The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Treaty Held with the Indians of the Six Nations

Re-printed and Sold by T. Sowle Raylton and Luke Hinde, at the Bible in George-Yard, Lombard-Street.

THE

PREFACE.

A Copy of the following Treaty, printed at Philadelphia in 1743, having fallen into my Hands, upon perusal, I judg'd its Contents deserved to be more generally known, than probably would have been from the few Copies which might be sent over.

To make it more instructive and entertaining, I had once Thoughts of prefixing an Account of the Customs and Manners of these People, such an one as I could collect either from the Printed Relations concerning them, or from such Materials as my Correspondence or Acquaintance would have afforded: But, the accurate Description drawn up and published by the memorable William Penn, deterr'd me from attempting a short One; and an ingenious Gentleman of New-York will probably soon oblige the World with a large and curious History of the Five Nations,[1] exceeding any thing in my Power to perform.

But, that the Reader might have some Idea of these People, I thought it necessary to subjoin the following succinct Account of the Principles in this Confederacy, their Tributaries, Dependents and Allies: And the more so, as it is neither extant in Print, nor is this Part taken Notice of so fully in the Manuscript History above-mentioned. It was communicated by a Gentleman of good Understanding and Probity; one who is very well skill'd in the Indian Affairs,[2] adopted into one of their Tribes, is of their Council, and their constant Interpreter at the Philadelphia Treaties, to a Friend of his, who sent it to his Correspondent here.

They have generally been stiled the Five Nations of Indians, bordering upon Pensilvania and New-York; but, since the Arrival of the Tuscarora's from Carolina, they are called the Six Nations. An Account of whom is as follows,

1. The Conymkos or Mohawks; the first Promoter of the Confederacy.[3] He is stiled in the Council of all the Nations, Dicarihoagan, i.e. President or Eldest.

2. The Onayiuts or Onoyders, were the first that join'd in the Confederacy with the Mohawks, by putting themselves under their Protection. He calls the Mohawk his Father, and in Return he is called a Son: The Mohawk used him for his Ambassador to the other Nations: In Council he is stiled Niharontaquoa, or the great Tree.[4]

3. The Onontago's were the next that joined, and of their own Accord became Confederates; they are therefore called by the Mohawks, Brothers; and by the Onoyders, Fathers, because they had not been forced into the Alliance as the Onoyders were: He is called in Council Sagochsaanagechteront, i.e. the Arms, or Names-bearer.

4. The Jenontowano's or Sinikers next joined in the Alliance of their own Consent; they are stiled by the Mohawks and Onontago's, Brothers, and by the Onoyders, Fathers: His Title in Council is Onughkaarydaawy, whose Signification is not known, and Dyionenhookaraw, i.e. Open Doors for Friends and Enemies.

5. The Caiukquo's, the last of the Five-Nation Alliance, being compelled thereto by the Rest, is Brother to the Onoyders, and Son to the others; is stiled in Council Ganunawantoowano, or the great Pipe.[5]

6. Tuscarora's joined in the Alliance about thirty Years ago, being compelled thereto by the English of[Pg vi] Carolina: He is Brother to the Onoyders and Cayukquo's, and Son to the others; has no Title in Council, but is frequently called a Fool.

The Dependents and Tributaries of these Nations.

Mohickons, who formerly lived on Hudson's River, and in New-England; they have been conquer'd by the Five Nations, their Breech-Cloth taken from them, and a Petticoat put upon them. When they apply to their Conquerors, they humbly call themselves Women: The Five Nations call them by the same Name when they speak severely to 'em: At other times they call them Cousins, and are in Return called Uncles.

Delawares are in the same Condition as the Mohickons, were dealt with in like manner; and are Tributary in an Indian Sense.[6]

Shawanese are Brethren to the Six Nations, but are not in the Confederacy: Their Coming from the Spanish Dominions is remember'd by many now living.[Pg vii] The Five Nations gave them Lands on the West Branch of Susquehanna, and therefore claim a Superiority over them, for which the Shawanese mortally hate them. The greatest Part of 'em, a few Years ago, went to settle on the River Ohio, which is a Branch of the Missisippi, and heads with the West Branch of Susquehanna. One Tribe of them is quite gone down to New Spain; there are a few left still at Wyomink on the North Branch of Susquehanna, and others have a large Town on an Island in the West Branch, about 50 Miles above the Forks. They are the most restless and mischievous of all the Indians.

Conestogo Indians have been all destroyed by the Five Nations, except a few whom the Onoyders adopted: When these had forgot their Language, they were sent back to Conestogo, where a few are now left, and speak the Onoyder's Language.

Nantikooks are in Alliance with the Six Nations, and not Tributary; acknowledging themselves to be shelter'd by their Wings: They live within the Borders of Maryland, a Few about Conestogo, and some have settled this Spring at the Mouth of the River Skohooniaty or Jeniaty, which is a Creek that falls into the Susquehanna from the West beyond the Mountains.

Tutolo's originally lived in Virginia, there are but Few of them; they settled this Spring at Shamokin, (on the East Side of Susquehanna, just below the Forks) and are intirely devoted to the Six Nations.

1. A Nation of Indians living on the West Side of the Lake Erie, and along the Streights of Huron's Lake. They are called by the Iroquois, Unighkellyiakon; consisting of about Thirty Towns, each of about 200 Fighting Men.

2. The second Nation lives among the preceeding, called —— consisting of Four Towns of their own People, and 400 able Men in all.

3. The third Nation called by the Iroquois, Tshisagech Roanu,[7] lives on the East Side of the Huron's Lake; several of the Council have been there, and all agree they have Three large Towns of 600, 800, and 1000 able Men.

4. The fourth, called Twightwis Roanu, Two large Towns, and about 200 Men in all, live at the Heads of Huakiky River, near the little Lakes.

5. Oskiakikas, living on a Branch of Ohio, that heads near the Lake Erie, Four large Towns, of about 1000 Warriours.

6. Oyachtawnuh Roanu, near Black-River, consisting of Four Towns, and 1000 Warriours.

7. Keghetawkegh Roanu, upon the great River Missisippi, above the Mouth of Ohio: Three Towns; the Number of People uncertain.[Pg ix]

8. Kerhawguegh Roanu, several Savage Nations, as their Names signify, (the People of the Wilderness) live on the North Side of Huron's Lake; they neither plant Corn, nor any thing else, but live altogether upon Flesh, Fish, Roots and Herbs; an infinite Number of People, of late become Allies to the Iroquois.

The Six Nations, as was observed above, border upon the Provinces of Pensilvania and New-York: The Rest, which are mentioned as their Dependents and Allies, lie near the French Settlements, some amidst, and some beyond them. The Wisdom of the Chiefs in this Confederacy hath gained them no less Reputation than their Courage; which indeed has struck Terror into the remotest Indian Nations of North America, and forc'd them to court the Friendship and Protection of such a formidable Power.

The Moderation and Equity of the first Proprietor of Pensilvania, gained the absolute Confidence and Affection of this brave People: They were convinced of his Tenderness for them, and in Return they have erected him lasting Monuments in their grateful Hearts: They revere this good Man's Memory, and his Praises will only cease with the Nations themselves.

"That no Man, says he, shall by any ways or means, in Word or Deed, affront or wrong any Indian, but he shall incur the same Penalty of the[Pg x] Law, as if he had committed it against his fellow Planter: And if any Indian shall abuse, in Word or Deed, any Planter of this Province, that he shall not be his own Judge upon the Indian, but he shall make his Complaint to the Governor of the Province, or his Lieutenant or Deputy, or some inferior Magistrate near him, who shall to the utmost of his Power, take Care with the King of the said Indian, that all reasonable Satisfaction be made to the said injured Planter.

"That all Differences between the Planters and the Natives, shall also be ended by Twelve Men, that is, by Six Planters and Six Natives, that so we may live friendly together, as much as in us lieth, preventing all Occasions of Heart-burnings and Mischief."

A Conduct regulated by such Principles of Love and Justice, could not fail to influence this discerning People, and biass them in Favour of the English; a Continuance of the like Conduct must attach them inviolably: And the present worthy Governor and Council seem so sensible of the Necessity of cultivating a good Understanding with the Six Nations, as to be likely to omit no Opportunity of brightening the Chain, or increasing the Fire of Friendship with them.

The Confidence which these Nations repose in their Interpreter, is a Proof of his Industry, good Sense, and Address: Nothing could have happened more favourably to the English Settlements, than that those delicate Affairs should be in the Hands of a Person equally just and a Friend to both.

The French are perpetually labouring to debauch their Faith to the English: Their Emissaries, the Priests, an indefatigable, artful, insinuating Race,[Pg xi] are constantly labouring to gain Admittance amongst them. They assume all Shapes, try every Spring; they magnify the Power and Grandeur of France; they study to render the English diminutive and contemptible; they foment every little Occasion of Disgust, and leave no Stone unturned to prejudice us in their Esteem.

Hitherto the Honour of the Six Nations, and the experienced good Intentions and Probity of the English, have been a sufficient Barrier against all their Intrigues: But it cannot be imprudent to countermine the intended Mischief, by giving suitable Encouragement to proper Persons, to converse with the Indians, and study their Genius. An open-hearted Generosity wins them effectually: The Temper of the English is happily suited to this; and the additional Qualifications of Integrity and Prudence must in Time pave the Way to an Ascendency in their Councils, and by this Means the Subtilty of the French would be utterly defeated.

One sees, in the following short Sketch of the Behaviour of the Indians, strong Traces of good Sense, a nice Address in the Conduct of their Affairs, a noble Simplicity, and that manly Fortitude which is the constant Companion of Integrity. The Friendship of a Nation like this, tho' under the Appellation of Savages or Barbarians, is an Honour to the most civiliz'd People: I say nothing of the Advantage which is derived from them by Commerce: And the French well know, by dear Experience, how terrible they are to their Enemies in War.[Pg xii]

"When we speak of the Five Nations in France, (says an Author [8] of that Country) they are thought, by common Mistake, to be meer Barbarians, always thirsting after human Blood: But their true Character is very different. They are the fiercest and most formidable People in North America; at the same Time as politick and judicious, as well can be imagined: This appears from the Management of the Affairs which they transact, not only with the French and English, but likewise with almost all the Indians of this vast Continent."

THE

TREATY, &c.

THE Deputies of the Six Nations having, at their last Visit, agreed to release their Claim to all the Land on both Sides of the River Susquehanna, as far South as this Province extends, and to the Northward to those called the Endless Mountains or Kittochtinny Hills; in Consideration whereof, they then received a large Quantity of valuable Indian Goods for the Lands situate on the Eastern Side of the said River, but declined at that Time to receive any for those on the Western Side of the said River, chusing to defer the same till another Visit: A large Number arrived from these Nations at Philadelphia, on Wednesday the 30th of June, with Deputies duly impowered to receive the said Goods; and acquainted the Governor, that being weary, from the Fatigue of their long Journey, they should crave three or four Days to rest themselves before they proceeded to their Business: In the mean Time they would wait on the Governor to discourse, according to their usual Method, about News and other Occurrences; which the Governor readily agreed to, and ask'd them when they would chuse to pay their first Visit; which they desiring might be on Friday the 2d of July in the Afternoon; the Council was accordingly summon'd, and met at Mr. Logan's House, where were

P R E S E N T,

'The Proprietor having purchased certain Lands from your Nations about Six Years ago, a Moiety of what was agreed to be given in Consideration of that Purchase was at that Time delivered to them, and the other being at their own Desire left in the Proprietor's Hands, He pressed you by Shikalamy, to send last Year for it, and would have been glad to have seen you and taken you by the Hand before his Departure. But as the Design of this Meeting is to hear your News, and converse together in a free and friendly Manner, I shall say no more about the Goods than that they lye ready at the Proprietor's House, and will be delivered when you shall have sufficiently rested from the Fatigue of your Journey.'

'We propose to rest four Days, and then come to the main Business. At present we are at a private Conference about News, and have something of this Sort to mention to our Brother Onas.' And on the Governor's signifying they would be glad to know what it was, the Chief proceeded.

'It is our Way when we come to our Brethren, or any other Persons, whom we live in strict Friendship with, to remove all Obstructions to a good Understand[Pg 3]ing; with this View we are to inform you of a Piece of disagreeable News that happen'd in our Journey.—Some White People living at a Place called Conegocheegoe, whose Names we cannot tell, nor whether they belong to this or the neighbouring Government, but one of them, as we heard, had his House burnt over his Head some Years ago, and he was brought down a Prisoner and committed to the Goal of this City: These People lighting of our young Warriours, as they were hunting, made some Proposals about the purchasing of Land from them, and our young Men being indiscreet, and unacquainted with publick Business, were foolish enough to hearken to them, and to receive five Duffil Strowds for two Plantations on the River Cohongoronto. A Conestogoe Indian, and a French Indian, and some others that were in Company had three Duffil Strowds, and went away with them; and our young Men carried off the other two. As soon as this came to our Knowledge, we sent for our Warriours, and after examining and rebuking them severely, we took away their two Strowds, and publickly censured them for exposing us to our Brethren of Pensilvania, in doing a Thing so inconsistent with our Engagements to them; You are, said we aloud, that all our People might hear and take Notice, to know and remember, that the Six Nations have obliged themselves to sell none of the Land that falls within the Province of Pensilvania to any other but our Brother Onas, and that to sell Lands to any other is an high Breach of the League of Friendship. Brethren, this rash Proceeding of our young Men makes us ashamed. We always mean well, and shall perform faithfully what we have promised: And we assure you, this Affair was transacted in the Manner we have related, without our Privity or Consent. And that you may be fully convinced of this, and of the Sincerity of our Intentions, we have brought you these Two Strowds [here he presented two Red Strowds to the Governor] they are the very Strowds our foolish young Men received; we took them from them, and we give them to you to return to[Pg 4] those white People who made the Bargain, and desire when the Strowds are returned to them, they may be told what we now say, and that we shall not confirm such Bargains nor any other that may interfere with our Engagements to our Brother Onas.'

'I thank you for this Piece of News; you have taken this Matter perfectly right. All Bargaining for Land within this Province, is, to be sure, a manifest Breach of your Contract with the Proprietors, and what we know you will not countenance. We have hitherto found the Six Nations faithful to their Engagements, and this is a fresh Instance of their Punctuality. You could not help these Mistakes of your young Men; they were not done in your Presence: But as several Inconveniencies may arise from these kind of clandestine Sales, or from any such loose Sales of Land by your People, we desire you will, on your Return home, give publick Notice to all your Warriours not to bargain for any Land; or if they do, that you will not confirm such Bargains; and that this very Affair, together with what you have done therein, may be particularly reported to all your Nation assembled in Council.'

'I forgot one Circumstance: Our People who pretended to sell the Land, demanded a Belt of Wampum of the Buyers to carry to their Chiefs; and on their declaring they had no Wampum, our Warriours said, they would not answer that their Chiefs would confirm this Bargain, since they never did any thing of this Nature without Wampum.'[Pg 5]

'I shall take this Opportunity to relate to you a Piece of disagreeable News I received some Days ago in a Letter from Le Tort the Indian Trader, at Allegheny, who says, That in May last some Indians of the Taway Nation, supposed by us to be Twightwees, in their Return from War, called and stayed sometime with the Shawanese; who being asked, and denying they had brought either Scalps or Prisoners, the Shawanese suspecting them, had the Curiosity to search their Bags, and finding two Scalps in them, that by the Softness of the Hair did not feel like Indian Scalps, they wash'd them clean, and found them to be the Scalps of some Christians. On this Discovery, the Twightwees were so much ashamed, that they stole away from their Town in the Night-time; and coming, as they afterwards understood, to a little Village belonging to the Shawanese, they told our People that their Hearts were full of Grief; for, as they came along the Road, they found it all bloody; and having good Cause to believe it was made bloody with the Blood of some of the White Brethren, they had very sorrowfully swept the Road; and desired them to inform the Governor of Pensilvania of their (the Twightwees) Grief; and how they had swept the Road clean.' Le Tort adds, on Behalf of the Shawanese, 'That they were much troubled and grieved at this unfortunate Accident; and prayed as they had no Concern in it, more than by being Instruments to discover it, their Brethren would not blame them, nor suffer a Misunderstanding to arise between them on this Account: They would sweep the Road clean, and wipe all the Blood away; and desired their Brethren would be satisfied with this, and not weep too much for a Misfortune that might not happen again as long as the Sun and Moon shone.'

'The Person who delivered me Le Tort's Letter, brought this Bundle of Skins as a Present to me; but I told the Messenger, I would not meddle with it; he[Pg 6] might leave it if he pleased: The Affair appear'd to me in a bad Light, and I would represent it to the Six Nations, who were expected in Town every Day. This is the Fact as I have it from Le Tort: I desire to be inform'd if you know any thing of this Matter; and if you do not, that you will make diligent Enquiry who committed the Murder, and who are the unhappy Sufferers, and assist us to obtain Satisfaction, if it shall appear to be any of our Fellow-Subjects that have been treated in this Manner.'

'We take this Information kind at your Hands; we will take this String of Wampum home with us to our Lodgings, and there consult about the most regular and proper Steps to be taken by us to answer your Expectations; and when we have duly considered the Matter, we will return you an Answer.'

Upon this the Governor put an End to the Conference; and calling for Wine and other Liquors, according to the Indian Custom, after a decent and chearful Entertainment, the Indians withdrew.

At a COUNCIL held at the Proprietor's House, July 5. 1742.

P R E S E N T

It being judg'd proper, at this critical Time, when we are in daily Expectation of a French War, to sound the Indians, and discover what Dependence we might have on them, in case their Aid should be wanted; an handsome Dinner was provided for their Chiefs; and after they had made an hearty Meal, and drank his Majesty's Health, the Proprietor's, and the Health of the Six Nations, the Chiefs gave the solemn Cry, in Testimony of their Thanks, for the Honour done them. And soon after, the Governor began, in a free Way, to enquire for what Reason the Senecas were not come down, since they had an equal Right to a Share of the Goods with the other Nations.—Canassateego, their Speaker, said, 'The Senecas were in great Distress, on Account of a Famine that raged in their Country, which had reduced them to such Want, that a Father had been obliged to kill two of his Children to preserve his own and the rest of his Family's Lives; and they could not now come down, but had given Directions about their Share of the Goods.'—The Governor express'd his Concern for the unhappy Circumstances of their Brethren of the Seneca Nation; and, after a short Respite, enquired if any of their Deputies were then at Canada, and whether the French Governor was making any warlike Preparations? And on their answering, Yes; the Governor said, with a smiling, pleasant Countenance, 'I suppose if the French should go to War with us, you will join them.' The Indians conferr'd together for some Time, and then Canassateego, in a chearful lively Manner, made Answer.—'We assure you, the Governor of Canada pays our Nations great Court at this Time, well knowing of what Consequence we are to the French Interest: He has already told us, he was uncovering the Hatchet and sharpening it, and hoped, if he should be obliged to lift it up against the English, their Nations would remain neuter and assist neither Side.—But we will now speak plainly to our Brethren: Why should we, who are one Flesh with you, refuse to help you, whenever you want our Assistance?—We have continued a long Time in the[Pg 8] strictest League of Amity and Friendship with you, and we shall always be faithful and true to you our old and good Allies.—The Governor of Canada talks a great deal, but ten of his Words do not go so far as one of yours.—We do not look towards them; We look towards you; and you may depend on our Assistance.' Whilst the Onondago Chief made this open and hearty Declaration, all the other Indians made frequently that particular Kind of Noise which is known to be a Mark of Approbation.—The Governor bid the Interpreter tell Canassateego, 'He did not set on foot this Inquiry from any Suspicion he had of the Six Nations wanting a due Regard for the English.—Our Experience of their Honour and Faith would not permit us to think any other of them than that they would esteem our Friends their Friends, and our Enemies their Enemies, agreeable to the strict Union which had ever subsisted between us.—As to the Governor of Canada, they need not mind what he said.—The English, on equal Terms, had beat the French, and could beat them again: And were they but to consider the Advantages which the English have, by possessing so many large and populous Countries, and so many good Ports on the Continent of America, they would soon see who had most Reason to fear a War, the French or the English.'

Here the Conversation drop'd; and, after another Glass of Wine, the Indians resumed the Discourse, by asking, whether their Brethren had not been for some Time engaged in a War with the King of Spain, and what Successes they had met with?

The Governor told them, the King of Great Britain lived in an Island, and being surrounded with the Sea, his chief Strength lay in his Ships; in which he was so much superior to his Enemies, that they were seldom to be met with on the broad Ocean, but sculk'd and hid themselves, only venturing out now and then; and whenever they did, they were almost sure to be taken; and[Pg 9] that the King of Great Britain had, with his Ships, beat down or taken several of the Spaniards Great Forts in America.—The Indians said, they were pleased to hear their Brethren were an Over-match for their Enemies, and wish'd them good Success.

The Governor then enquired into the State and Condition of the Nations to the Westward of the Great Lakes, and whether they had any Warriours then in those Countries? Whether they had concluded Peace with the Southern Indians? And whether they had heard what their Deputies had done at Albany?

They made Answer: That they had always Abundance of their Men out amongst the Nations situate to the West of their Lakes.—That they had kindled a Fire with a vast many Nations, some whereof where Tributaries, and they had a good Understanding with all.—They set out from their own Country in Company with two Sets of Deputies, one going to hold a Treaty with the Southern Indians, and they believed a Peace would be concluded: The other going to meet the Governor of New-York, at Albany; but they could not tell what had been done at either Place.—On their Return, they were to hold a General Council, and would inform their Brethren of these Particulars.

Then the Governor put an End to the Conference, by telling the Indians the Goods would be delivered to them at a Council to be held to morrow Afternoon at the Meeting-House.[Pg 10]

At a Council held in the Meeting-House, Philadelphia, July 6. 1742.

P R E S E N T,

Onontagoes.

Sawegaty, }
Caxhayion, } Counsellors.
Saguyassatha,
Kayadoghratie, alias Slanaghquasy.
Rotier-uwughton,
Tokaughaah,
Tiorughwaghthe,
Tokano-ungoh,
Aronty-oony,
Tohanohawighton,
Tioghwatoony,
Auughrahysey.

Caiyouquos.

Sahugh-sowa, }
Tohatgaghthus, } Chiefs.
Tokany-esus,
Runho-hihio,
Kanadoghary,
Zior-aghquaty,
Sagu-iughwatha, alias Cadcaradasey.
Sca-yenties,
Tats-heghteh,
Alligh-waheis,
Tayo-quario,
Hogh degh runtu,
Rotehn Haghtyackon, Captain,
Sawoalieselhohaa,
Sagughsa-eck,
Uwantakeraa,
Horuhot,
Osoghquaa,
Tuyanoegon.

Anoyiuts or Oneidas.

Saristaquoh, }
Ungquaterughiathe, alias Shikelimo, } Chiefs.
Tottowakerha,
Taraghkoerus,
Onughkallydawwy, a noted young Chief.
Onughnaxqua, Chief.
Tawyiakaarat,
Tohathuyongochtha,
Sughnakaarat,
Taghneghdoerus,
Tokanyiadaroeyon,
Sagogughyatha,
Rahehius,
[Pg 11]Tokanusoegon.

Jenontowanos or Senacas.

Karugh-iagh Raghquy, Capt.
Tahn heentus,
Onontyiack.

Tuscarroros.

Sawontka, }
Ti-ieroes, } Chiefs.
Cloghsytowax }
Tokaryhoegon, Captain.
Oghioghseh,
Tieleghweghson,
Tougrotha,
Yorughianego,
Ot-quehig,
Squaghky,
Sayadyio,
Onughsowûghton,
Cherigh wâstho,
Aghsûnteries,
Tion ogh scôghtha,
Saligh wanaghson,
Ohn-wâasey,
Tocar-eber, [died since at Tulpehokin.]
Tahanatâkqua,
Kanyhâag.

Shawanoes.

Wehwehlaky, Chief.
Aset teywa,
Asoghqua,
Maya minickysy,
Wawyia Beeseny.

Canestogo Indians that speak the Onayiut's Language.

Tior Haasery, Chief.
Tanigh wackerau,
Karha Cawyiat,
Kayen quily quo.

Canoyias or Nantikokes of Canestogo.

Des-seheg,
Ichqua que heck,
Quesamaag,
Ayiok-ius.

Delawares of Shamokin.

Olumapies, }
Lingehancah, } Chiefs.
Kelly macquan,
Quitie-yquont,
Pishquiton,
Nena chy haut.

Delawares from the Forks

Onutpe, }
Lawye quohwon alias Nutimus, } Chiefs.
Toweghkappy,
Cornelius Spring, and others.

Conrad Weiser,
Cornelius Spring, Interpreters.

And a great Number of the Inhabitants of Philadelphia.

'Six Years ago a Number of your Chiefs obliged us with a Visit, when they agreed, on Behalf of[Pg 12] your Nations, to the Release of certain Lands on both Sides the River Susquehanna, to the Southward of the Endless-Mountains, and within the Limits and Bounds of the King's Grant of this Province. In Consideration of which, a certain Quantity of Goods was agreed on and delivered as a full Satisfaction for the said Lands lying on the Eastern Side of the said River: And for the Lands on the Western Side of the said River, you desired the Payment should be deferr'd till another Opportunity. These Goods, which are exactly the same in Quantity as those you received the last Time the Chiefs of your Nations were here, have been ready a considerable Time, and kept in Expectation of your Coming for them: And now you are come down fully impowered by your respective Councils to receive them, we are well pleased to deliver them: Leaving it to you to make a fair and equal Division of them amongst yourselves. We are sorry for the Absence of our Brethren the Senecas, and much more so that it should be owing to their Distress at Home by a Famine that rages in their Country:—A Famine so great, that you tell us a Father has been obliged to sacrifice one Part of his Family, even his own Children, for the Support and Preservation of himself and the other Part.—We heartily commiserate their Condition, and do not doubt but you will do them fair and ample Justice in the Disposal of their Part of the Goods in such Manner as they have instructed you. You shall now hear the List of the Goods read to you.'

Then the Governor told them that the Goods, of which the Particulars had been just Read to them, were in the Meeting-House, and would be sent to whatever Place they would direct.

'You have often heard of the Care that your great and good Friend and Brother William Penn took at all Times to cultivate a perfect good Harmony with all the Indians: Of this your Nations have ever been fully sensible; but more especially a Number of your Chiefs, about ten Years ago, when, on the Arrival of a Son of your said great Friend William Penn, large and valuable Presents were exchanged by us with you; a new Road was made and clear'd; a new Fire kindled; and the Chain of Friendship made stronger, so as to last while the Sun and Moon endure.

'And now we cannot but congratulate ourselves that your Coming should happen at a Time when we are in daily Expectation of a War being declared between the King of England, and the French King, well knowing, that should such a War happen, it must very sensibly affect you, considering your Situation in the Neighbourhood of Canada. Your Coming at this Juncture is particularly fortunate, since it gives us an Opportunity of mentioning several Things that may be necessary to be settled between People so strictly and closely united[Pg 14] as we are.—An Union not to be express'd by any thing less than the affectionate Regards which Children of the same Parents bear for each other, as conceiving ourselves to be one Flesh and one People.

'The utmost Care therefore ought mutually to be taken by us on both Sides, that the Road between us be kept perfectly clear and open, and no Lets, nor the least Obstruction be suffered to lie in the Way; or if any should by Accident be found, that may hinder our free Intercourse and Correspondence, it must forthwith be removed.

'In next Place, We, on our Part, shall inlarge our Fire that burns between us. We shall provide more Fewel to increase it and make it burn brighter and clearer, and give a stronger and more lasting Light and Warmth.

'In the last Place, considering the Obligations we are mutually under by our several Treaties, That we should hear with our Ears for you, and you hear with your Ears for us. We shall at all Times very willingly give you the earliest and best Intelligence of any Designs that may be form'd to your Disadvantage.—And if you discover any Preparations that can hurt us, we desire you will immediately dispatch some suitable Person in whom we can place a Confidence, to give us a proper Information.'

On the Governor's concluding the Speech, the solemn Cry, by way of Approbation, was repeated by the Indians, as many Times as there were Nations present; and then Canassateego rose up and spoke.[Pg 15]

'We thank you for your kind Speech: What you have said is very agreeable to us; and to-morrow when we have deliberated on the several Matters recommended to us, we will give you our Answer. We desire, as our Time will be wholly taken up in Council, you will order the Goods to be carried back to the Proprietaries to prevent their being lost, and that they may continue there till we call for them.'

At a Council held in the Meeting-House, July 7. 1742.

P R E S E N T,

According to our Promise we now propose to return you an Answer to the several Things mentioned to us Yesterday, and shall beg Leave to speak to publick Affairs first, tho' they were what you spoke to last. On this Head you Yesterday put us in Mind, first, Of William Penn's early and constant Care to cultivate Friendship with all the Indians; of the Treaty we held with one of his Sons, about Ten Years ago; and of the Necessity there is at this Time of keeping the Roads between us clear and free from all Obstructions. We are all very sensible of the kind Regard that good Man William Penn had for all the Indians, and cannot but be pleased to find that his Children have the same. We well remember the Treaty you mention held with his Son on his Arrival here, by which we confirmed our League of Friendship that is[Pg 16] to last as long as the Sun and Moon endure: In Consequence of this, We, on our Part, shall preserve the Road free from all Incumbrances: in Confirmation whereof, we lay down this String of Wampum.

'You in the next Place said, You would inlarge the Fire and make it burn brighter, which we are pleased to hear you mention; and assure you, we shall do the same, by adding to it more Fewel, that it may still flame out more strongly than ever: In the last Place, you were pleased to say, that we are bound, by the strictest Leagues, to watch for each others Preservation; that we should hear with our Ears for you, and you hear with your Ears for us: This is equally agreeable to us; and we shall not fail to give you early Intelligence whenever any Thing of Consequence comes to our Knowledge: And to encourage you to do the same, and to nourish in your Hearts what you have spoke to us with your Tongues, about the Renewal of our Amity and the Brightening of the Chain of Friendship; we confirm what we have said with another Belt of Wampum.'

We received from the Proprietor's, yesterday, some Goods in Consideration of our Release of the Lands on the West-Side of Susquehanna: It is true we have the full Quantity according to Agreement; but if the Proprietor had been here himself, we think, in Regard of our Numbers and Poverty, he would have made an Addition to them.—If the Goods were only to be divided amongst the Indians present, a single Person would have but a small Portion; but if you consider what Numbers are left behind, equally intituled with us to a Share, there will be extreamly little. We therefore desire, if you have the Keys of the Proprietor's Chest, you will open it, and take out a little more for us.

'We know our Lands are now become more valuable: The white People think we do not know their Value;[Pg 17] but we are sensible that the Land is everlasting, and the few Goods we receive for it are soon worn out and gone. For the Future we will sell no Lands but when Brother Onas is in the Country; and we will know beforehand the Quantity of the Goods we are to receive. Besides, we are not well used with Respect to the Lands still unsold by us. Your People daily settle on these Lands, and spoil our Hunting.—We must insist on your Removing them, as you know they have no Right to settle to the Northward of Kittochtinny-Hills.—In particular, we renew our Complaints against some People who are settled at Juniata, a Branch of Susquehanna, and all along the Banks of that River, as far as Mahaniay; and desire they may be forthwith made to go off the Land; for they do great Damage to our Cousins the Delawares.

'We have further to observe, with Respect to the Lands lying on the West Side of Susquehanna, that tho' Brother Onas (meaning the Proprietor) has paid us for what his People possess, yet some Parts of that Country have been taken up by Persons whose Place of Residence is to the South of this Province, from whom we have never received any Consideration. This Affair was recommended to you by our Chiefs at our last Treaty; and you then, at our earnest Desire, promised to write a Letter to that Person who has the Authority over those People, and to procure us his Answer: As we have never heard from you on this Head, we want to know what you have done in it. If you have not done any thing, we now renew our Request, and desire you will inform the Person whose People are seated on our Lands, that that Country belongs to us, in Right of Conquest; we having bought it with our Blood, and taken it from our Enemies in fair War; and we expect, as Owners of that Land, to receive such a Consideration for it as the Land is worth. We desire you will press him to send us a positive Answer: Let him say Yes or No: If he says Yes, we will treat[Pg 18] with him; if No, we are able to do ourselves Justice; and we will do it, by going to take Payment ourselves.

'It is Customary with us to make a Present of Skins whenever we renew our Treaties. We are ashamed to offer our Brethren so few; but your Horses and Cows have eat the Grass our Deer used to feed on. This has made them scarce, and will, we hope, plead in Excuse for not bringing a larger Quantity: If we could have spared more, we would have given more; but we are really poor; and desire you'll not consider the Quantity, but, few as they are, accept them in Testimony of our Regard.'

We thank you for the many Declarations of Respect: you have given us in this solemn Renewal of our Treaties: We receive, and shall keep your String and Belts of Wampum, as Pledges of your Sincerity, and desire those we gave you may be carefully preserved, as Testimonies of ours.

'In Answer to what you say about the Proprietaries.—They are all absent, and have taken the Keys of their Chest along with them; so that we cannot, on their Behalf, enlarge the Quantity of Goods: Were they here, they might, perhaps, be more generous; but we cannot be liberal for them.—The Government will, however, take your Request into Consideration, and, in Regard to your Poverty, may perhaps, make you a Present. I but just mention this now, intending to refer this Part of your Speech to be answered at our next Meeting.

'The Number of Guns, as well as every Thing else, answers exactly with the Particulars specified in your[Pg 19] Deed of Conveyance, which is more than was agreed to be given you. It was your own Sentiments, that the Lands on the West Side of Susquehanna were not so Valuable as those on the East; and an Abatement was to be made, proportionable to the Difference in Value: But the Proprietor overlooked this, and ordered the full Quantity to be delivered, which you will look on as a Favour.

'It is very true, that Lands are of late become more Valuable; but what raises their Value? Is it not entirely owing to the Industry and Labour used by the white People in their Cultivation and Improvement? Had not they come amongst you, these Lands would have been of no Use to you, any further than to maintain you. And is there not, now you have sold so much, enough left for all the Purposes of Living?—What you say of the Goods, that they are soon worn out, is applicable to every Thing; but you know very well, that they cost a great deal of Money; and the Value of Land is no more than it is worth in Money.

'On your former Complaints against People's Settling the Lands on Juniata, and from thence all along on the River Susquehanna as far as Mahaniahy, some Magistrates were sent expresly to remove them; and we thought no Persons would presume to stay after that.

Here they interrupted the Governor, and said:—'These Persons who were sent did not do their Duty: So far from removing the People, they made Surveys for themselves, and they are in League with the Trespassers. We desire more effectual Methods may be used and honester Persons imploy'd.'

According to the Promise made at our last Treaty with you, Mr. Logan, who was at that Time President, did write to the Governor of Maryland, that he might make you Satisfaction for such of your Lands as his People had taken up; but did not receive one Word from him upon that Head. I will write to him again, and endeavour to procure you a Satisfactory Answer. We do not doubt but he will do you Justice: But we exhort you to be careful not to exercise any Acts of Violence towards his People, as they likewise are our Brethren, and Subjects of the same Great King; and therefore Violence towards them must be productive of very evil Consequences.

'I shall conclude what I have to say at this Time with Acknowledgments for your Present; which is very agreeable to us, from the Expressions of Regard used by you in presenting it: Gifts of this Nature receiving their Value from the Affection of the Giver, and not from the Quantity or Price of the Thing given.'

At a COUNCIL held at Philadelphia, July 8. 1742.

P R E S E N T

The Board taking into Consideration, whether it be proper or not at this Time, to make a Present to the Indians of the Six Nations, now in Town, in Return for their Present to this Government at Yesterday's Treaty:

That it is highly fit and proper that a Present be made to the said Indians at this Time.[Pg 21]

And it is the Opinion of this Board, that the said Present should be of the Value of £.500, or at least £.300.

And it is recommended to Mr. Logan, Mr. Preston, and Mr. Lawrence, to acquaint Mr. Kinsey, the Speaker of the Assembly, with the Opinion of this Board; and that they request him to confer with such other Members of Assembly as are in Town, and report their Sentiments thereupon.

The Board taking into Consideration the Threats express'd by the Indians, at the Treaty Yesterday, against the Inhabitants of Maryland, settled on certain Lands on the West Side of Susquehanna, which the Indians claim, and for which they require Satisfaction; and considering, that should those Threats, in any sort, be put in Execution, not only the Inhabitants of Maryland, but of this Government, and all his Majesty's Subjects on the Northern Continent of America, may thereby be involved in much Trouble: It is the Opinion of this Board, that the Governor write to the Governor of Maryland without Delay, to inform him of the Indians Complaints and Threats, and to request a satisfactory Answer; and that his Letter be sent by a special Messenger, at the Publick Expence.

At a COUNCIL held July 9. 1742.

P R E S E N T,

The Governor informed the Board, that the Indian Chiefs dining with him Yesterday, after Dinner delivered their Answer to two Affairs of Consequence:[Pg 22]

The first related to the violent Battery committed on William Webb, in the Forks of Delaware, whereby his Jaw-bone was broke, and his Life greatly endangered, by an unknown Indian. Canassateego repeating the Message delivered to the Six Nations by Shickalamy, in the Year 1740, with a String of Wampum, said in Answer: 'The Six Nations had made diligent Enquiry into the Affair, and had found out the Indian who had committed the Fact; he lived near Asopus, and had been examined and severely reproved: And they hoped as William Webb was recovered, the Governor would not expect any further Punishment; and therefore they returned the String of Wampum received from their Brethren, by the Hand of Shickalamy, in Token that they had fully Comply'd with their Request.'

I thank'd them for their Care; but reminded them, that tho' the Man did not die, yet he lay a long Time in extreme Misery, and would never recover the free Use of his Speech, and was rendred less able to get his Livelyhood, and in such Cases the English Laws obliged the Assailant to make good all Damages, besides paying, for the Pain endured.—But as the Indian was, in all Probability, Poor and unable to make Satisfaction, I told them, that for their Sake I would forgive him; adding, had Webb died I make no Doubt but you would have put the Indian to Death, just as we did two of our People who had killed an Indian; we caused them to be hung on a Gallows, in the Presence of many Hundreds of our People, to deter all others from doing the like. Canassateego made me this Reply: 'The Indians know no Punishment but Death; they have no such Thing as pecuniary Mulcts; if a Man be guilty of a Crime, he is either put to Death, or the Fault is overlook'd. We have often heard of your Hanging-up those two Persons; but as none of our Indians saw the Men die, many believe they were not hanged, but transported to some other Colony: And it would be satisfactory to the Indians, if, for the Future, some of them be sent[Pg 23] for, to be Witnesses to such Executions.' I assured them, that whoever gave them that Information, abused them; for the Persons certainly suffered Death, and in the Presence of all the People.

Canassateego then proceeded to give an Answer to what was said to them the 2d Instant, relating to Le Tort's Letter: 'That they had, in Council, considered in what Manner the Matter recommended to them ought to be conducted; and they were of Opinion, that as the Shawanese, not the Twightwys, (for they knew so much of it that the People were of the Twightwy Nation in whose Bags the Scalps were found) had sent me a Present of Skins, I should, in Return, send them a Blanket or a Kettle, and with it a very sharp Message, that tho' they had done well in sweeping the Road from Blood, yet that was but a small Part of their Duty; they ought not to have suffered the Twightwys, after their Lye, and the Discovery of the Scalps, to have left them, 'till they had given a full and true Account how they came by them, whose Scalps they were, and in what Place, and for what Reason the Men were kill'd; and when they had been fully satisfied of all these Particulars, then it was their Duty to have given Information to the Government where the white People lived, that the Murderers might be complained against, and punished by the Nation they belong'd to: And as the Shawanese had omitted to perform the Part of Brethren, that I should reprove them for it, and charge them to make amends for their Neglect, by using all possible Expedition to come at the Knowledge of these Things, and to aid their Brethren the white People in obtaining Justice.'

The Minutes of the Preceding Council being read, Mr. Logan, in Pursuance of the Board's Direction of Yesterday, reported, on Behalf of himself and the other Gentlemen to whom it was recommended, that they had confer'd with Mr. Kinsey, and requested him to consult[Pg 24] the other Members of the Assembly concerning the making a Present to the Indians; and that Mr. Kinsey having collected the Sentiments of several Members of the Assembly in Town, whom he had confer'd with on that Subject, found them generally of Opinion, that a Present should at this Time be made; but that they had declined nominating any Sum: However, that Mr. Kinsey had given it as his own Opinion, that the Governor and Council might go as far as Three Hundred Pounds.

And accordingly it is refer'd to Mr. Logan, Mr. Preston, and Mr. Lawrence, to consider of and prepare a proper List of the Goods whereof the Present should be composed, to the Value of Three Hundred Pounds as aforesaid; advising with the Interpreter as to the Quantity and Quality.

At a COUNCIL held at the Proprietor's the 9th of July, P.M. 1742.

P R E S E N T,

The last Time the Chiefs of the Six Nations were here, they were informed, that your Cousins, a Branch[Pg 25] of the Delawares, gave this Province some Disturbance about the Lands the Proprietor purchased from them, and for which their Ancestors had received a valuable Consideration above Fifty-five Years ago, as appears by a Deed now lying on the Table.—Sometime after this, Conrad Weiser delivered to your Brother Thomas Penn your Letter, wherein you request of him and James Logan that they would not buy Land, &c.—This has been shewn to them and interpreted; notwithstanding which they have continued their former Disturbances, and have had the Insolence to write Letters to some of the Magistrates of this Government, wherein they have abused your good Brethren our worthy Proprietaries, and treated them with the utmost Rudeness and Ill-Manners. Being loth, from our Regard to you, to punish them as they deserve, I sent two Messengers to inform them that you were expected here, and should be acquainted with their Behaviour.—As you, on all Occasions, apply to us to remove all white People that are settled on Lands before they are purchased from you, and we do our Endeavours to turn such People off; we now expect from you, that you will cause these Indians to remove from the Lands in the Forks of Delaware, and not give any further Disturbance to the Persons who are now in Possession.'

Then were read the several Conveyances, the Paragraph of the Letter wrote by the Chiefs of the Six Nations relating to the Delawares, the Letters of the Fork-Indians to the Governor and Mr. Langhorne, and a Draught of the Land; and then delivered to Conrad Weiser, who was desired to interpret them to the Chiefs when they should take this Affair into their Consideration.[Pg 26]

At a COUNCIL held July 10, 1742.

P R E S E N T,

The Governor laid before the Board an Extract from the Treaty held here the 7th Instant with the Indians of the Six Nations, so far as it related to the Inhabitants of Maryland; as also a Letter he had prepared for the Governor of Maryland upon that Subject; both of which being approved, were ordered to be transcribed fair, in order to be dispatch'd to morrow Morning: The Letter is as follows:

Philadelphia, July 10, 1742.

SIR,

The inclosed Extract of the Speech made by the Chiefs of the Six Nations, before a very numerous Audience, in this Place, with my Answer to it, is of so great Importance to all his Majesty's Colonies in this Part of his Dominions, and to your Government in particular, that I have imploy'd a special Messenger to deliver it you. I hope you will enable me to send them a satisfactory Answer. It would be impertinent in me to say more to one so well informed as you are of these Nations, and of their absolute Authority over all the Indians bordering upon us, or of the Advantages of maintaining a strict Friendship with them at all Times, but more especially at this critical Juncture.

I am,

Yours, &c.

An Account exhibited by Conrad Weiser of his Expences upon the Indians and Indian Affairs, from February last to July 1. 1742, amounting to £.36 18s. 3d. was laid before the Board, and examined, and allowed to be a just and very moderate Account.[Pg 27]

And the Board taking into Consideration the many signal Services perform'd by the said Conrad Weiser to this Government, his Diligence and Labour in the Service thereof, and his Skill in the Indian Languages and Methods of Business, are of Opinion that the said Conrad should be allowed, as a Reward from the Province at this Time, the Sum of Thirty Pounds, at least, besides Payment of his said Account.

At a COUNCIL held at the Great Meeting-House, July 10, P.M. 1742.

P R E S E N T,

This Meeting will be short: It is in order to make you a Present from the Governor, the Council, the Assembly, and all our People. William Penn was known to you to be a good and faithful Friend to all the Indians: He made a League of Friendship with you, by which we became one People. This League has often since been renew'd by friendly Treaties; and as you have declared that the Friendship shall always last on your Parts, so we would have you believe that it shall remain inviolable on ours while Sun and Moon endure.[Pg 28]

'I gave you some Expectation of a Present, and we have it now ready to deliver to you. This Present is made you by the Governor, Council, Assembly, and all our People, in Consideration of the great Miseries and Distresses which you our good Friends have lately suffered. This will be some Relief to you for the present, and 'tis to be hoped your own Industry will soon retrieve your Circumstances.

'It has sometimes hapened, and may happen again, that idle and untrue Stories are carried to you concerning us your Brethren; but our Desire is, and we expect it from you, that you will give no Credit to them; for we are, and always will be, your steady and sincere Friends.

'It is a Custom when we renew our Treaties with our good Friends the Indians, to clear the Road and make our Fire burn bright: We have done so upon this Occasion; and, in Token of our Sincerity, we deliver you, as a Present from the Governor, the Council, the Assembly, and all the People of Pensilvania, the following Goods, viz.

Whereupon the Chiefs and all the Indians, returned their solemn Thanks; and Canassateego said, 'They had no more to say as to publick Business at present; but they had somewhat under Deliberation, which when they had duly considered they would communicate.'[Pg 29]

At a COUNCIL held at the Proprietor's, July 12, 1742.

P R E S E N T,

The other Day you informed us of the Misbehaviour of our Cousins the Delawares, with Respect to their continuing to claim, and refusing to remove from some Land on the River Delaware, notwithstanding their Ancestors had sold it by a Deed, under their Hands and Seals, to the Proprietaries, for a Valuable Consideration, upwards of Fifty Years ago; and notwithstanding that they themselves had about —— Years ago, after a long and full Examination, ratified that Deed of their Ancestors, and given a fresh one under their Hands and Seals; and then you requested us to remove them, inforcing your Request with a String of Wampum.—Afterwards you laid on the Table our own Let[Pg 30]ters by Conrad Weiser, some of our Cousins Letters, and the several Writings, to prove the Charge against our Cousins, with a Draught of the Land in Dispute.—We now tell you, we have perused all these several Papers: We see with our own Eyes, that they have been a very unruly People, and are altogether in the Wrong in their Dealings with you.—We have concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the River Delaware, and quit all Claim to any Lands on this Side for the Future, since they have received Pay for them, and it is gone thro' their Guts long ago.—To confirm to you that we will see your Request executed, we lay down this String of Wampum in Return for yours.'

Then turning to the Delawares, holding a Belt of Wampum in his Hand, he spoke to them as follows:

Let this Belt of Wampum serve to Chastise you. You ought to be taken by the Hair of the Head and shaked severely, till you recover your Senses and become sober. You don't know what Ground you stand on, nor what you are doing. Our Brother Onas's Cause is very just and plain and his Intentions to preserve Friendship. On the other Hand, Your Cause is bad; your Heart far from being upright; and you are maliciously bent to break the Chain of Friendship with our Brother Onas and his People. We have seen with our Eyes a Deed sign'd by Nine of your Ancestors above Fifty Years ago for this very Land, and a Release sign'd, not many Years since, by some of yourselves and Chiefs now living, to the Number of Fifteen or upwards.—But how came you to take upon you to sell Land at all? We conquered you; we made Women of you; you know you are Women, and can no more sell Land than Women; nor is it fit you should have the Power of selling Lands, since you would abuse it. This Land that you claim is gone through your Guts; you have[Pg 31] been furnish'd with Cloaths, Meat, and Drink, by the Goods paid you for it, and now you want it again, like Children as you are.—But what makes you sell Land in the Dark? Did you ever tell us that you had sold this Land? Did we ever receive any Part, even the Value of a Pipe Shank, from you for it? You have told us a blind Story, that you sent a Messenger to us to inform us of the Sale, but he never came amongst us, nor we never heard any Thing about it.—This is acting in the Dark, and very different from the Conduct our Six Nations observe in their Sales of Land; on such Occasions they give publick Notice, and invite all the Indians of their united Nations, and give them all a Share of the Present they receive for their Lands.—This is the Behaviour of the wise united Nations.—But we find you are none of our Blood: You act a dishonest Part, not only in this, but in other Matters: Your Ears are ever open to slanderous Reports about our Brethren; you receive them with as much Greediness as lewd Women receive the Embraces of bad Men. And for all these Reasons we charge you to remove instantly; we don't give you the Liberty to think about it. You are Women. Take the Advice of a wise Man, and remove immediately. You may return to the other Side of Delaware where you came from: But we do not know whether, considering how you have demean'd yourselves, you will be permitted to live there; or whether you have not swallowed that Land down your Throats as well as the Land on this Side. We therefore assign you two Places to go, either to Wyomen or Shamokin. You may go to either of these Places, and then we shall have you more under our Eye, and shall see how you behave. Don't deliberate; but remove away, and take this Belt of Wampum.'

This being interpreted by Conrad Weiser into English, and by Cornelius Spring into the Delaware Language, Canassateego taking a String of Wampum, added further.[Pg 32]

'After our just Reproof, and absolute Order to depart from the Land, you are now to take Notice of what we have further to say to you. This String of Wampum serves to forbid you, your Children and Grand-Children, to the latest Posterity for ever, medling in Land Affairs; neither you nor any who shall descend from you, are ever hereafter to presume to sell any Land: for which Purpose, you are to preserve this String, in Memory, of what your Uncles have this Day given you in Charge.—We have some other Business to transact with our Brethren, and therefore depart the Council, and consider what has been said to you.

We called at our old Friend James Logan's in our Way to this City, and to our Grief we found him hid in the Bushes, and retired, through Infirmities, from Publick Business. We press'd him to leave his Retirement, and prevailed with him to assist once more on our Account at your Councils. We hope, notwithstanding his Age, and the Effects of a Fit of Sickness, which we understand has hurt his Constitution, that he may yet continue a long Time to assist this Province with his Councils. He is a wise Man, and a fast Friend to the Indians. And we desire, when his Soul goes to GOD, you may chuse in his Room just such another Person, of the same Prudence and Ability in Counselling, and of the same tender Disposition and Affection for the Indians. In Testimony of our Gratitude for all his Services, and because he was so good as to leave his Country-House, and follow us to Town, and be at the Trouble, in this his advanced Age, to attend the Council; we present him with this Bundle of Skins.[Pg 33]

It is always our Way, at the Conclusion of a Treaty, to desire you will use your Endeavours with the Traders, that they may sell their Goods cheaper, and give us a better Price for our Deer-Skins. Whenever any particular Sort of Indian Goods is scarce, they constantly make us pay the dearer on that Account. We must now use the same Argument with them: Our Deer are killed in such Quantities, and our Hunting-Countries grown less every Day, by the Settlement of white People, that Game is now difficult to find, and we must go a great Way in Quest of it; they therefore ought to give us a better Price for our Skins; and we desire you would speak to them to do so. We have been stinted in the Article of Rum in Town. We desire you will open the Rum-Bottle, and give it to us in greater Abundance on the Road.

When we first came to your Houses, we found them clean and in Order: But we have staid so long as to dirty them; which is to be imputed to our different Way of Living from the white People: And therefore, as we cannot but have been disagreeable to you on this Account, we present you with some Skins to make your Houses clean, and put them into the same Condition they were in when we came amongst you.

The Business the Five Nations transact with you is of great Consequence, and requires a skilful and honest Person to go between us; one in whom both you and we can place a Confidence.—We esteem our present Interpreter to be such a Person, equally faithful in the Interpretation of whatever is said to him by either of us, equally allied to both; he is of our Nation, and a[Pg 34] Member of our Council as well as of yours. When we adopted him, we divided him into Two equal Parts: One we kept for our selves, and one we left for you. He has had a great deal of Trouble with us, wore out his Shoes in our Messages, and dirty'd his Cloaths by being amongst us, so that he is become as nasty as an Indian.

'In Return for these Services, we recommend him to your Generosity; and on our own Behalf, we give him Five Skins to buy him Clothes and Shoes with.

'We have still one more Favour to ask. Our Treaty, and all we have to say about publick Business, is now over, and to morrow we design to leave you. We hope, as you have given us Plenty of good Provision whilst in Town, that you will continue your Goodness so far as to supply us with a little more to serve us on the Road. And we likewise desire you will provide us with Waggons, to carry our Goods to the Place where they are to be conveyed by Water.

'The Judgment you have just now pass'd on your Cousins the Delawares, confirms the high Opinion we have ever entertained of the Justice of the Six Nations. This Part of your Character, for which you are deservedly famed, made us wave doing our selves Justice, in order to give you another Opportunity of convincing the World of your inviolable Attachment to your Engagements. These unhappy People might have always liv'd easy, having never receiv'd the least Injury from us; but we believe some of our own People were bad enough to impose on their Credulity, and engage them in these wrong Measures, which we wish, for their Sakes, they had avoided.[Pg 35]

'We hoped, from what we have constantly given in Charge to the Indian Traders, that they would have administred no just Cause of Complaint: If they do you Wrong, it is against our Inclinations, and contrary to our express Directions. As you have exhibited no particular Charge against them, we shall use our best Endeavours to persuade them to give you as much for your Skins as they can possibly afford; and to take Care that their Goods which they give in Exchange for Skins, be of the best Sort. We will likewise order you some Rum to serve you on your Journey home, since you desire it.

'We wish there had been more Room and better Houses provided for your Entertainment; but not expecting so many of you, we did the best we could. 'Tis true there are a great many Houses in Town, but as they are the Property of other People, who have their own Families to take Care of, it is difficult to procure Lodgings for a large Number of People, especially if they come unexpectedly.

'We entertain the same Sentiments of the Abilities and Probity of the Interpreter as you have express'd. We were induc'd at first to make Use of him in this important Trust, from his being known to be agreeable to you, and one who had lived amongst you for some Years, in good Credit and Esteem with all your Nations; and have ever found him equally faithful to both. We are pleas'd with the Notice you have taken of him, and think he richly deserves it at your Hands. We shall not be wanting to make him a suitable Gratification, for the many good and faithful Services he hath done this Government.

'We have already given Orders for Waggons to carry your Goods, and for a Supply of Provisions to serve you on the Road in your Return home, where we heartily wish you may arrive in good Health.'[Pg 36]

After the Governor had concluded, Mr. Logan return'd an Answer to that Part of Canassateego's Speech which related to Him, and said, 'That not only upon the Account of his Lameness, of which the Indians themselves were Witnesses; but on Account of another Indisposition which about three Years since had laid him under an Incapacity of expressing himself with his former usual Freedom, he had been obliged to live retired in the Country. But that our first Proprietor, the Honourable William Penn, who had ever been a Father and true Friend to all the Indians, having above Forty Years since recommended them to his particular Care, he had always, from his own Inclination, as well as from that strict Charge, endeavoured to convince all the Indians, that He was their true Friend; and was now well pleased, that after a Tract of so many Years, they were not insensible of it. He thanked them kindly for their Present, and heartily joined with them in their Desires, that this Government may always be furnished with Persons of equally good Inclinations, and not only with such, but also with better Abilities to serve them.'

And then Canassateego said, he had forgot to mention, that Shickalamy and Caxhayn, had been employ'd on several Messages to this Government, and desir'd that they might be consider'd on that Account.

At a COUNCIL held the 12th of July, P.M. 1742.

P R E S E N T,

The Board taking into Consideration the Regulation of the necessary Expences of the Indians Travelling down hither, and Returning; and upon an Estimate made by Conrad Weiser, amounting to about One Hundred Pounds, it appearing that the said Sum of £100. will be necessary to be advanced to Conrad Weiser to defray those Expences, Mr. Logan on the Proprietaries Behalf, proposes to advance 40l. and the Treasurer declaring he had no publick Money in his Hands, and that if he had, he would not advance Money without the Assembly's Order; it is recommended to Mr. Preston and Mr. Lawrence, to confer with Mr. Kinsey, and know whether he, as Speaker of the Assembly, and Trustee of the Loan-Office, will advance the other 60l.

And the Indians having requested that they might have a small Quantity of Rum, to be added to their Provisions, to comfort them on the Road: The Board is of Opinion, that there be added to the said Estimate ---- for Twenty Gallons of Rum for the aforesaid Use. And in Return for their Present of Skins, at Requesting that the Indian Traders be enjoyn'd to sell their Goods cheaper, the Board directs that two Strouds be presented. And that Five Pounds be given to Caxhayn on the Account of the Province, for his Services; and to Shickalamy the like Sum.

Advertisement.

OF the Printers of this Treaty may be had, [Price 6d] The Charge delivered from the Bench to the Grand Inquest, at a Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery, held for the City and County of Philadelphia; by the Hon^ble James Logan Esq; Chief Justice of the Province of Pensilvania.

FOOTNOTES

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TREATY HELD WITH THE INDIANS OF THE SIX NATIONS AT PHILADELPHIA, IN JULY 1742 ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

James Logan,	Samuel Preston,	}
Clement Plumsted,	Thomas Lawrence,	}	Esqrs;
Samuel Hasell,	Ralph Asheton,	}
Abraham Taylor,	Robert Strettell,	}

James Logan,	Samuel Preston,	}
Clement Plumsted,	Ralph Asheton,	}	Esqrs;
Abraham Taylor,	Robert Strettell,	}

500	Pounds of Powder.
600	Pounds of Lead.
45	Guns.
60	Strowd-Matchcoats.
100	Blankets.
100	Duffil Matchcoats.
200	Yards Half-thick.
100	Shirts.
40	Hats.
40	Pair of Shoes & Buckles.
40	Pair of Stockings.
100	Hatchets.[Pg 13]
500	Knives.
100	Hoes.
60	Kettles.
100	Tobacco-Tongs.
100	Scissars.
500	Awl-Blades.
120	Combs.
2000	Needles.
1000	Flints.
24	Looking-Glasses.
2	Pounds of Vermilion.
100	Tin Pots.
1000	Tobacco-Pipes.
200	Pounds of Tobacco.
24	Dozen of Gartering, &
25	Gallons of Rum.

James Logan,	Samuel Preston,	}
Thomas Lawrence,	Samuel Hasell,	}	Esqrs;
Abraham Taylor,	Robert Strettell,	}

James Logan,	Samuel Preston,	}
Clement Plumsted,	Thomas Lawrence,	}	Esqrs;
Samuel Hasell,	Ralph Asheton,	}
Abraham Taylor,	Robert Strettell,	}

CANASSATEEGO,	}
SHICKALAMY,	}	*And other Indian* Chiefs.**

24	Guns,
600	Pounds of Lead,
600	Pounds of Powder,
25	Strowdes }
90	Duffel } Match-Coats.
30	Blankets,
62	Yards of Half-Thicks.
60	Ruffled Shirts,
25	Hats,
1000	Flints,
50	Hoes,
50	Hatchets,
5	Pounds of Vermilion,
10	Dozen of Knives,
8	Dozen of Gimblets,
2	Dozen of Tobacco-Tongs,
25	Pair of Shoes,
25	Pair of Stockings,
25	Pair of Buckles.

CANASSATEEGO,	}	And sundry Chiefs of the
SHICKALAMY,	}	Six Nations.

Pisquetoman,	}
Cornelius Spring,	}	*Interpreters to the Fork Indians.*
Nicholas Scull,	}