with the surrender. But the said Alex Grant, being in a bad state of health after the fatigue and strugle he had in this interpose, came to take leave of his young Chief and return home, but Mr. Grant told him that he would not part with him till he had got the Duke of Cumberland to thank him for his services, and that it was otherways necessary his going to Inverness, to give a character of the Men for their more speedy Relief, which accordingly he comply’d w^th, and less than an hour after their arrival[Pg 325] at Inverness Mr. Grant sent for him to his own Lodging upon pretence of material business relating to this affair, and within two minutes after coming to him the said Mr. Lewis Grant told him that he was sorry to understand that he the said Alex Grant was to be made prisoner, which immediately was done and carried to the Comon Guard, Mr. Grant giving him the strongest assurance that he would be released the next morning. Its to be observed that if the said surrenders had been dismissed at Inverness according to Mr. Grants promise the whole Rebells then in arms in the Highlands of Scotland had surrendered in less than ten days, the Grants being the very first that did surrender.

As to James Grant his case what is laid to his Charge is still a mistery so that no particular answer can be made to it, but it can be always made appear that since the beginning of the Rebellion he stayed peaceably at home and after several attempts made upon him defied the Rebells request to move him any manner of way, and still continued so till Mr. Grant younger of Grant after the Battle of Culloden brought his Militia to Inverness, and having sent for a number of men to Urquhart to join him, the s^d James Grant with sixty men directly march’d to Inverness, joined Mr. Grant and the rest of his men there, with whom he continued a Captain till such time as Mr. Grant returned from Urquhart to Inverness w^th the surrenderers. The said James Grant was very assistful with his father to get the said number of men to surrender, w^ch Mr. Grant had never done but by their persuasion, immediately as they arrived at Inverness Mr. Grant employed the s^d James Grant to make out a list of the number of men under his command in order to provide them Quarters, this being done was sent for, to come to his Lodgings, where he remained till his father came up, and with the same breath Mr. Grant told him he was to be made prisoner but not to be afraid, that tomorrow he would see him relieved, and so forth was carried with his father prisoner to the Comon Guard but never heard a word from Mr. Grant till this moment.

[Pg 326]

The said Alex Grant is informed that the said Mr. Lewis Grant has given as an article of accusasion ag^st him that some of his children had been sent by him the said Alex Grant to join and carry arms for the Pretender. The said Alex Grant owns so much of this Charge, that contrary to his inclination and frequent instruction his said Children (who were not staying with him) some of them did join the Rebell armie and the said Alex Grant offers to make it appear by Gentlemen of undoubted credit and firm attachment to the Government that he used all the interest he was master of both as a parent and a friend to the present Government to keep his children at home, and that from the time his children who so engaged had taken such resolution none of them durst ever appear in his presence. It is submitted whether or not the said Alex Grant could have done more to keep his children at home.

(Signed) Alexander Grantt.
James Grantt.

Castle Street, Sixth July 1746.

The Examination of James Grant of Sheugly, Esq.[582]

Westminster to Wit.

14th Aug. 1746.

Being asked where he was when the Rebellion in Scotland first broke out, he saith, that he was in his own County in the parish of Urquhart, where he continued from the beginning to the end of the Rebellion without going to any Place of any Distance from the said Parish of Urquhart. Being asked whether he was one of the Gentlemen consulted by the Laird of Grant upon the occasion of the Lord President’s offering a company to the said Laird for raising men for the Government which Gentlemen[Pg 327] refused to accept of the said one Company, he saith he was not, nor was he ever advised with or consulted thereupon: Nor did the Laird of Grant ever send to the Examinant or to his Father, who is lately dead, to come to him in order to advise and consult with them upon the measures to be taken upon that occasion: he saith, that the Laird of Grant’s Bailly upon the Rebellion first breaking out told the Grants publickly, that it was the Lairds desire that they should remain peaceable and quiet, but the said Bailie told this Exam^t and his father and two other Gentlemen of the name of Grant privately that it was the said Lairds desire that a Company of the Grants should join the Pretender’s son privately in order to protect the Country. He saith, that he was never sent for during the Rebellion by the said Laird of Grant upon any occasion to be advised with, or consulted with about it: that in the Progress of the Rebellion, several different parties of the Rebels came into that part of the Country, where the Exam^t was, and pressed him to take on with them, but that he constantly refused them, and would not have anything to do with them.

He saith, that he never was directly nor indirectly concerned in receiving or conveying of any letters or verbal messages to or from any Persons in the Rebellion to any persons whatever, nor did he willingly harbour, protect, or supply in any shape any of the aforesaid Persons, nor was he ever made privy to any designs or Intentions of the said Rebels.

He saith, that different Partys of the Rebels who passed thro’ the Country having threatened to use violence to some of the Grants unless they would join them, a Party of them with a Gentleman at their Head, went to Castle Grant to take the Directions of the Laird, and offer’d to go and join Lord Loudoun or any one else, if he would give them orders in writing for so doing: that the Laird of Grant told them, they might go and join the Devil if they would, and imprisoned the Gentleman who came along with them for two or three days for his officiousness.

He saith, that he made it his Business whenever he had[Pg 328] an opportunity, to dissuade those whom he could come at from engaging in the Rebellion, and exerted his utmost endeavours to convince them of the rashness of their undertaking.

Being asked whether he was privy to the Neutrality signed by some Gentlemen amongst the Grants, whilst the Rebels were at Aberdeen, He saith, he was not privy to it in any shape, nor doth he know who were the conductors of that Neutrality.

After the Battle of Culloden some of the Grants remaining in arms for the Pretender’s Son the Exam^t and his Father were sent to by the Laird of Grant (who had never sent to the Exam^t or his Father during the Rebellion before) to go to the said People and persuade them to surrender: He saith, that he and his Father accordingly went to the said men, and with the assistance of the Rev^d Mr. John Grant prevailed with them to surrender, and marched with them for that purpose to Inverness, where to his great surprise the Exam^t, His Father, and the said Rev^d Mr. Grant were made Prisoners with the aforesaid Rebels, and sent up hither for he does not know what.

He saith, that he verily believes that the ill-usage his Father met with, served in a great degree to shorten his father’s life. He saith, that all his and his Father’s Cattle were taken from them for some time for not joining the Rebels: that he never held any correspondences with the Rebels in any shape, nor ever was instrumental in serving them at all, and that if he behaved civilly to them whilst they remained in the Country where the Exam^t was it was out of Fear and not the effect of Inclination.

Being asked whether it be his opinion that if the Laird of Grant had wrote to the People in the Country to rise for the Government the said People would have taken up arms for the Government, he saith, that he verily believes if the laird of Grant had done so, the Country would have joined the Kings Troops, and done all the service in their Power, but this was neglected by the said Laird of Grant till the Battle [Pg 329]of Culloden was over, when the Exam^t joined the said Laird at his request with 50 or 60 men, being all who were capable of bearing arms in the Country, and that being the first and only Request which the Laird of Grant ever made to the Exam^t upon occasion of the Rebellion.

(Signed) James Grantt.

Whitehall, August 14, 1746.

Taken before me,

Thos. Waite.

Humbly sheweth, that Lewis Grant of Grant, Esq^r, son of Sir James Grant, Bar^t, having with his men, some days after the Battle of Culloden, joyned his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland did by his Royal Highness’s Permission march with them to the Country of Urquhart near Inverness, to seize and bring in such Rebels as should be found in arms against the Government, That finding none he apply’d to your Petitioners who were then (as they had been ever since this unhappy rebellion) quiet and peaceable at their respective Homes entreating them as persons of Rank and Figure in that Country to use their best endeavours with such Rebels as might be still in Arms, to lay them down and surrender to the said Mr. Grant, with assurances that he would intercede with his Royal Highness in their behalf, and that after such surrender they should be permitted to return to their respective Places of Abode.

That your Petitioners were so successful as to prevail[Pg 330] upon 84 Rebels of the name of Grant to surrender themselves and their arms to the said Mr. Grant, which he then thankfully and gratefully acknowledged as an event that would entitle him to some merit in his Royal Highnesses eye, and desired your Petitioners to accompany him and the said Rebel prisoners to Inverness, which they did.

That your Petitioners to their own, as well as the Neighbourhoods great surprise, were upon their Arrival at Inverness represented as Rebels and corresponding with those in open arms and as prisoners taken by him, and upon such false Information confined by his Royal Highness and have since been sent up prisoners without the least ground or charge but the false Information given by the said Mr. Grant.

That your Petitioners tho’ conscious of their own Innocence, and free from any guilt, have upon the said false Information been sent from Inverness to England and have in the course of the voyage been in no shape distinguished from those in open Rebellion, that from the great Hardships they have suffer’d, one of your Petitioners Alexander Grant near 70 years old, and a creditor by Mortgage for large sums of money upon the said Mr. Lewis Grant’s Estate, has been seized with and still lies ill of a Malignant Fever, and being, by Reason of his close confinement deprived of any assistance, is in danger of losing his Life whereby the said Mr. Lewis Grant’s sordid ends would be answered should this Petitioner die while under so heavy a charge as that of Treason.

Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray your Grace to take this their very hard case into consideration and admit them to liberty upon reasonable Bail to answer such charges as shall be brought against them, or, at least, to change their present Confinement into a more comfortable one with Liberty to an Agent to repair to them at seasonable Times, the better to enable them to manifest their Innocence, and the Falsehood and Malice of the Charge against them, when called to an open trial.

And your Petitioners shall ever Pray

[Pg 331]

May it please your Grace,—In obedience to his Majesty’s Commands signified to us by your Grace in your Letter of the 18^th instant with which your Grace sent us the inclosed Examinations of James Grant and John Grant brought up Prisoners on suspition of having joined with or been assisting to the Rebells in Scotland and who are now in custody of a Messenger, together with several Petitions, Certificates and other Papers herewith also inclosed; and directing us to take the said papers into Consideration, and Report our Opinion what proceedings may be proper thereupon.

We have considered the same, and as some of the Papers mention the name of Ludovick Grant, Esq^r, the Laird of Grant, as the person by whose means they were seized and Imprisoned, he being in Town, we thought it proper to give him notice of our Meeting to take the Papers into consideration. He was pleased to attend us[Pg 332] and laid several matters of a Treasonable nature to their Charge. But as all those matters came to the knowledge of Mr. Ludovick Grant by Information from others only; and none of them fell within his own personal knowledge, and as it is a considerable time since the Prisoners have applied to be discharged; and no Information has yet been given against either of them upon oath; and neither Mr. Sharpe,[586] of whom we have inquired, nor Mr. Ludovick Grant know of any witnesses now here who can charge them upon oath; and the Prisoners are not yet committed either for Treason or suspition of Treason, and most of the things objected to them are only triable in Scotland. We beg leave humbly to submit it as our Opinion, that it may be advisable to admit them to Bail for their Appearance, before the Court of Justiciary in Edinburgh, at the first sitting of the said Court, after the first of December next, there to answer such things as may be then laid to their charge; when there Will be an opportunity of Committing and trying them in case evidence shall appear sufficient for that purpose. We proposed to Mr. Ludovick Grant, the only person who has appeared before us as their Accuser that they should be Bailed for their appearance at Edinburgh, and he has told us that he has no objection to it but thought it might be proper.

All which is most humbly submitted to your Grace’s Consideration.

(Signed) D. Ryder.
W. Murray.

29th August 1746.

[Pg 333]

Humbly sheweth—

That as your Lordships have been pleased to appoint the Report of S^r Everard Fawkener and Mr. Sharpe,[587] relating to the account of your Memorialist Services to the Government during the late Rebellion, to be read to-morrow, he humbly begs leave to refer thereto and to observe:—

That the Account above mentioned is Certify’d by the Lord Justice Clerk and all the Generals who Commanded in Scotland; and as several of the Services therein set forth were performed, by verbal as well as by written Orders he had the honour to receive from His Royal Highness the Duke while in Scotland, it was by his Royal Highness’s Directions that the said Account was above three years ago laid before your Lordships by S^r Everard Fawkener, and that the Report relating thereto is now signed by him.

That your Memorialist has not in that or any other Account charged anything for his Trouble or Loss of Time for upwards of four years, he has been employed in the Service of the Government as aforesaid and finding out and collecting the Evidences for the Crown against the Rebells assisting in carrying on the Prosecutions against them at London, York, and Carlisle, attending the Tryal of Provost Stuart at Edinburgh, finding Bills in Scotland against those who were excepted out of the Act of Indemnity and other Services.

That before the Rebellion your Memorialist as an officer[Pg 336] of the Revenue rendered greater service thereto than ever was done by any officer thereof in Scotland.

That your Memorialists share of the Profits arising from the Condemnation of prohibited and uncustomed Goods seized by him the three years immediately preceding the Rebellion amounted to above £4000 and the Crowns to above double that sum; that the remarkable Part reacted for the Service of the Government, from the first Breaking out of the Rebellion, made the Rebells lay hold upon everything that belonged to him and amongst other Things upon the greatest part of the Goods so condemned as aforesaid, and by which he was (exclusive of his other losses by the Rebellion) a most considerable sufferer.

That more Goods have been run in Scotland since the Rebellion than ever was done before in that Country in the same space of time.

That your Memorialist had several Informations relating thereto, but could not Profit thereby, by reason of the manner in which he has these four years past been employed, in the more Important Services to the Government before mentioned.

That few would have undertaken these services by reason of the apparent Hazard and other fatal Consequences, with which they were likely to be attended, and which he has in many Instances felt.

That your Memorialists wife who died of the Cruel usage she met with from the Rebells, certfy’d as above, has left him four Children to provide for.

That your Memorialists younger brother Captain Grosset who was barbarously murdered by the Rebells,[588] and whose remarkable services during the Rebellion are[Pg 337] well known to all the Generals who commanded in Scotland, as well as to his Royal Highness the Duke, has left a widow and five children to whose support your Memorialist is obliged to contribute.

That the Insults and insufferable ill usage which they as well as his own Children daily met with in Scotland, has obliged him to bring them all to England, and who are thereby in effect banished their Country for their Father’s faithful Services to the Government.

That the Expenses your Memorialist has been and is thereby put to, and by false and scandalous Libells and groundless and vexatious Lawsuits, on account of the Services before mentioned, not only far exceeds the one half of the Profits of the Commission in which he is joined with Sir John Shaw[589] (and which is the only mark of favour he has met with for his services, losses, and sufferings as aforesaid) but of his estate which is considerably lessened thereby and his other Losses by the Rebellion.

Upon the whole if your Memorialist is turned out of the Employment above mentioned, before he is other wise suitably provided for, it will in place of rewarding the important services certified as above, be punishing him in the severest manner Especially as by the wording of the Warrant by which he is to be turned out of that Commission (if that Warrant is allowed to take place) your Memorialist must unjustly be recorded as one unworthy to be continued in that Employment, which is doing all that can be done to ruin him and his Family, and must be attended with worse consequences to them, than if the Rebells had succeeded in the many attempts they made to deprive him of his Life, as they did in taking away his Brothers; or if he had suffered along with the[Pg 338] Rebell Peers and others, who could not have been condemned if it had not been for the Evidences he procured against them; Many of whose families and even those who were most active in the Rebellion, enjoy at this Time more of their Estates and Fortunes than he does of his, in proportion to the respective amounts thereof, before the Rebellion, and are themselves caressed and esteemed, whilst your Memorialist and his Family, and that of his unfortunate Brother, are daily harassed, affronted and cruelly persecuted by the Influence of that Party without being Protected, supported, or properly Countenanced by that Government to whom we rendered so many real services, and on which account we are so great sufferers.

All which is humbly submitted, etc., etc.

The Rebells upon their arrival at Perth, having formed a Scheme of surprizing the Town of Edingburgh by crossing the River Forth in Boats and Vessells as they had done in the year 1715: Mr. Grosett as a Justice of the Peace, did by direction of the Lord Advocate[590] of the 3rd and 9th September 1745 with the assistance of the Constables and Tide Surveyors, Kings Boats and Crews stationed at Dunbar, Kirkaldy, Leith, Queens Ferry, Borrostouness and Alloa, who by order of the Board of Customs were put under Mr. Grosett’s Directions, Remove all Ships, Boats and vessells from the North side of the Forth to the Harbours of Dunbar, Leith, Queen’s Ferry, and Borrostouness, on the south side of the said River [in so effectual a manner that the Rebells after various attempts, finding themselves disappointed in their Designs were obliged to march their army from Perth round the Heads of the Forth and cross that River at a Ford some Miles above Stirling which gave time to the Kings Troops under Sir John Cope to return from Inverness to the Relief of Edinburgh, had not that Town been shamefully given up to the Rebells.]

Wal: Grosett.

N.B.—Mr. Grosett being from the first Breaking out of the Rebellion employed in so open and remarkable a manner in the service of the Government created against him the particular Ill will of the Jacobites and their Adherents and who on that account took every Opportunity of shewing their Resentment against him, they plundered his House in the Town of Alloa, and in the Country carried off effects to a very great value, drove all the Cattle from off his Estate, forced the Payment of the Rents thereof to them, stript his wife and children of the very cloathes they had on, and used otherways in a most inhuman manner.

[This postscript is too torn to decipher accurately but it refers to the ‘Narrative’ which bears this docquet]:—

I

The Lord Advocate to Walter Grossett and others

II

Lieutenant-General Handasyde to Walter Grossett

III

Lieutenant-General Handasyde to Walter Grossett

[Pg 381]

IV

The Commissioners of Customs to Walter Grossett

[Pg 383]

V

Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett

VI

Walter Grossett to the Commissioners of Customs

[Pg 385]

VII

VIII

The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett

(Holograph but not signed)

IX

Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett

[Pg 387]

X

Lieutenant-General Guest’s Directions

XI

Captain Knight R.N. to Walter Grossett

XII

Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett

XIII

The Earl of Home to Walter Grosset

[Pg 389]

XIV

Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett

XV

Lieutenant-General Guest to Captain Knight R.N.

XVI

The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett

XVII

The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett

(Holograph but not signed)

XVIII

The Earl of Home to Walter Grossett

XIX

Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett

[Pg 392]

XX

The Lord Justice Clerk and Major-General Huske to Walter Grossett and others

XXI

The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett

XXII

Lieutenant-General Hawley to Major-General Blackeney.

XXIII

Permit from Lord Justice Clerk for Walter Grossett

XXIV

Warrant from Lord Justice Clerk to all Officers of the Law

XXV

The Lord Justice Clerk to Captain Coren

XXVI

The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grosett

[Pg 395]

XXVII

Lieutenant-General Hawley to ——

XXVIII

The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett

XXIX

The Same to the Same

XXX

The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett

XXXI

Brigadier-General Price to the Duke of Newcastle

XXXII

Walter Grossett to the Lord Justice Clerk

XXXIII

Earl of Home to Walter Grossett

XXXIV

Walter Grossett to Masters of Transports

List of the Ships Imployed as Transp^ts

XXXV

Notes of Lieutenant Dickson to the Lord Justice-Clerk forwarded to Walter Grossett

[Pg 400]

Extract of the REPORT of Sir Everard Fawkener, Secretary to H.R.H. the Duke, and of John Sharpe, Esqr., Solicitor to the Treasury, to the Right Honble. the Lords Commissioners thereof relating to Mr. Grosett’s Services to the Government in the late Rebellion.

May it please Your Lordships

In obeidience to your Lordships Commands we have Examd. the two Accompts of Walter Grosett Esqr. and from the Certificate of the Lord Justice Clerk and all the Generals who Commanded in Scotland, relating to these Accompts, it appears to us, that Mr. Grosett was employed in the following Service of the Government, from the first breaking out of the Rebellion to the Suppression thereof, Vizt.

That upon the Rebells at Pearth having formed a designe to surprize Edinburgh by getting across the River Forth in Boats and vissibly[638] as they had done in the year 1715, Mr. Grosett with the assistance of the Kings Sloops and Boats stationed at Dunbar, Leith, and Several other places on the Coast, and which were put under his Directions as a Justice of the Peace, removed all the Ships, Boats and Vessells from the North to the South side of the Forth, notwithstanding of the Rebells being at that time in possession of the North side of that River, and thereby prevented their putting in Execution what they had projected as aforesaid.

That he was almost constantly Employed in disapointing the designs of the Rebells, getting inteligence of their motions, and giving inteligence thereof to the Generals Officers both before and after the Battle of Prestonpans.

That he conducted an Attempt for releasing several[Pg 401] Officers who were in the Custody of the Rebells, and had been made prisoners at the Battle of Prestonpans, in which he succeeded.

That upon the Rebells sudden retraite from England, Mr. Grosett was employed by Lord Justice Clerk and Genl. Guest, to get the Troops transported in the most Expeditious manner from Stirling, and the Cannon from on Board the Ships at Borrowstonness to Edinburgh, for the defence thereof, the Rebells being at this time within a days march of that Town and by which means they were prevented from getting again possession of that important place.

That he on Several occasions provided Vessells, rais’d the well Affected Country people, embarked Souldiers, and conducted Several Expeditions upon the Forth, to surprize the Rebells and retard their intended Siege of Stirling Castle, in which he succeeded; as also in destroying by the Dukes Command, the Magazines belonging to the Rebells on the North side of the Forth and who on that occasion took several of the Rebells prisoners and sent them to his R.H. then at Stirling.

That he procured several Boats and Vessells to attend ye Army with provisions and other necessary’s as it march’d along the Coaste, to attack the Rebells at Culloden (where his younger Brother Captain Grosett was barbarously murdered) he also procured Pilotts to go with Commodore Smith to the Orkneys to prevent the Rebells there joining these at Culloden, and assisted Lord Justice Clerk in procuring whatever was found necessary for the Army, and for the Service of the Governmt. at the Critical Juncture.

That Mr. Grosett was appointed by His Grace the Duke of Newcastle to transact the Affairs of the Government in Scotland relating to the Rebellion, and to find out and collect the Evidence against the Rebells, and to keep a constant Corespondence with His Grace and Mr. Sharpe in all such matters as might require it, with assurance that the expense thereof, and of the Witnesses sent up to Town shd. be defrayed, and that care would be taken of his having a Suitable Satisfaction for his trouble.

[Pg 402]

That it appears to us from the Certificate of the Lord Justice Clerk, that Mr. Grosett being employed on behalf of the Governt. from the first breaking out of the Rebelling, and his Acting in so open and remarkable a manner in the Service of the Government, created against him the particular ill will of the Jacobites and their adherents, who on that Acct. took every opertunity of shewing their resentment against him, they Plundered his House in Town and in the Country, and carried of Effects to a very great Value, they drove all the Cattle from of his Estate, forced the payment of the Rents thereof to them, Stript his Wife and Children of the very Cloaths they had on, and used them otherwise in a moste inhumain manner.

That as to the Several Sums charged for Expenses in those Services, Mr. Grosett has not in any of his accompts charged anything for the Extraordinary trouble and fatigue he underwent, but only for the sums he actually expended, and tho’ he has advanced above £5000 in these Services he has not charged the Governmt. anything on the Head of Interest.

Upon the whole it appears to us, that during the late unfortunate rebellion, Mr. Grosett was employed in several services of the greatest trust and confidence, and which required great prudence, resolution and activity in the execution of them, and that he executed the same, with great care, exactness and ability and that he continued his services to the government after the suppression of the rebellion with equal ardour, zeal, activity and dilligence, and in the whole of his behaviour, he appeared to us to be actuated as much by his affection to the government as the duties of his office, and with regard to the articles of his accounts which remain unpaid and which amount to the sum of 3709£ 11s. we apprehend them reasonable, and therefore certify your Lordships that the said sum of 3709£ 11s. appears to us to be justified, due to him for the sums expended by him in the services aforesaid.

(Signed) Everard Fawkener.
John Sharpe.

6th February 1749.

[Pg 403]

OF THE BATTLE OF PRESTON, OR GLADESMUIR,

fought September 21^st, 1745

Intelligence having been brought to the Prince, that Lieutenant General Cope, commander in chief of the government forces in Scotland, was landed at Dunbar, with the troops he embarked at Aberdeen, and was joined by Hamilton and Gardiner’s dragoons, he resolved to march directly and attack him.

Accordingly on the 20th September, in the morning, the Prince put himself at the head of the army at Dudingston, and presenting his sword said—‘My friends I have flung away the scabbard.’ This was answered by a chearful huzza.

The army marched till they gained the top of Carberryhill, from whence we observed the enemy drawn up on the plain below, in order of battle. We continued the march along the brow of the hill, till we were opposite to the front of, and at half a miles distance from the enemy. Here the Highlanders gave a shout, by way of defiance, and nothing less than authority could restrain them from coming immediately to action.

Several officers were sent, particularly Colonel Ker of Gradane, to reconnoitre the enemy’s camp. They reported that General Cope had got into a fastness, where it was impossible to attack him, without risking the loss of the whole army: That his right was drawn up to the high[Pg 406] walls of the gardens of Preston, where he had made several breaches to retire into, if needful: The house of Seton and a small morass on the left: An inclosure not half a gun shot over, surrounded with a ditch three or four feet deep, and five or six broad, covered his front; which made two ditches of that breadth and depth to pass: And the sea was in his rear, at no great distance from him: His canons and coehorns were planted on a high way that led to Tranent, between the above inclosure and morass. Thus his front was to the south, his rear to the north, his right to the west, and his left to the east.

In this situation what was to be done? It was about two o’clock in the after-noon. The Prince made several movements to amuse the enemy, and placed guards on the several roads that led to their camp. In the mean time General Cope discharged several canon at us, but without effect.

At twilight the Prince drew off his men, and marched to Tranent. From hence he detached Lord Nairne, with 500 men, to guard the road that led from Preston to Edinburgh, to prevent Cope from marching thither. On the other hand General Cope, afraid that the Prince should have directed his march eastwards, altered his disposition, and faced east, having now the morass in front; and his troops were thus disposed. General Hamilton’s dragoons were on his right, and Colonel Gardiners on his left. The regiment of Lascelle’s and Murray, with five companies of Lees and four of Guises formed the center. And his second line consisted of three companies of the Earl of Loudun’s regiment, two of Lord John Murray’s, a body of Monros, and a great number of recruits for regiments abroad. Amounting in all to about 2000 foot, and 700 dragoons.

As it was now dark, the Prince ordered the army to march and to take possession of the ground on the south east of the morass which they did, at about half canon shot of the enemy. We continued under arms in the order of march, observing the greatest silence, so that Cope did not perceive where we were.

[Pg 407]

About three o’clock of the morning of the 21^st, orders were sent to Lord Nairne to draw off his guards and join the Prince, which he immediately did. The disposition of the attack being made, the Prince addressed his army in these words—‘Follow me, gentlemen, by the assistance of God, I will this day make you a free and happy people.’ The right wing was commanded by the Duke of Perth, Lieutenant General, and consisted of the Macdonalds of Clanranald, Glengary, Keppoch and Glenco, and Grants of Glenmoriston. The left wing was commanded by Lord George Murray, Lieutenant-General, and consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, and two companies of Macgregors. The second line was commanded by Lord Nairne, Major-General, and consisted of Athole-men, Robertsons of Strouan, Maclauchlans, and the Duke of Perth’s men. About 25 gentlemen, and their servants, a horse-back, formed a sort of corps de reserve. The whole army consisted of about 2200 men.

We marched chearfully on. The Duke of Perth was conducted by a gentleman, of the name of Anderson, by a ford through the above morass; where 100 men could have prevented our passage: it was so difficult that every step the men made they sunk to the knee in mud. This made them pass in some disorder, but not being observed, by means of the darkness, they formed again as they passed the morass. But the Duke of Perth, in place of inclining to the enemy’s left, to avoid being seen by them before all our men were passed, marched towards the sea: so when our left gained the plain, Lord George Murray found that he was nearer the enemy than the Duke of Perth was. However, day beginning to break the attack was ordered.

The highlanders, pulling off their bonnets and looking up to heaven, made a short prayer, and ran forward. In advancing Lord George Murray observed, that by the turn of the morass, there was a great interval between his left and the ditch of the before mentioned inclosure: he therefore ordered the Camerons to incline that way, in order to take it up, to prevent being flanked by the enemy’s[Pg 408] dragoons. By this movement there became a considerable interval in the center, which the 2^d line was ordered to fill up. We were now discovered by the enemy, who played their artillery furiously upon our left; yet only one private man was killed, and one officer wounded. The highlanders ran on with such eagerness that they immediately seized the canon. The dragoons on right and left made a very regular fire, which was followed by close platoons of all their infantry, which our men received with great intrepidity. But what by the huzzas of the highlanders, and their fire which was very brisk, the dragoons were immediately thrown into disorder, which occasioned some confusion among their foot. The highlanders threw down their muskets, drew their swords, and carried all before them like a torrent: so that in seven or eight minutes both horse and foot were totally routed, and drove from the field of battle.

The Prince during the action was on foot in the 2^d line. He was with great difficulty prevailed on not to attack with the first line in so much that the officers refused to march if he insisted on it. As soon as the victory declared for him, he mounted his horse and put a stop to the slaughter, calling out,—‘make prisoners: spare them, spare them, they are my father’s subjects.’

When General Cope saw how things were going, and that he could not rally his forces, he, with about 350 dragoons, and some volunteer officers, gained Carberryhill, by a road that led to it from Preston, and, as we had not time, nor horse to pursue, got away undisturbed to Lauder, and from thence to Berwick.

As our 2^d line had no occasion to engage, it may with justice be said, that 1400 highlanders, unsupported by horse or canon, routed a regular army of 2000 foot and 700 dragoons, defended by a fine train of artillery, and obtained a most compleat victory. Such is the impetuosity of a highland attack!

We took all the enemys canon, coehorns, small arms, colours, standards, drums, tents, baggage and military chest, in which was about 3000^l. [Pg 409]11^s.

Of the enemy were killed about 500, wounded 400, and taken prisoners 1400. Among the prisoners were about 80 officers.

Our loss was very inconsiderable, viz. killed 2 captains, 1 Lieutenant, 1 ensign, and about 30 private men; and wounded 6 officers, and 70 private men.

All care immaginable was taken of the wounded, plenty of able surgeons having been provided for that purpose.

The Prince lay this night at Pinkie, and next day the 22^d returned to the palace of Holyroodhouse, and the army encamped again at Duddingston.

OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK,

fought January 17^th, 1746

Lieutenant General Hawley, having been declared commander in chief in place of Sir John Cope, marched from Edinburgh to raise the siege of Stirling Castle, with about 10000 foot and 3 regiments of dragoons, and encamped a little to the westward of Falkirk.

On the 16^th the Prince drew up his army in line of battle, on a muir or plain, a mile south east of the house of Bannockburn, then his head quarters, and made all the necessary dispositions, in case the enemy should have advanced to attack him. But Hawley continued all day in his camp, and in the evening the Prince ordered his men to their quarters.

Early next morning, the 17^th, the Prince ordered his men to draw up on the same plain. The right wing, commanded by Lord George Murray, consisted of the Macgregors, Macdonalds of Keppoch, Clanronald, Glengary, and Glenco, Mackintoshes and Farquharsons. The left, commanded by Lord John Drummond, consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, Macphersons of Cluny, Frazers of Lovat, and Macleods of Raza and Bernera. The 2^d line, commanded by Brigadier-General Stappleton, consisted of the regiments of the Duke of[Pg 410] Athole, Earl of Cromarty, Lord Lewis Gordon, and Lord Ogilvy. Lords Elcho and Balmerino with the Prince’s horse-guards, consisting of about 80 gentlemen and their servants, were placed on the right wing, between the first and second lines. Lords Pitsligo and Strathallan with the Aberdeen and Perth-shire squadrons of horse, and a few hussars, making about the same number, were placed in like manner on the left. The Irish pickets were placed immediately behind the 2^d line as a corps de reserve. The whole making about 7000 foot, and 160 horse.

The regiments of the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, Gordon of Glenbucket, and John Roy Stuart were left at Stirling to guard the trenches and push on the siege, being about 1000 men. The Duke of Perth, who commanded the siege, and John Roy Stuart were allowed to join the army to assist in the action: and the care of the siege was left to Major-General Gordon of Glenbucket.

About midday the Prince, finding that Hawley did not advance, resolved in a council of war to march and attack him. The army therefore marched in order of battle, in two columns, keeping always an equal distance of about 200 yards. This saved a great deal of time, and prevented confusion, when we came within sight of the enemy. Lord George Murray took the road to the south of the Torwood, as the highway leading from Stirling to Falkirk was too narrow. At the same time Lord John Drummond went with most of the horse to reconnoitre the enemy; and made a movement as intending to march the highway through the Torwood.

The army crossed the water of Carron at Dunipace. By this time the enemy were perceived to be in motion. We therefore quickened our march to gain the top of the hill, about a mile south of the town of Falkirk, and a little more from Hawley’s camp.

General Hawley’s disposition seems to have been thus. On his right were the Argyleshire militia, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, the regiments of foot of Ligonier, Price and Sinclair: on his left Ligonier, Cobham and Hamilton’s dragoons; the regiments of foot[Pg 411] of Wolfe, Cholmondly and Pulteney. The 2^d line was made up of the regiments of foot of Blackney, Monro, Flemming, Barret and Battereau. The Glasgow and some other militia, and Howard’s regiment of foot formed a corps de reserve.

Mr. Hawley, afraid lest the Prince intended to march south, and not come to an action, ordered the dragoons to advance with all expedition, to take possession of the hill, and to keep us in play till the infantry should come up. When they came within canon shot, they made a motion to attack our right in flank, which Lord George Murray perceiving he, with the assistance of Colonel John Roy Stuart, made a very quick motion till he gained a morass, by which he saved being flanked. So our right was to the east, our left west, and front north. The dragoons seeing their scheme thus disappointed, advanced on a full trot, in order to break us; but the Macgregors and Macdonalds, keeping up their fire till they were within pistol shot, received them so briskly, that they were immediately broken, and thrown into the utmost confusion. As the enemy’s foot were now very near, the dragoons could not easily retreat back, without breaking their own line: they therefore gallopped along our line, whereby a vast number of them were killed. This beginning greatly inspirited our men, as it had a contrary effect on the enemy.

Scarcely had the dragoons got off when their infantry advanced to make the attack. They greatly out-lined us on the left, as we out-lined them on the right. Our left extended little farther than to their center. But from the unequality of the ground, being interspersed with risings and hollows, whereby there was no seeing from right to left what was doing, neither of the parties reaped advantage from that circumstance. The enemy’s right therefore attacked our left with a very close fire, which the Camerons and Stuarts received with great fortitude, drew their swords, broke and pursued them out of the field. Then our left made a halt in order to be joined by the right; but were again attacked by other two regiments[Pg 412] in flank, whom they also immediately broke. Our right, marching down the hill, fell in with the Glasgow militia, whom they severely chastised.

The Prince, who was mostly in the center, and whose attention was turned to all parts, observing some regiments of the enemys foot, and the remainder of the dragoons, marching up the hill, put himself at the head of the Irish pickets, and such of the scattered highlanders as were nearest to him, with a few gentlemen a horse-back, and advanced to attack them. But seeing the order of the pickets, and having a great storm of wind and rain in their faces, they fled precipitantly to their camp, as did all the rest of their troops.

As the action began late in the afternoon, it was now dark, the storm still continuing. However, the Prince made all the dispatch immaginable to put his troops in order, as he intended to beat the enemy from their camp. But hardly were the half of our men drawn together, when we observed many fires in Hawley’s camp, and his men at the same time marching, with great hurry, between the camp and town of Falkirk. We immediately conjectured that they were burning their camp (which they indeed endeavoured, but were prevented by the rain) and were to take possession of the town of Falkirk. Had they taken this course, a few men properly posted could have hindered the highlanders from entering that night, and obliged us either to have abandoned the field of battle, or to have stood all night under arms, wet and fatigued as we were, and exposed to the inclemency of the weather, a thing impossible.

Mr. Drummond, now Lord Strathallan, and Mr. Oliphant younger of Gask, disguised in peasants dress, went into the town to reconnoitre, and to get intelligence of the enemy. They soon returned with information, that they were flying in confusion to Linlithgow. The Prince immediately ordered his men to march, and attack them in the rear. As we marched we fell on the enemy’s canon, which they had left between the field of battle and the town: they could not draw them up the hill, on account of the[Pg 413] badness of the roads; so they were of no use to them in the action.

The enemy’s rear were just got to the east end of the town, when Lord John Drummond entered it on that side: he was shot throw the arm by a soldier, whom he was taking prisoner. Lord George Murray entered at the middle, and Lochiel at the west end of the town.

Our men had no sooner entered the town than they disappeared on all sides; every one putting himself under cover to dry his cloaths; and refresh himself after the fatigue of the day: and altho a detachment of 1000 men were ordered to pursue the enemy, yet, such is the misfortune of an irregular army! not 50 could be brought together, besides those absolutely necessary to mount the guards for the Prince and their own safeties. So the enemy never stopped till they got to Linlithgow, and some of their volunteers and dragoons to Edinburgh.

The Prince’s first care next morning was to send to reconnoitre the field of battle, and cause bury the dead, as well those of the enemy as his own men. Some of their officers that could be distinguished, of whom were Sir Robert Monroe and Colonel Whitney, were brought down to the town, and interred in the same manner as our own officers were.

It now appeared that about 600 of the enemy were killed on the field of battle, and that we had made about 700 prisoners.

We got all their artillery consisting of 7 large pieces of brass canon, and 3 iron ones, several mortars and coehorns, with a great many shells, all their ammunition, waggons, tents, 3 standards, 2 stand of colours, a kettle drum, many small arms, baggage, and generally every thing that the rain prevented them from burning.

On our side were killed 3 captains, 4 subaltern officers, and about 40 private men: and we had wounded near double that number.

[Pg 414]

OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN,

fought April 16^TH, 1746

As soon as certain intelligence was brought that the Duke of Cumberland had begun his march from Aberdeen northwards, the Prince sent orders to Ross, Sutherland, Lochaber, and Badenoch, that all the detachments of his army, in these places, should join him immediately at Inverness.

The Duke of Cumberland passed the Spey on the 13th, and on the 14th encamped at Nairn, about 10 miles from Culloden. On this the Prince assembled his men in and about Inverness, and marched at their head to Culloden-house, where he lay that night, and the troops encamped in the Parks.

Early next morning, the Prince drew up his army in line of battle, upon Drummossie muir, south of the house and parks of Culloden, as he expected that the Duke of Cumberland would have attacked him that day, being his birth-day.

About noon, when we were informed that he had not moved, it was proposed to the Prince to make a night attack upon him, in his camp at Nairn. Various were the reasons for and against this proposal. And after considering them fully, the Prince approved of the project, as the most probable chance he had of beating the enemy; provided they could be surprised by one o’clock of the morning.

We must here observe, that the Duke of Cumberland’s army was double the number of ours, plentifully provided with money and provisions of all kinds; having a squadron of ships, loaded with stores, that coasted along, from Aberdeen to Inverness, in sight of his army, to supply him with whatever was necessary. Whereas our military chest was spent; the men had not received pay for some time, had got no provisions this day but a single bisket each, and were much fatigued by severe duty.

[Pg 415]

In this situation the Prince could not propose to keep his army together. He was obliged either to fight or starve. And altho above 3000 men, under the command of the Earl of Cromarty, Macdonald of Barisdale, Macgregor of Glengyle, Cluny Macpherson, and others, who were expected every hour, had not yet joined, he resolved to risk the event of an engagement.

The night attack being therefore agreed to, was to have been executed thus. One third of the army, commanded by Lord George Murray, were to have passed the water of Nairn, two miles below Culraick, and two from Nairn, to have attacked the enemy on the south east near to the sea; whilst the other two thirds, under the command of the Duke of Perth and his brother Lord John Drummond, were to have attacked them on the plain, from the north east and all the way to the sea, so as to have joined those who were to have attacked on the other side.

That our design might not be discovered by the enemy, the march began about eight o’clock at night. Lord George Murray led the van. He had along with him, besides several gentlemen volunteers and officers, 30 men of the Mackintoshes, who lived in that very country, as guides. They conducted him the moor road, that he might not fall in with the enemy’s patrolls; and small parties were stationed at proper distances to prevent the enemy from receiving any intelligence.

As the highlanders had often marched more than two miles in an hour, it was hoped that they could have reached Nairn before two o’clock. But before Lord George had marched a mile, he received a message that the half of the line was at a considerable distance, and orders to halt, or march slower, till the line should join. He received many messages by aides-de-camps and other officers, sent for the same purpose, by the time he had reached six miles. Altho he did not halt, he marched always slower, hoping that would do: For he knew that a halt in the van occasions a greater one in the rear, when the march begins again; whereas by marching slow, the rear might have joined without that inconveniency.

[Pg 416]

It was already near two o’clock in the morning, and the van near four miles from the enemy. Most of the officers of distinction were now come up to the front; particularly the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, Lochiel and his brother, and M. oSulivan. The Duke of Perth told Lord George Murray that unless he made a halt the center and rear columns could not join. We halted. Here the officers began to examine their present situation. They were of opinion, that by the time the line had joined, and the army advanced two miles farther, it would be day light, and consequently the enemy would have time to point their canon, draw up their men, and place their horse so as to act in the most advantagious manner. Besides, a great number of our men had left their ranks and lain down in the wood of Culraick, which must have proceeded from faintness for want of food, and not from the fatigue of a six miles march. In these circumstances the attack was judged impracticable. To get back to Culloden, so as the men could have some hours refreshment, in case they should be obliged to fight that day, was what they agreed to.

As the Prince was about a mile behind in the rear, and the road through the wood very difficult to pass, they thought it would consume too much time to send back for orders, Lord George Murray therefore ordered the retreat. The Duke of Perth went back to acquaint the Prince with this resolution. At first he seemed much surprised, on which the Duke offered to march back the men; but after some reflection, he saw it was then too late.

We marched back the shortest way, as we had not the same reason for shuning houses in returning as we had in advancing.

The van had only got to the Church of Cray, that is two miles from where the halt was made, when it was broad day light. This showed that the enemy could not have been surprised as was intended. However, had the center and rear marched as quick as the van, it might certainly have been done.

[Pg 417]

Between 5 and 6 o’clock, all the army reached Culloden: But many, as well officers as soldiers went to Inverness and places adjacent, in quest of provisions, which were difficult to find.

The Prince had scarcely reposed himself an hour, when accounts were brought, that the enemy was in full march to attack him. He immediately sent aid-de-camps to bring up the men, who were at Inverness. In the mean time he marched up the troops that were about Culloden to Drummossie muir; but half a mile nearer than where they were formed the preceeding day.

This was our order of battle. The right wing, commanded by Lord George Murray, consisted of his own regiment of Athol, Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, one battallion of the Frazers of Lovat, and the Mackintoshes. The left wing, commanded by the Duke of Perth, consisted of the Macdonalds of Glengary, Keppoch and Clanranald, two companies of Macleans, two companies of Macleods, and the Farquharsons. The 2^d line, commanded by Lord John Drummond and Major General Stappleton, consisted of the Irish piquets, the regiments of Lord Ogilvy, Lord Lewis Gordon, Duke of Perth, and Lord John Drummond. On the right wing, behind the 2^d line, was a troop of Fitz-james’s horse; and on the left the horse guards, Perth-shire squadron and Hussards. The regiments of the Earl of Kilmarnock’s foot guards, and Colonel John Roy Stuart, with such of our men as had no guns formed a sort of reserve.

The whole did not exceed 6000 foot and 150 horse. We had six pieces of canon, two placed on the right, two on the left, and two in the center of the front line. Our front was to the east.

The Duke of Cumberland drew up his army in three lines. The first, commanded by Lieutenant-General the Earl of Albemarle, consisted of the regiments of Barrel, Monro, Scot’s Fusileers, Price, Cholmondley and Sinclair. The 2^d, commanded by Major General Huske, consisted of the regiments of Wolfe, Ligonier, Sempil, Bligh, and Flemming. The [Pg 418]3^d line, commanded by Brigadier Mordant, consisted of the regiments of Blackeney, Battereau, Pulteney and Howard. On the right wing were placed Cobham’s dragoons, and the half of Kingston’s horse, with the Campbells of Argyle.

Had these regiments been all compleat, they should have amounted to 15000 men, but as they were they surely amounted to near 12000 foot and 1200 horse. Ten pieces of canon were placed in the first line, two between each regiment; and six pieces in the 2^d line.

The enemy formed at a considerable distance, and marched in order of battle. About two o’clock afternoon the canonading began.

The Prince, after riding along the lines to animate the men, placed himself about the center, that he might the more conveniently give his orders. The enemy’s canon galled us much. One of the Prince’s servants, who led a sumpter horse, was killed at his side.

We were greatly out-lined both on right and left. Some alterations were made in our disposition in order to remedy this. Our right was covered by some old park walls, that led towards the water of Nairn. The Campbells got behind these walls, pulled them down, and placed a battery of canon, which did great execution on our right.

The Prince ordered to begin the attack. Our men attacked with all the fury imaginable, and made several impressions on the enemys line; particularly the Athol-men broke entirely the regiments of Barret and Monro, and took possession of two pieces of canon. But the enemy keeping a close hedge fire, overpowering us with numbers, and attacking us on both flanks, threw our lines into great confusion, and at last obliged us to quit the field. The Duke of Cumberland was likewise assisted by a great storm of hail and rain that blew in our faces.

The Prince did all he could to rally his men, but to no purpose. He was therefore obliged to retire. He crossed the water of Nairn at the ford on the high way between Inverness and Corryburgh, and then went to Lord Lovats. The greatest part of the army went to Ruthven in Badennoch.

[Pg 419]

As we had not afterwards an opportunity of reviewing our men, we cannot exactly say what loss we sustained in the action. By the enemy’s account we lost 2000 men, and they 300. But there is reason to think, that on the one side they magnify, and on the other diminish the numbers.

Mr. Fitzroy Bell, in a note to Murray’s Memorials (p. 42), relates that he had been unable to discover who this Jacobite Lord Sempill was. The researches of the Marquis de Ruvigny among the Stuart Papers, published in the Jacobite Peerage, make his identity quite clear. Francis Sempill was the son and heir of Robert Sempill, an officer in the French army. In 1712 this Robert Sempill received from the court of St. Germains a ‘Declaration of Noblesse,’ which stated that he ‘is grandson of the late Hugh, Lord Sempill, Peer of Scotland and sole heir-male of the property and the ancient title of the said lord, whose fourth son, Archibald, father of the said Robert, is the only one who left any living male child.’ On the 16th of July 1723 he appears as Mr. Robert Sempill, Captain of the Regiment of Dillon. He died at Paris intestate. In the documents of probate he is termed ‘Robert, Lord Sempill, alias Robert Sempill.’ On the strength of the title given to him in this reference, the Marquis de Ruvigny states that after 1723, when he was termed simply ‘Mr. Robert Sempill,’ he ‘seems after that date to have been created by James III. and VIII. a lord and peer of Parliament.’ This assumption has also been made by Mr. Fitzroy Bell, Mr. Andrew Lang, and other recent writers, but there is no evidence of any new creation, nor indeed was there any necessity for it. Robert Sempill the soldier had received in 1712 the declaration that he was entitled to the ancient title, but apparently had not used it. It seems natural to believe that his son Francis, who on the death of the father would prepare the probate papers, inserted in them the title of lord, to which the Declaration of 1712 said his father was entitled, and that on succeeding he assumed the title which his father had not used.

The following table shows the relationship of the Jacobite Lord Sempill with the nobleman who bore the same title in Scotland. He fought at Culloden and died the same year at Aberdeen (see p. 164).

[Pg 422]

At the Revolution there were eight hundred and seven parishes in Scotland filled by ministers of the Episcopal Church. On the accession of William and Mary and the Abolition of Episcopacy and the Establishment of the Presbyterian Church, all the bishops refused the Oath to the new Sovereigns, and a large number of the clergy left their parishes for the same reason.

At first there was much toleration, but as the bishops and the Episcopal clergy were all Non-jurors and maintained their allegiance to the exiled Stuart kings, they gradually became a Jacobite institution. Although very feeble, they were torn with internal dissension both doctrinal and ecclesiastical. As the pre-Revolution bishops died out, it was thought necessary in order to keep up the succession to consecrate new bishops, but this had to be done with utmost secrecy.

At first these bishops were appointed bishops at large without any diocese or territorial jurisdiction, and were known as the College of Bishops, but gradually the clergy demanded some sort of superintendence. Bishops were consecrated by one party and by others, but all on the understanding that they owed allegiance to the Stuart king. To avoid scandal the Jacobite managers and the Jacobite Court insisted that when bishops were elected the king should be informed so as to give congé d’élire before consecration. This power was afterwards compromised by the exiled king permitting the clergy to select all the bishops except the metropolitans of St. Andrews and[Pg 423] Glasgow, and a Bishop of Edinburgh who might have to act as metropolitan under the title of Vicar-General of St. Andrews.

In the year 1741 John Murray, as Agent in Scotland for the Jacobite Court, sent up the name of William Harper, who was incumbent of St. Paul’s Non-juring Episcopal Church in Carrubber’s Close. He was well connected, being married to a daughter of Sir David Thriepland of Fingask, and he was also principal adviser to most of the prominent Jacobites of the time.

Some of the bishops did not want him, and Bishop Keith represented to the Chevalier through Murray that Harper was an objectionable person, and implored the king to withdraw his congé d’élire. Mr. Harper retired from the contest.

After much negotiation John Murray, apparently with the concurrence of the majority of the bishops, fixed upon Bishop Rattray as a man likely from his age and rank to put an end to the dissensions; and James sent from Rome a congé de lire to elect him Bishop of Edinburgh, apparently with certain metropolitan powers. Rattray, however, died a few days after this permission was received, and the see was not filled until 1776.

Bishop Rattray was a Perthshire laird, the head of the ancient family of Rattray of Craighall. His son John acted as surgeon to Prince Charles throughout the campaign of 1745-46. A volume recently published, A Jacobite Stronghold of the Church, by Mary E. Ingram (Edinburgh, 1907), gives much information about William Harper and the Episcopal Church in Jacobite times.

Sir James Steuart (afterwards Steuart Denham) of Goodtrees and Coltness, second baronet. His father had been Solicitor-General, and his grandfather Lord Advocate, and both belonged to the party of the Covenanters. Sir James was born in 1712, and in 1743 he married Lady Frances, daughter of the fourth Earl of Wemyss, and sister of Lord Elcho, one of the Jacobite leaders of the ’Forty-five. When Prince Charles came to Edinburgh, Sir James joined his Court, and he is the reputed author of some of the Prince’s manifestos. In the autumn of 1745 he was sent to France as the Prince’s agent.

[Pg 424]

In the Stuart Papers there is a document headed ‘A Copy of Sir James Stewart’s powers, Dec. 29, 1746.’

This seems to be a copy of the credential which he received in Edinburgh, and which, probably for precautionary reasons, he did not carry with him in case of being captured and searched. The whole commission is printed among the Stuart Papers in Browne’s History of the Highlands, vol. iii. p. 472.

Sir James was specially excepted from the Act of Indemnity of 1747. He wandered on the Continent until 1763, when he was permitted to return to Scotland. He received a pardon in 1771, and died in 1780. He was author of Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy (1767), and other works. There is information about his Jacobite career in the narratives of his brother-in-law, Lord Elcho, recently published, also a long biography in The Coltness Collections, in which every effort is made to ignore or minimise his Jacobitism.

There was something mysterious both about his joining the Jacobite Court and about his departure from Scotland. Robert Chambers, in his History of the Rebellion, chap. xxiv., relates, upon the authority of Sir Henry Steuart of Allanton, Sir James’s near relative, the story of his joining the Prince at Holyrood, which may be told in Chambers’s own words.

There was something still more mysterious about his departure. The following depositions were found in the Records of the Sheriff Court of Kincardineshire by Dr. W. A. Macnaughton of Stonehaven,[639] who kindly sent them to me. The depositions were taken from witnesses in a civil action of false imprisonment by James Grant against Alexander Garioch of Mergie. Garioch acted as deputy governor of Stonehaven for Prince Charles. Apparently the authorities took the opportunity of interrogating the Jacobite witnesses about Sir James. The portions of the depositions that refer to Sir James Steuart only are here given.

This fund, in the distribution of which Walter Grossett was concerned, and of which his brother’s widow and children were the largest beneficiaries, was probably the earliest example of systematic organisation for the supply of comforts to soldiers in the field, to the sick and wounded, and for provision for widows and orphans.

The fund was instituted at the Guildhall, London, on November 27th, 1745, by Sir Richard Hoare, then Lord Mayor. The minute of the first meeting aptly declares the intention of the founders:—

The result of the efforts of the Lord Mayor and his associates is recorded in an admirable report printed in 1747.

The report gives a subscription list. There were exactly five hundred subscriptions, and the total amount subscribed was £18,910, 0s. 9d. The largest subscription was that of ‘the[Pg 430] Rt. Hon. Lord Chief Justice, Master of the Rolls, Lord Chief Justice Willes, Lord Chief Baron Parker, and the Honourable Judges, whose gift was £1200; the smallest that of the parish of St. Thomas, Southwark, which gave 10s. 9d. In the List are found subscriptions from the Prince of Wales, £500; the Mayor, Commonalty, and Citizens of the City of London, £1000; Governor and Company of the Bank of England, £1000; John Rich from the Theatre Royal in Covent Garden, £602, 7s.; the Gentlemen Volunteers of the City of London, £523, 19s. The City Companies subscribe sums varying from £100 to £300, and it is interesting to find in the list the name of Isaac Watts, D.D., for a subscription of £5, 5s. The Report, which is an excellent business document, finishes with the following paragraph:—

Details of the disbursements of the Fund are given in appendices which are printed below, and are interesting in the present time of war for the sake of comparison with similar modern activities. They are printed from an original copy of the Report in the editor’s possession.

[Appendix No. I. is the List of Subscriptions.]

An Account of the Necessaries contracted for, their Patterns and Price.

N.B.—As the Overplus 3l. 17s. 11¼d. could not be divided amongst the Regiments it was distributed to some few particular Objects.

The above Sums divided in Proportion to the Pay of the several Ranks, give to each Man as follows, viz.

Containing an Account of the particular Disbursements.

This document, which belongs to the Earl of Galloway, is printed by his kind permission. The manuscript bears the following endorsement:—

A letter from the Hon. Charles Stewart, fellow of All Souls, afterwards the Bishop of Quebec, to his brother, the eighth Earl of Galloway, dated Nov. 26th, 1825, explains that the initials on the endorsement are those of the Rev. Vaughan Thomas, at one time of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Mr. Thomas desired that the manuscript should be given to Lord Galloway, whom he considered to be the proper person to possess so interesting a Stuart document.

MEMORIA

Translation[645]

John, Lord of the Isles (died 1387), fourth in succession from Donald progenitor of the clan, had two wives: (1) Amy MacRuari; (2) the Princess Margaret, daughter of Robert II., to marry whom he repudiated or divorced Amy. The lordship of the Isles went to the descendants of the Princess. The hereditary clan chiefship, which ordinarily descends to the senior heir-male, did not necessarily follow the title. The lordship of the Isles was taken from the Macdonalds and annexed to the Crown in 1494, and the question who is supreme hereditary chief of Clan Donald has ever since been a matter of strife. Glengarry and Clanranald descend from Amy MacRuari, the first wife, and are therefore senior in blood, but it is doubtful which of these two families is the elder; last century the general preference was for Glengarry, but the new Scots Peerage and the Clan Donald historian favour Clanranald. Sleat and Keppoch descend from the Princess Margaret,[Pg 450] Sleat coming from Hugh, third son of Alexander, Lord of the Isles (died 1449), grandson of John, and son of Donald of Harlaw, while Keppoch comes from the fourth son of John and Princess Margaret, and could only have a claim if there were a flaw in the pedigree of Sleat. Doubts have been expressed of the legitimacy of Hugh of Sleat, but these have been set aside. Glencoe’s progenitor was Ian, son of Angus Og (died 1330), Bruce’s friend who fought at Bannockburn, the father of John, Lord of the Isles, mentioned above, but the Seannachies have pronounced him illegitimate. From this Ian the Glencoe clan has been known as MacIan for centuries.

It is interesting to know that in the summer of 1911, the three hereditary heads of the families having serious claims on the supreme chiefship of the clan, Glengarry, Clanranald, and Sleat (Sir Alexander of the Isles), signed an indenture mutually agreeing to cease from active assertion of their claims, and that in the event of more than one of them being present with the clan, precedence for the occasion would be decided by lot.

MACDONALDS

Clanranald Branch

• Ranald of Clanranald, chief.[647]
• Ranald, young Clanranald.
• Æneas, br. of Kinlochmoidart.
• Allan of Morar.
• Allan, brother of Kinlochmoidart.
• Alexander of Boisdale, Clanranald’s brother.[647]
• Alexander of Glenaladale, major.
• Alexander, brother of Dalelea.
• Alexander, his son.
• Angus of Borradale.
• Angus of Dalelea.
• Angus Maceachain, Borradale’s son-in-law (surg. in Glengarry’s regt.).
• Donald, son of Clanranald.
• Donald of Kinlochmoidart.
• Hugh, bishop, br. of Morar.[647]
• John of Guidale, br. of Morar.
• James, uncle of Glenaladale.
• James, br. of Kinlochmoidart.
• John, son of Morar.
• John, brother of Glenaladale.
• John, son of Borradale. (Killed at Culloden.)
• John (bis), son of Borradale (author of narrative, Lyon in Mourning, vol. iii. p. 375).
• John, doctor, br. of Kinlochmoidart.
• Neil Maceachain.
• Ranald, son of Borradale.
• Ranald of Belfinlay.
• Ranald, brother of Kinlochmoidart.
• Ranald, son of Morar.
• Roderick, uncle of Glenaladale.

Glengarry Branch

• John of Glengarry, chief.[647]
• Alastair, young Glengarry.
• Alexander of Ochtera.
• Angus, son of Glengarry.
• Angus, br. of Lochgarry.
• Allan, brother of Leek.
• Allan of Cullachie.
• Archibald, youngest Barisdale.
• Coll, young Barisdale.
• Donald of Lochgarry.
• Donald of Lundie.
• Donald, his son.
• Donald, young Scotus.
• John, his brother.
• John of Arnabea.
• John of Leek.
• Ranald, doctor, uncle of Glengarry.
• Ranald of Shian.
• Ranald, brother of Leek.
• Ronald, nat. son of Barisdale.
• Ranald, brother of Arnabea.
• Donald Roy Macdonald, brother of Baleshare of the Sleat branch, served in Glengarry’s regt.

Keppoch Branch

• Alexander of Keppoch, chief.
• Alex, of Dalchosnie, Atholl Brig.
• Allan, his son.
• Angus, natural son of Keppoch.
• Archibald, br. of Keppoch, capt.
• Archibald of Clianaig.
• Donald, brother of Keppoch, major.
• Donald of Tirnadrish, major.
• Donald Glass, son of Bohuntin.
• John, br. of Dalchosnie, Atholl Brig.
• John Og, son of Bohuntin.
• Ranald of Aberarder.

Glencoe Branch

• Alexander of Glencoe, chief.
• James, his brother, captain.
• Donald, his brother.
• Donald, a Glencoe cadet (poet).

CAMERONS

• Donald Cameron of Lochiel, chief.
• John, his father (retired chief).
• Alexander of Dungallon, major.
• Alexander, his son, standard-bearer.
• Alexander of Druimnasaille.
• Alexander, br. of Lochiel, priest.
• Alexander of Glenevis.
• Allan of Lundavra, lieut.
• Allan of Callart, lieut.
• Allan, brother of Glenevis.
• Archibald, doctor, br. of Lochiel, A.D.C. to Prince Charles.
• Donald of Erracht.
• Donald of Glenpean.
• Duncan, Fortingal, Epis. chaplain.
• Duncan, Nine Mile Water.
• Ewen of Inverlochy, capt.
• Ewen of Dawnie, capt.
• Ewen, uncle of Callart.
• Ewen, brother of Druimnasaille.
• Hugh of Annock.
• James, ensign, k’ld at Prestonpans.
• John, brother of Callart.
• Ludovick of Torcastle.
• Cameron of Arroch, capt.
• —— of Clunes.
• —— of Kinlochleven.
• —— of Strone.
• John, Presb. minister, Fortwilliam.

MACKENZIES

Lord Cromartie’s Regiment

• The Earl of Cromartie.
• Lord Macleod, his son.
• Colin Mackenzie, br. of Ballone, capt.
• John of Ardloch, capt.
• William, brother of Kilcoy, capt.
• William, br. of Allangrange, capt.
• Donald, Irnhavanny, capt.
• Colin, Cullecuden, capt.
• Donald, Fetterboy, capt.
• John, Elgin, surgeon.
• Alexander, br of Dundonald, lieut.
• Roderick, br. of Keppoch, lieut.
• Alexander of Corrie, lieut.
• Hector Mackenzie, lieut.
• Alexander, Miltown of Ord, lieut.
• Alexander, Una Ross, lieut.
• Alexander, Killend, ‘officer.’
• Colin of Badluachrach, ‘officer.’

Barisdale’s Regiment

• Alex. Mackenzie of Lentron, major.
• Kenneth and Colin, his brothers.
• Kenneth, brother of Fairburn, a schoolboy, capt.[648]
• John Mackenzie of Torridon was a nephew of Macdonell of Keppoch, and attached himself and his following to his uncle’s regiment.

MACLEODS

• Alexander, son of Muiravonside, A.D.C. to Prince Charles.
• Donald of Bernera.
• Donald of Gualtergil, Skye.
• Malcolm of Raasa.
• Malcolm, cousin of Raasa.
• Murdoch, son of Raasa, surg.
• John of Glendale.
• Roderick, his brother.
• Roderick of Cadboll.

MACKINNONS

• John of Mackinnon, Skye, chief.
• John, his nephew, Elgol, Skye.
• John of Coriechattan.

MACLEANS

• Sir Hector of Duart, chief, major in Lord John Drummond’s French regiment; made prisoner in Edinburgh, 9th June ’45, and retained in custody throughout the campaign.
• Allan, son of Calgary, Mull, lieut.
• Allan, son of Drimnin, Morvern.
• Charles of Drimnin, major.
• Hugh, son of Kilmory, Mull, capt.
• John, writer, Inverness.
• John, brother of Kingairloch, capt.
• Another brother of Kingairloch.
• Lachlan, nat. son of Drimnin.

MACLACHLANS

• Lachlan of Maclachlan, chief.
• Alexander, son of Corrie, capt.
• Alex. tidewaiter, Fortwilliam, major.
• Archibald, Maryburgh, ensign.
• Dugald, Inversanda, capt.
• James, Morvern, lieut.
• Kenneth of Kilinachanich, adj.
• Lachlan of Inishconel, capt.
• John, Rev., Epis. chaplain.

FRASERS

• Simon, Lord Fraser of Lovat.
• Simon, Master of Lovat.
• Alexander of Fairfield, major.
• Alexander, Stratherrick.
• Alexander, son of Relich, capt.
• Alexander, Leadchune.
• Alexander of Balchreggan, capt.
• Alexander, br. of Culduthel, capt.
• Donald, Moy, capt.
• Charles, yr. of Fairfield, adj.-gen.
• Charles, yr. of Inverallochy, lt.-col.
• Hugh, son of Fraserdale, capt.
• Hugh of Leadclune.
• Hugh, Mirton.
• Hugh, Inverness, adj.
• Hugh, Dorburn, Borlum.
• Hugh, Littlegarth.
• James of Foyers, lt.-col.
• John, son of Moydie.
• John, yr. of Bochruben.
• John of Bruaich.
• John, Kilmorach, ensign.
• John, Byrefield, capt.
• John, Rossie, Kincardine.
• Simon, Dalhaple, capt.
• Simon of Achnacloich, capt.
• Simon of Auchnadonch, capt.
• Simon, vintner, ‘officer.’
• Thomas of Gortuleg.
• William, yr. of Culbockie, capt.
• William of Culmiln, capt.
• William, Fort Augustus, capt.
• William of Dalernig.

MACPHERSONS

• Ewen of Cluny, chief.
• Alexander, Kingussie.
• Alexander, Blanchybeg.
• Andrew, son of Benachar, capt.
• Angus, Flichaty.
• Donald of Breackachy, capt.
• Donald, Ruthven, Badenoch.
• Ewen, Laggan of Nood.
• Ewen, Dalwhinny, lieut.-col.
• Hugh, Coraldy.
• John, Cluny.
• John, Pitachran.
• John, Garvamore, capt.
• John of Strathmashie.
• Kenneth, Ruthven, Badenoch.
• Lachlan, yr. of Strathmashie.
• Lewis, Delrady, major.
• Malcolm (Dow), Ballachroan.
• Malcolm of Phoyness, capt.
• William, Ruthven.

MACINTOSHES

• Lady Mackintosh of Mackintosh.
• Alex. Macgillivray of Dunmaglas, lieut.-col.
• Gillise Macbain of Dalmagarrie, maj.
• Alexander Mackintosh, Elrig, capt.
• Angus Mackintosh of Farr, capt.
• Angus of Issich.
• Duncan, Drummond.
• Lachlan, Inverness, lieut.-col.
• Simon, Daviot.

FARQUHARSONS

• Alex., Lintrethan, capt. (Ogilvy’s).
• Charles, Drumnopark, Glenmuick, ensign.
• Cosmus, junior, of Tombea.
• Donald of Auchriachan, capt.
• Francis of Monaltrie, colonel.
• Francis, Bogg, Tarland, ensign.
• Henry of Whitehouse, capt.
• James of Balmoral, lieut.-col.
• John of Altery, capt.
• John, Lintrethan, lieut. (Ogilvy’s).
• John of Aldlerg.
• John, Bogg, Tarland, ensign.
• Robert, Tullick, Glenmuick, ens.
• Robert, Mill of Auchriachan, ens.
• William of Broughderg, captain (Ogilvy’s).
• William, Mill of Auchriachan, ens.
• Farquharsons of Inverey, names not found.