View of Callao, and distant view of Lima.
Engraved for Stevenson's Narrative of South America.

[Pg i]

A

HISTORICAL

AND

DESCRIPTIVE NARRATIVE

OF

TWENTY YEARS' RESIDENCE

IN

SOUTH AMERICA,

IN THREE VOLUMES;

CONTAINING TRAVELS IN ARAUCO, CHILE, PERU, AND COLOMBIA;
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF
THE REVOLUTION, ITS RISE, PROGRESS, AND RESULTS.

BY W. B. STEVENSON,

FORMERLY PRIVATE SECRETARY TO THE PRESIDENT AND CAPTAIN GENERAL OF QUITO,
COLONEL, AND GOVERNOR OF ESMERALDAS, CAPTAIN DE FRAGATA, AND LATE
SECRETARY TO THE VICE ADMIRAL OF CHILE,—HIS EXCELLENCY
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD COCHRANE, &c.

VOL. I.

LONDON:
HURST, ROBINSON, AND CO.
CONSTABLE & Co. AND OLIVER & BOYD, EDINBURGH.
MDCCCXXV.

[Pg iii]

TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE

RIGHT HON. THOMAS LORD COCHRANE,

Marquis of Maranham,

AS A TESTIMONY OF RESPECT FOR THE IMPORTANT SERVICES

RENDERED TO

SOUTH AMERICAN EMANCIPATION,

AND TO THE COMMERCIAL INTERESTS OF GREAT BRITAIN,

THIS WORK

IS (BY PERMISSION) HUMBLY DEDICATED.

[Pg v]

PREFACE.

The interest which the late successful revolution in Spanish America has awakened in Europe renders any genuine account of the new world so highly acceptable to the British nation, that it has become an almost imperative duty in those who may possess original matter to communicate it to the public; for it may be said, without the least exaggeration, that although the countries thus emancipated were discovered in the sixteenth century, they have remained almost unknown till the beginning of the nineteenth.

Fully convinced of these facts, and being urged by my friends, when I was on the eve of again crossing the Atlantic, to publish my collection of notes and memoranda—the gleanings of a twenty years' residence—in order to contribute my quota to the small stock of authentic matter already laid before an anxious public, I have been induced to postpone my voyage, and to embody my observations in the manner in which they now appear.

[Pg vi]

It is undoubtedly of great importance to become acquainted with the features of a country which has undergone any remarkable change in its political, religious, or literary career, before that change took place; and it is equally important to know the cause of and the means by which the change was effected. I have therefore given a succinct history of the state of the colonies before their fortunate struggle began to germinate, by describing their political and ecclesiastical institutions; the character, genius, and education of the different classes of inhabitants; their peculiar customs and habits; their historical remains and antiquities; and lastly, the produce and manufactures of the country.

My opportunities for obtaining materials for the formation of this work were such as few individuals even among the natives or Spaniards could possess, and such as no foreigner could possibly enjoy at the period of my residence.

Dr. Robertson's celebrated history renders any account of the discovery and conquest of America unnecessary; but as the Spanish authors from whom his work was collected always kept in view the necessity of lulling the anxiety of general curiosity with respect to the subsequent state of the countries under the Spanish crown, that work cannot be supposed to be[Pg vii] better than the materials from which it is formed would allow; to which I may add, that the different books published by the philosophic Humboldt are too scientific, and enter into too few details, to become fit for general perusal.

I am induced to believe, that my descriptions of tribunals, corporate bodies, the laws, and administration, the taxes and duties, will not be considered unimportant, because the newly-formed governments will follow in great measure the establishments of Spain, modified by a few alterations, perhaps more nominal than real. Indeed, the present authorities have already determined, that so far as the Spanish codes do not interfere with the independence of the country, they are to be considered as the fundamental laws of the different tribunals.

The Plates are from original Drawings taken by Don Jose Carrillo, a native of Quito, now in England.

Should the following pages merit the approbation of the British public, the author will feel highly gratified by having fulfilled his duty in both hemispheres; nor will this reward in the old world be accounted less honourable than that which he has already obtained in the new.

[Pg ix]

CONTENTS OF VOL. I.

[Pg 1]

CHAPTER I.

Arrival at Mocha....Some account of Mayo, one of the Cape de Verd Islands touched at on our passage....Description of Mocha, its Productions, &c....Leave Mocha, and land at Tucapel Viejo....Description of the Indians, their Dress, &c....Indians take me to their Home....Description of the House, Family, Food, Diversions....Appearance of the Country....What Trade might be introduced.

On the 14th of February, 1804, I landed on the Island of Mocha, after a passage of upwards of five months from England, during which we passed between the Cape de Verd Islands, and touched at one of them called Mayo, for the purpose of procuring salt, which appears to be the only article of commerce. It is produced by admitting the sea water on flats, embanked next to the sea, during the spring tides, and allowing it to evaporate: the salt is then collected and carried off before the return of the high tides, when the water is again admitted, and the same process takes place. The sea water is here strongly impregnated with salt, owing probably to the great evaporation caused by the intense power of the heat, which also aids and hastens the process on shore. The inhabitants[Pg 2] whom I saw were all blacks, with the solitary exception of a priest, and many of them in a state of nudity, even to an age at which decency if not modesty requires a covering. A small quantity of bananas, the only fruit we could procure, and some poultry, were brought from St. Jago's, another of the islands, visible from Mayo.

The Island of Mocha, situate in 38° 21´ S. and that called Santa Maria, lying about 80 miles to the northward of it, were the patrimony of a family, now residing at Conception, of the name of Santa Maria, who lived on the latter, and sent some people to reside at Mocha, but after the commencement of the war between England and Spain, in 1780, the family, as well as the whole of the inhabitants, were ordered by the government of Chile to quit the islands, under the pretence that these were a resort for smugglers: a pretence derived from the common error, that privacy is preventive of contraband.

During the time that Mocha was in the possession of the Santa Marias a number of the original indian inhabitants, belonging to the tribe found on it when first visited by the Spaniards in 1549, resided there, but they were also removed to Conception.

These two islands having been once inhabited, there are yet to be found some few remains of cattle, which have continued to [Pg 3]procreate: on Mocha are horses and pigs, and some barn door fowls. Mocha is about fifteen miles in circumference, hilly in the centre, and sloping towards the coast, more so on the western side, where a tolerably good anchorage and a safe landing place, on a sandy beach, may be found. Fresh water flows from several springs; wild turnips, mint and other herbs grow in abundance; the trees on the hilly part are principally the white cinnamon, named by the Spaniards canelo, the magui, the luma, a tree called espino, and others. Here are also apple, peach and cherry trees, with a variety of wild strawberries, and myrtle-berries. Some solitary seals yet remain on the rocks on the south side of the island.

I left Mocha after remaining there alone thirty-two days, and landed from the brig Polly at Tucapel Viejo, the residence of one of the Caciques, or Ulmenes, of the Araucanian indians, by whom I was most hospitably treated.

The male indians who appeared on the beach were of a reddish brown or copper colour, few of them reaching to the height of six feet. They were finely shaped and very muscular, having a round face, well formed forehead, small black eyes, flattish nose, moderately thick lips and good teeth, but no beard. The whole of the countenance is expressive of a certain portion of[Pg 4] vivacity, and not uninteresting; the hair is black and strong, all of it being drawn behind the head and platted. The women are lower in stature than the men, their features similar, and some of the girls, if I be not allowed to call them handsome, I cannot abstain from saying are very pretty. The females wear their hair long, and platted behind their heads: it is afterwards wrapped round with a tape about an inch and a half broad, to one edge of which are attached a number of small hawks' bells: the plait is allowed to hang down the back, and not unfrequently reaches below their knees.

The dress or costume of the indians at first appeared very singular to me. In the men it consisted of a flannel shirt, and a pair of loose drawers of the same material, generally white, reaching below the calves of the legs; a coarse species of rug about two yards wide and two and a half long, with a slit in the middle through which the head was passed: this garment, if so I may style it, hanging over the shoulders and reaching below the knees, is called a poncho. The common ones seemed to be made from a brownish sort of wool, but some were very fancifully woven in stripes of different colours and devices, such as animals, birds, flowers, &c. Of the poncho I shall have occasion to speak again, as it is universally worn in all the [Pg 5]provinces of South America which I visited; but I must say here, that I considered it as an excellent riding dress; for hanging loosely and covering the whole body, it leaves the arms quite at liberty to manage the whip and reins. The hat commonly worn is in the form of a cone, without any skirts; for shoes they substitute a piece of raw bull's hide cut to the shape of the sole of the foot, and tied on with slender thongs of leather. The females wear a long white flannel tunic, without sleeves, and an upper garment of black flannel, extending below their knees, the sides closed up to the waist, and the corners from the back brought over the shoulders and fastened to the corners of the piece in front with two large thorns, procured from a species of cactus, or with large silver brooches: it is afterwards closed round the waist with a girdle about three inches broad, generally woven in devices of different colours; very often, however, nothing but the white tunic is worn, with the girdle, and a small mantle or cloak called ichella. The favourite colour among the indians appeared to be a bluish green, though I saw few of their garments of this colour at Tucapel, but remarked afterwards, at the town of Arauco, that all those who came to sell or barter their fruit, &c. wore it. The females generally have nothing on their heads or feet, but have a profusion of silver rings[Pg 6] on their fingers, and on their arms and necks an abundance of glass bead bracelets and necklaces.

The occupation of the men, as in most unenlightened countries, appeared to be confined to riding out to see their cattle, their small portions of land, cultivated by the women, and to hunting. The females were employed spinning wool with a spindle about ten inches long, having a circular piece of burnt clay at the bottom, to assist and regulate the rotary motion given by twirling it with the finger and thumb at the upper end. They generally sit on the ground to spin, and draw a thread about a yard long, which they wind on the spindle, tie a knot on the upper end, and draw another thread: though this work is very tedious, compared to what may be done by our common spinning-wheels, yet their dexterity and constancy enable them to manufacture all their wearing apparel. Weaving is conducted on a plan fully as simple as spinning. The frame-work for the loom is composed of eight slender poles, cut in the woods when wanted, and afterwards burnt; four of these are stuck in the ground at right angles, the other four are lashed with thongs at the top, forming a square, and the frame is complete. The treadles are then placed about a foot from the front, having a roller at the back of the frame for the yarn and another in front for the cloth, both tied[Pg 7] fast with thongs; the sleys, made of worsted, doubled, have two knots tied in the middle of each pair of threads, leaving a small space between the knots through which to pass the warp. After all the yarns are passed through the sleys the ends are tied in small bunches to the roller, which is turned round by two females, one at each end, whilst another attends to the balls in front; the other ends of the yarn are then tied to the roller in front. The thongs connected with the treadle are fastened one to each of the sleys, and a thong being made fast to the upper part of one of them is thrown over a loose slender pole, placed on the top of the frame and then made fast to the other sley, so that when one treadle is pressed by the foot it draws down one of the sleys, holding every alternate thread, and the other rises, carrying with it the other half of the warp. Instead of a shuttle the yarn is wound round a slender stick, of the necessary length, and passed through the opening formed by the rising of one of the sleys and the falling of the other; the contrary treadle is then pressed down, and a slender piece of hard heavy wood, longer than the breadth of the cloth, is passed across, and the weaver taking hold of both ends drags it towards her and compresses the thread. This piece of wood, shaped somewhat like a long sword, is called the macana, and has often been[Pg 8] resorted to as a weapon in time of war. The same rude mode of weaving is common, though not universal, in South America. The manner of weaving ponchos I shall describe when treating of the town of Arauco, for what I saw here did not deserve attention.

Besides the laborious occupation of spinning and weaving, and the usual household labour, each wife (for polygamy is allowed, every man marrying as many wives as he choose, or rather, as many as he can maintain) has to present to her husband daily a dish of her own cooking, and annually a poncho of her own spinning and weaving, besides flannel for shirts and drawers. Thus an indian's house generally contains as many fire places and looms as he has wives, and Abbé Molina says, that instead of asking a man how many wives he has, it is more polite to ask him how many fires he keeps.

The females are cleanly in their houses and persons; dirt is never seen on their clothes, and they frequently bathe, or wash themselves three or four times a day. The men also pay great attention to the cleanliness of their persons. The females attend to the cultivation of their gardens, in which the men work but little, considering themselves absolute masters—the lords of the creation, born only to command,[Pg 9] and the women, being the weaker, to obey: sentiments which polygamy supports; plurality of wives tending to destroy those tender feelings of attachment which we find in countries where the law allows only one wife. The principal part of the labour of their farms is performed by the women, who often plough, sow, reap and carry to the thrashing floor the wheat or barley, which, when trodden out by horses, is thrown into the air, that the wind may blow away the chaff. I saw no other grain at Tucapel or its vicinity but wheat and barley, in small patches; but I was told that they produced a hundred fold.

The care of the offspring is entirely committed to the women. A mother immediately on her delivery takes her child, and going down to the nearest stream of water, washes herself and it, and returns to the usual labours of her station. The children are never swaddled, nor their bodies confined by any tight clothing; they are wrapped in a piece of flannel, laid on a sheep skin, and put into a basket suspended from the roof, which occasionally receives a push from any one passing, and continues swinging for some minutes. They are allowed to crawl about nearly naked until they can walk; and afterwards, to the age of ten or twelve years, the[Pg 10] boys wear a small poncho, and the girls a piece of flannel, wrapped round their waist, reaching down to the knees. The mother, after that age, abandons the boys to the care of the father, on whom they attend and wait as servants; and the daughters are instructed in the several works which it will ere long become their duty to fulfil. To the loose clothing which the children wear from their infancy may doubtless be attributed the total absence of deformity among the indians. Perhaps some travellers might suggest, that confinement in any shape would be considered disgraceful to the haughty Araucanians, who are pleased to call themselves, "the never vanquished, always victors."

The house to which I was conveyed by the indians was about five leagues from the coast, situated in a ravine, towards the farther extremity of which the range of hills on each side appeared to unite. A stream of excellent water ran at the bottom of the small valley, winding its way to the sea, and fordable at this time of the year, but visibly much deeper at other times, from the marks of the surface water on the banks and on several large pieces of rock lying in the stream.

The low part of the ravine (at first more than three miles wide, and gradually closing as we[Pg 11] rode up towards the house) was cultivated in small patches; and among the brushwood were to be seen clusters of apple, pear and peach trees, some of them so laden with fruit that their branches were bent to the ground. The sides of the mountains displayed in gorgeous profusion the gifts of nature; the same kind of fruit trees, laden with their ripe produce, enlivened the view, and relieved the eye from the deep green of the woods which covered the landscape, save here and there the naked spire of a rock washed by the rains and whitened by the sunbeams. The situation of the house appeared to have been chosen not so much for its picturesque beauty, as for the facility of defending it: the only approach was the road which we took, it being impossible to descend the mountains on either side—an impossibility which appeared to increase as we drew nearer to the house.

Four or five of the young indians, or mosotones, rode forward to the house, and when it first opened to our view a crowd of women and children had ranged themselves in front, gaping in wild astonishment at my very unexpected appearance. We rode up to the house, which stood on a small plain, about thirty yards above the level of the stream, and[Pg 12] alighted amid the din of questions and answers equally unintelligible to me. The wild stare of curiosity, sweetened with a compassionate expression of countenance, precluded all fear, and I could not avoid saying to myself, Great Author of Nature, I now for the first time behold thy animated works, unadorned with the luxuries, and free, may I hope, from the concomitant vices, of civilization!

The house was a thatched building, about sixty feet long, and twenty broad, with mud walls seven feet high, two doors in the front, opposite to two others at the back, and without windows. The back part on the inside was divided into births, the divisions being formed of canes thinly covered with clay, projecting about six feet from the wall, with a bed place three feet wide, raised two from the floor; the whole appearing somewhat like a range of stalls in a stable. Opposite to these births, and running from one end to the other, excepting the spaces at the two doors, the floor was elevated about ten inches, and was six feet wide: this elevation was partly covered with small carpets and rugs, which with five or six low tables composed the whole of the household furniture. The two doors on the back side led to the kitchen, a range of building as long as the house, but[Pg 13] entirely detached from it: here were several hearths, or fire-places, surrounded with small earthen pots, pans and some baskets made of split cane; and over each fire-place was suspended a flat kind of basket holding meat and fish, and answering the purpose of a safe: it is called by the indians a chigua. The horses were unsaddled, and the saddles placed on the floor at one end of the house.

The family, or what I conceived to be the family, was composed of upwards of forty individuals. The father was between forty and fifty years old, and apparently enjoyed all the privileges of a patriarch. There were eight women, whom I considered to be his wives, though during my stay he appeared to associate with only one of them, if allowing her to wait upon him whilst eating and receiving from the others their respective dishes (which she placed successively on the small low table) can be called association. The young men eat the food brought to them at different tables, or in different parts of the house. The women and children adjourned to the kitchen, and there partook of what was left by the male part of the family. From the first day of my arrival to the last of my stay I always ate out of the same dish with the Cacique, or Ulmen, for his rank[Pg 14] I did not exactly know. Our fingers supplied the place of forks, and large muscle shells that of spoons: knives I never saw used at table.

Our food chiefly consisted of fresh mutton, jirked beef, fish, or poultry, cut into small pieces and stewed with potatoes or pompions, seasoned with onions, garlic and cayenne pepper, or capsicum. Our breakfast, at about sunrise, was composed of some flour or toasted wheat, coarsely ground, or crushed, and mixed with water, either hot or cold, as it suited the palate of the eater. This flour is produced or manufactured by first roasting the wheat or barley in an earthen pan placed over a slow fire, until the grain takes a pale brown hue. When cold it is ground on a flat stone, about eight inches or a foot wide, and two feet or more in length, as they can best procure it. This is put on the ground, with the end next the female raised about four inches. She then takes another stone, which reaches nearly across the first, and weighs from six to ten pounds; this she presses with her hands, and bruises the grain, which is crushed to a state somewhat like coarsely ground coffee. At the lower end of the stone is generally placed a clean lamb skin, with the wool downwards, which receives the flour, called by the indians machica. Our dinner[Pg 15] (made up of the stews or messes which I have mentioned) was generally served at noon in calabashes, or gourds cut in two, being three inches deep, and some of them from twelve to twenty inches in diameter. Our supper, which we took at eight o'clock, was milk, with machica, or potatoes.

I cannot refrain from describing a favourite preparation of milk, called by the natives milcow. Potatoes and a species of pompion, zapallo, were roasted, the insides of both taken out, and kneaded together with a small quantity of salt, and sometimes with eggs. This paste was made into little cakes, each about the size of a dollar, and a large quantity was put into a pot of milk, and allowed to boil for a quarter of an hour. I joined the Indians in considering it an excellent dish. Their poultry, fed on barley and potatoes, was fat and good; their fish, both from the sea and the river, capital; and their beef and mutton in fatness and flavour were far above mediocrity.

The beverage at this time of the year, there being abundance of apples, was principally new cider, but it was sufficiently fermented to produce intoxication, which I had several opportunities of observing among the men: to the credit of the women, however, I must say, that I never saw[Pg 16] one of them in a state of ebriety. I was informed that at other times of the year they fermented liquors from the maize, the process of which I shall afterwards describe. Their cider is made in the following rude manner:—a quantity of apples is procured from the woods by the women; they are put into a species of trough, from eight to ten feet long, being the trunk of a large tree scooped into a shape somewhat similar to a canoe. A woman then takes a stick, or cane, nearly the length of the trough, and standing at one extremity, beats the apples to pieces. They are afterwards collected at one end, pressed with the hands, and the juice is received either in large calabashes (dried gourds) or in prepared goats' hides. It is now carried to the house, poured into an earthen jar, and left to ferment. The jars are made by the Indians of baked clay:—some will hold upwards of a hundred gallons, which shews that these people have some skill in pottery.

The only in-door diversion which I witnessed among the Indians at Tucapel was what they certainly considered a dance. About sixteen men and women intermixed stood up in a row, and following each other, trotted about the room to the sound of a small drum, which was made by drawing a piece of the fresh skin of[Pg 17] a kid or lamb over an earthen pot used for cooking. This diversion I saw but twice, and in both instances after supper. Indeed the indians are not calculated for this kind of amusement. They associate with each other but little. The females are considered inferior to the men, and consequently no harmony or conviviality appears to result from their company. The principal out-door diversion among the young men is the palican: this game is called by the Spaniards chueca, and is similar to one I have seen in England called bandy. Molina says it is like the calcio of the Florentines and the orpasto of the Greeks.

The company divides into two sets. Each person has a stick about four feet long, curved at the lower end. A small hard ball, sometimes of wood, is thrown on the ground: the parties separate; some advance towards the ball, and others stand aloof to prevent it when struck from going beyond the limits assigned, which would occasion the loss of the game. I was told that the most important matters have been adjusted in the different provinces of Araucania by crooked sticks and a ball: the decision of the dispute is that of the game—the winner of the game being the winner of the dispute.

At Arauco I heard that the present bishop of[Pg 18] Conception, Roa, having passed the territory belonging to the indians with their permission, (a formality never to be dispensed with) on his visitation to Valdivia, was apprehended in returning for not having solicited and obtained a pass, or safe-conduct from the Uthalmapu, or principal political chief of the country which he had to traverse, called by the indians, the Lauguen Mapu, or marine district. His lordship was not only made prisoner but despoiled of all his equipage; and it became a matter of dispute, which nothing but the palican could decide, whether he should be put to death or allowed to proceed to Conception. The game was played in the presence of the bishop: he had the satisfaction of seeing his party win, and his life was saved. The propriety, however, of keeping the booty taken from him was not questioned by any one.

That part of the country which I had an opportunity of visiting with some of these kind indians was not extensive, but extremely beautiful. The soil was rich, every kind of vegetation luxuriant, and some of the trees were very large: the principal ones were the espino, the luma, the maque, and the pehuen.

I was informed that the indians have both gold and silver mines, and that they are acquainted with the art of extracting the metal[Pg 19] from the ores. One might presume that there was some foundation for this report from the ornaments made of the precious metals seen in their possession: they are of Spanish manufacture, and perhaps either the spoils of war or the result of barter.

A trade of no great importance might be established here. The wool, which is good, and timber, with some gold and silver, would be given in return for knives, axes, hatchets, white and greenish coarse flannel, ponchos, bridle bits, spurs, &c.

[Pg 20]

CHAPTER II.

Leave Tucapel Viejo, and arrive at Tubul....Description of our Breakfast on the road....Stay at the house of the Cacique of Tubul....Some Appearances of Civilization....Game of Pencs, Wrestling, &c....Anchorage, Trade, &c....Face of the Country....Arrival at Arauco....Taken to the Commandant, Interview described....Town of Arauco....Indians who came to barter....Weaving of fine Ponchos....Excursion to the Water-mills on the Carampangue River....Entertainments, Mate, &c....Visit Nacimiento, Santa Juana, and return to Arauco....Ordered to Conception.

At about three o'clock, on a moonlight morning, in the month of April, I left the house of my kind Toqui, with five indians. We were all on horseback, and travelled till after sunrise, when arriving at what appeared to me to be a common resting place, we alighted, and I witnessed a most romantic scene.

The indians were habited in their rude costume, the poncho, the sugar-loaf hat, the hide sandals, and spurs with rowels at least three inches in diameter. Their horses were as uncouthly caparisoned: a deep saddle was covered with three or four sheep skins, over which was spread a bluish rug of long shaggy wool, the crupper with a broad piece of leather hanging across the horse's rump, and a broader strap attached to each side of the saddle passing round the horse[Pg 21] behind, about midway down the thighs, and fastened to the cross piece to prevent its slipping to the ground. These straps were fancifully stamped, and cut into various shapes and devices. The huge wooden box stirrups were large enough to hold the feet of the rider; and the heavy-bitted bridle had beautifully platted reins, terminating in a lash or whip of the same workmanship, divided at the end into eight or ten minor plaits, forming a tuft resembling a tassel.

The spot at which we arrived was enchanting. The branches of a large carob tree extended themselves above our heads, while the beautifully green sward was spread under our feet. A small stream of water worked its way among the pebbles on one side, and in the distance on the other the Pacific Ocean, silvered with the rays of the newly risen sun, heightened in brilliancy by the intervening deep green of the woods, presented itself to our view. What an awfully grand collection of the works of nature! He who could behold them without feeling his bosom swell with such sensations of delight as tongue cannot utter nor pen describe, cannot be made by this faint description to partake of what I felt at that moment.

After the indians had alighted, part of them[Pg 22] ran to the brook and brought some water, in bullocks' horns, which they always carry with them for this purpose. They divided it among their comrades, each receiving about a pint. Every one now took from his girdle a small leather bag, the skin of an animal of the size of a cat, and putting a handful of roasted flour into the horn with the water, stirred it about with a small stick and eat it. I followed their example, and this mixture constituted our breakfast. We then pursued our journey. About noon we arrived at Tubul, and went to a large house belonging, as I supposed, to the Toqui, or Cacique. Here are several other houses, forming a small hamlet, all of whose inhabitants are indians.

We were regaled with the usual fare at dinner, with the addition of a lamb, which was killed after our arrival, cut into halves, and roasted over the embers. What may be considered as a certain portion of civilization made its appearance at Tubul: the roasted lamb was laid on a large ill-fashioned silver dish, some silver spoons and forks were placed on the Toqui's table: not a knife was to be seen, but the drinking horns had bottoms. Besides the cider some strong ill tasted brandy and thick sweet wine crowned the board.

[Pg 23]

My indian comrades or conductors occasioned much sport after dinner, by playing what they call the peuca, which Molina says serves them as an image of war. Fifteen mosotones, young Indians, took hold of each other by the hands and formed a circle, in the centre of which a boy about ten years old was placed. An equal number of young men were then engaged in attempting to take the boy out of the ring, in which the victory consists. The indians forming the ring at first extended their arms as wide as they could, and paced gently round. The others rushed altogether on the ring, and tried to break it, but their opponents closed and the invaders were forced to desist. They then threw themselves into several groups of two or three in each, advanced and attacked at different points, but were again baffled in their efforts, and after many unsuccessful trials to break the ring, and take the boy, they were obliged through fatigue to abandon their enterprise. When the game, which lasted at least three hours, was finished, abundance of cider was brought, and the effects of drinking it were soon visible. Wrestling parties commenced, in which great strength and agility were shown: the first throw decided each contest, and the horns of cider[Pg 24] were freely circulated to cheer the drooping spirits of the youths. The females and children stood in groups to witness these sports, and interest and enthusiasm were strongly marked in their countenances.

After a supper of milcow, roasted potatoes, milk, &c. we retired to our beds, which were formed of five or six clean white sheep skins, and some white flannel. We rose at an early hour the next morning; five more young indians were attached to my escort, and we proceeded on our way to Arauco.

There is a roadstead and good anchorage at Tubul, and in any emergency ships may procure an abundance of bullocks, sheep, and excellent vegetables, in exchange for knives, axes, buttons, beads, &c. The water at the mouth of the river is salt, but good fresh water may be easily obtained a little way up on the north side, where a rivulet joins the Tubul.

Having travelled about six miles, we descended to the beach of a very extensive bay, and saw the island of Santa Maria in the horizon. At the foot of the promontory which we had crossed was a small stream and three neat cottages with pretty gardens before them. My guides took me to the first of these cottages, where we were received by a white[Pg 25] woman, the wife of a sergeant stationed here as at a kind of advanced post. The sergeant soon made his appearance, and although I had been so very kindly treated by the good indians, I felt a pleasure at finding myself once again among people of my own colour, similar to that experienced by a person who is relieved from an apprehension of danger, by being satisfied that it does not exist. Some dispute arose respecting the indians leaving me and returning home; but it was adjusted by the sergeant sending two soldiers with us, with orders to present me to the commandant, at Arauco. After breakfasting on roasted jerked beef and bread, we proceeded towards Arauco, and arrived there at noon.

The country over which we travelled was every where covered with vegetation, the valleys or bottoms of the ravines with grass and shrubs, and their hilly sides with wood. After descending to the beach, several small ravines opened to the right, containing a considerable number of neat thatched cottages. Quantities of wild vines climbed from tree to tree, laden with grapes as yet green; and clusters of apple, pear, and peach trees adorned the sides of the hills, while the low land from their bases to the sea side was divided and fenced in with[Pg 26] branches of trees—cattle, principally milch cows, feeding in the enclosures.

On our arrival at Arauco I was immediately taken to the house of the commandant, who ordered me into his presence, and the soldiers and indians to return. I was not a little surprised at the extravagant appearance of this military hero, who undoubtedly considered himself, in his present situation, equal to Alexander or Napoleon, and but for his figure I should have conceived him to be a second Falstaff. He stood about five feet six inches high, was remarkably slender, and had a swarthy complexion, large Roman nose, small black eyes, projecting chin, and toothless mouth. His hair was combed back from his forehead, abundantly powdered, and tied in a cue a la Frederick. He wore an old tarnished gold laced uniform of faded blue, with deepened red lappels, collar and cuffs, his waistcoat and breeches being of the latter colour; bluish stockings, brown shoes for lack of blacking, and large square brass buckles. A real Toledo was fastened to his side with a broad black leather belt and a brass buckle in front: an equilateral triangular hat covered his head. Such was the visible part of this soldier. His red cloak was on a chair near him, while his worship stood, bolt upright, in his vast importance[Pg 27] personale! Never did chivalrous knight listen with more gravity of countenance, measured demeanour or composed posture, to the cravings of a woe-begotten squire, than did my old commandant to my ill-digested narrative. But what a contrast presented itself in his goodly lady, the comandanta, whom I could compare to nothing better than a large lanthorn! She stood about four feet six inches high, and as nearly as I could conceive measured the same round the waist, which was encompassed by an enormous hoop, at least four feet in diameter, having a petticoat of scarlet flannel, sewed into small folds, the bottom of which was trimmed about a foot deep with something yellow. She wore a green bodice, and the sleeves of her undermost garment just covered her shoulders, and were edged with green ribbon and white fringe. Her hair was all combed back from her forehead, and tied behind with a broad black ribbon. On the top of her head appeared a bunch of natural flowers. It might with propriety be said of this goodly dame, that it would be much easier to pass over than to go round her. There were also present the curate of the parish, two Franciscan friars, and some of the inhabitants, one of whom, Don Nicolas del Rio, compassionating the fate of a boy, (for I was[Pg 28] then only seventeen) asked the commandant to allow me to be his guest. This request being granted, the chief put on his red cloak, walked with us to the house of Don Nicolas, and, not forgetting one iota of etiquette, presented me to the family, composed of the wife of Don Nicolas and three daughters; their only son being with an uncle, who was governor of Angeles. During the time I remained at Arauco I was treated in every respect as one of the family by these kind and hospitable people. Visiting parties to their gardens, orchards, and vineyards, followed each other daily, and all possible care was taken to render me happy—and not in vain, for I was happy.

Arauco is situated at the foot of a rocky hill, accessible only by a winding path from the inside of the walls by which the town is surrounded. On the top of the hill were four brass guns of eighteen pounds calibre, with a breast-work of stone, a large house for the soldiers, forming their barracks or guard-house, and a small watch tower. The town is a square of about six hundred yards, and is surrounded by a wall of eighteen feet high on three of the sides, the hill forming the fourth; two[Pg 29] small breast-works are raised at the corners. An arched gateway stands in the centre of the north side, with a massy wooden door, which is closed every night at eight o'clock, and opened at six in the morning. From the gateway is a street to the square, or market-place, where the church is erected. There is also a convent of Franciscan friars, which was formerly a Jesuits' college. The garrison consisted of thirty privates with the respective subalterns and officers. The whole population amounts to about four hundred souls.

The town is well supplied by a spring in the rock with most excellent water, which falls into a large stone basin, and thence runs through the square, the principal street, and out at the gateway. Fruit, fish, poultry, and cider called chicha, are brought in daily by the indian women, and sold or bartered principally for salt, which is the article most in demand, there being none but what is imported. The greater part used for culinary purposes is from Peru, but a coarser kind is obtained from the coast of Chile, near to Valparaiso. The general salutation of the indians is marry, marry; and I was told, that when a Cacique or any other chief sends to a Spaniard his marry, marry, it is[Pg 30] a sure sign that he is at peace with the Spaniards, though other tribes may be at war with them.

I had several opportunities at Arauco of seeing the indians employed in weaving the fine ponchos, some of which, I learnt, were worth from a hundred to a hundred and fifty dollars. The wool is first washed and picked or combed, for they have no idea of carding. It is then spun with the spindle, as already described, and afterwards dyed the necessary colours, such as blue, green, yellow, red, &c., and if one be wanted which they have not the materials to produce, they purchase a piece of Manchester flannel of the colour required, pick it to pieces, reduce it to wool, and spin it over again, the yarn being required to be much finer than that of the flannel, and always twisted of two or more threads. The poncho is woven in stripes of one, two, or three inches broad, which are subsequently sewed together. Sometimes, and for the finest ponchos, no loom whatever is used. The coloured threads or yarns are rolled on a round piece of wood; the weaver ties the other ends of them to her girdle, and lifts and depresses the threads with her fingers, passing the woof rolled on a cane instead of a shuttle, and beating it with the macana. This may undoubtedly be[Pg 31] considered the lowest pitch of weaving, but the patterns on the stripes are very pretty and ingenious, and the repetitions of the devices are extremely exact.

After a few days' rest, it was proposed by Don Nicolas that I should accompany his daughters on an excursion to some of the neighbouring towns and villages: a proposal highly gratifying to myself, and apparently not less so to my new acquaintance. A permission or passport was procured for me from the commandant, and I was ordered to present it at every military post we might arrive at. Whether there were any necessity for this document I do not know; but I think it was provided to give me an idea of the authority of the military chief; for I was never asked for it, and when I presented it at any post it was never read; but a curl of the upper lip showed the contempt with which it was viewed by the subalterns of this great man!

Our cavalcade, on as delightful a morning as ever broke on joyous travellers, made a very gay appearance. The three daughters of Don Nicolas were mounted on good horses, with square side-saddles, the upper part of which had rather the shape of small chairs, having backs and arms covered with velvet, fastened with a profusion of brass-headed nails.[Pg 32] A board about ten inches long and four broad, covered and nailed to match, was suspended on the far side of each horse; so that the rider sat with her left hand to the horse's head, contrary to the custom in England. The bridles, cruppers and appendages were of exquisite platted work, ornamented with a number of silver rings, buckles and small plates. I rode a horse belonging to my good host, with saddle and trappings decorated in the same manner. The saddle was raised about four inches before and behind, and some sheep skins were put on the seat, covered with a red rug of very long wool. Four sumpter mules were laden with bedding and provender, two mosotones, young indians, were appointed to attend to them, and two females to wait on their young mistresses. We mounted, and at the gate were joined by the commandant's two daughters, who had two soldiers for their guard. Never did I feel more delighted than when, having passed the gateway and advanced a few yards, I turned round to view this novel scene, to which, in my mind, a Canterbury pilgrimage was far inferior. Five young ladies in their rigid costume; their small but beautifully wrought ponchos; their black hats and feathers; their hoops, spreading out their fancifully coloured coats, ornamented with ribbons, fringes, and[Pg 33] spangles; the gay trappings of their horses; the two soldiers in uniform; the indians; the servant girls, and the sumpter mules, which closed the procession; the merry countenances of all; the parents, relations and friends, waving their hats and handkerchiefs from the walls of the town; the sound of the church and convent bells, summoning the inhabitants to mass; the distant view of the sea on one side, and that of the enchanting plain and mountain scenery on the other—reminded me of fairy regions, and at times caused me almost to doubt the reality of what I beheld. It was predetermined that we should breakfast at a farm-house about two leagues from Arauco. Thither we rode, leaving the indians to follow with their charge.

Our arrival was anticipated, and a splendid breakfast had been prepared: roasted lamb, fowls, fried eggs and fish smoaked on the table; whilst chocolate and toasted bread, excellent butter and cheese finished the repast. We honoured our host by eating heartily, and waited the arrival of the indians: they were ordered to follow us to the mills. We shortly reached the bank of the river Carampangue, and after riding about twelve miles came to the mills called de Carampangue. The river is in some places from eighty to a hundred yards[Pg 34] wide, and in others not above twenty; running slowly towards the sea, into which it empties itself about four miles from Arauco. Its origin is said to be in the Cordilleras. Where the mills are situated the river is twenty-two yards wide, with a considerable fall, and water is drawn from it for their service by channels. These mills are three in number, with vertical water-wheels and one pair of stones to each mill. I was informed that the stones are brought from a considerable distance, and that they cost about one hundred and fifty dollars the pair. They are black, with small white stains, resembling in size and shape the wings of flies, and hence are called ala de mosca. When by any accident they are broken, the only remedy is to procure new ones, the people being ignorant of any cement with which to unite the pieces; and probably the expense of iron work would amount to more than that of new stones; nay, I question whether they have a blacksmith in this part of the country who could forge hoops to brace them. The only precaution taken to prevent such accidents is the passing a number of thongs of raw hide, while fresh, round the stones, and when dry they are not perhaps very inferior to iron hoops. The wood-work is as rude, the miller being the carpenter, blacksmith,[Pg 35] mason, &c. The flour is not bolted, but sifted by hand. This however is no part of the business or trade of the miller, who is only required to grind the corn; for the meal is carried home to its owner, and separated from the bran with large hair sieves made by the indians.

We dined at one of the houses, partly on the fare presented to us, and partly on our own, brought by the sumpter mules. The afternoon was spent in rambling about the neighbouring country and picking myrtle berries, which are delicious, and called by the people mutillas. They are about the size of a large pea, of a deep red colour and of a peculiarly sweet and aromatic flavour. They are sometimes prepared by crushing them in water and allowing them to ferment for a few days, which produces a pleasant beverage called chicha de mutilla. We found abundance of wild grapes, (which though neither large nor sweet were very palatable) some few plums, and plenty of apples, pears and peaches. On our return to the miller's house we were presented with mate, which is a substitute for tea, and is used more or less in every part of South America, but since the present revolution it has become less prevalent, partly because the custom of drinking tea a la Inglesa is more[Pg 36] fashionable, and partly because a regular supply of the herb cannot be procured from Paraguay, where it grows, and from whence it derives its name. The mate is prepared by putting into a silver or gold cup about a teaspoonful of the herb of Paraguay, to which are added a bit of sugar, sometimes laid on the fire until the outside be a little burnt, a few drops of lemon juice, a piece of lemon peel and of cinnamon, or a clove. Boiling water is poured in till the cup is full, and a silver tube, about the thickness of the stalk of a tobacco pipe, six inches long and perforated at the lower end with small holes, is introduced. Through this the mate is sucked, with the risk of scalding the mouth. A cup supported on a salver, most curiously chased, or filigreed, is commonly used: however a calabash, with a fillet of silver round the top, was used on this occasion. One tube serves the whole party, and the female who presides will not unfrequently give a hearty suck when the cup is returned to her, and take another after replenishing it, before it is handed to the company. A great deal of etiquette is observed with the mate. It is first offered to the person who is the greatest stranger, or most welcome visitor, a priest, if there happen[Pg 37] to be one present, which is generally the case. Nothing but the severe indisposition of Friar Vicente at Arauco freed us from his presence: an event which was not regretted by the party until dancing was proposed in the evening, when his ghostly fathership was missed, as no one could play on the guitar so well as he: however one of the soldiers offered his services; the instrument was produced and tuned, the dance named, and the sparkling eyes of the whole company, which had greatly increased since our arrival, bespoke a wish to "trip it on the light fantastic toe;" but to my astonishment, a young man and woman stepped into the middle of the room, and began to jig to the sounds of the guitar, sounds not to be equalled except by the filing of a saw, or the boisterous singing of the performer. This I was told was a bolero. They danced about five minutes, and were relieved by two others. In this manner the diversion was kept up until after midnight, with the assistance of cider, chicha de mansana, chicha de mutilla, bad wine, and some brandy made from the wild grape of the country. A hot supper closed the scene, and we retired to the beds prepared for us at the different houses.

The following morning after breakfast we mounted our horses, and having crossed the[Pg 38] river at a ford, pursued our route to Nacimiento, which is a small village surrounded by a wall with four brass guns. The greater part of the inhabitants are indians, and apparently very poor. We spent the night at the house of the curate, but not so agreeably as we passed the preceding one at the mills.

On the next day we went on to Santa Juana, another frontier town, standing on an island formed by the river dividing itself into two branches for the space of about half a mile and again uniting. This river is the Bio-bio, and may with propriety be called the northern boundary of Chile. The towns on the south side of the Bio-bio are under great risk of being sacked by the indians, and are merely kept as advanced posts by the Spaniards. We rested one day at Santa Juana, and returned by a different road to Nacimiento, from thence to the Carampangue mills, and the day after to Arauco, having spent seven days in this most agreeable excursion.

I was exceedingly surprized at being informed that war had been declared between England and Spain; and in a few days afterwards I received orders to proceed to Conception. I remained at the house of my friend Don Nicolas del Rio, until my departure,[Pg 39] enjoying every day more and more the kind hospitality of this worthy South American and his excellent family, whom I left with the most sincere regret, impressed with the idea that I should never see any of them again. I was, however, deceived, for after a lapse of seventeen years we met under circumstances which enabled me to repay a part of their kindness.

[Pg 40]

CHAPTER III.

Account of Cultivation of Farms, &c. in Araucania....Thrashing, &c....Produce....Cattle....Locality....Topographical Divisions....Government (Indian)....Laws and Penalties....Military System....Arms, Standards, &c....Division of Spoil....Treaty of Peace....Religion....Marriages....Funerals....Spanish Cities founded in Araucania....Ideas on New Colonies....Commerce.

The plough used by the Creoles and Spaniards and adopted by the indians is a piece of crooked wood, generally part of the trunk and one of the principal branches of a tree. The portion which is intended to move the soil, for it cannot properly be called ploughing, is about five feet long and six inches broad. One end is pointed and sometimes charred; at the other a handle rises about three feet high, forming with the bottom piece an obtuse angle, greater or less according to the will of the maker, or the chance of finding a piece of wood suitable for the purpose. One end of the beam is inserted at the angle and is supported about the middle of the lower part of the plough by a piece of wood passing through it into a mortise made in the lower part, where it is secured, as well as in the beam, by small wedges. The removal of those in the beam[Pg 41] serves to raise or depress it for the purpose of making the furrow deeper or shallower. The beam is from ten to twelve feet long, the one end fastened as already mentioned, and the other lashed to the yoke, which is tied with thongs just behind the horns of the bullock. Instead of harrows they use a bunch of thorns, generally of the espino. One would imagine that this rude implement had been found in the hands of the indians at the time the country was discovered; but according to Townsend's description of the plough used in some parts of Spain, it was one of the improvements carried to America by the earliest settlers. Indeed, rude as it is, it is seen in every part of South America which I visited, having in some places the addition of a piece of flat iron, about a foot long and pointed at one end, attached by thongs to that of the lower part of the plough, and called reja: probably from the verb rajar, to split or divide.

When a farmer selects a piece of ground for cultivation he cuts down the trees, with which he makes a fence by laying them around the field. He then ploughs or breaks the ground, sows his wheat or barley, and harrows it in with a bunch of thorns: here the cares of husbandry cease until harvest. The corn is now cut, tied[Pg 42] into sheaves, and carried to the thrashing floor, where it is trodden out by a drove of mares, which are driven round at a full gallop, till the straw becomes hard, when it is turned over, and the trampling repeated two or three times, so as to break the straw into pieces of two inches long. At this stage it is supposed that the grain is freed from the ears. The whole is shaken with large forks, made of wood or forked branches of trees; the chaff and grain fall to the ground, and are formed into a heap, which is thrown up into the air with shovels. The wind blows away the chaff, and the grain remains on the floor. It is now put into sacks made of bullocks' hides, placed on the backs of mules, and carried to the owner's house; but not before the tythe or diesmo has been paid, and one bushel, primicia, to the parson. The straw is occasionally preserved for the horses in the rainy season; at other times it is burnt or left to rot.

For a thrashing floor a piece of ground is selected, and having been swept and cleared, is enclosed with a few poles and canes. It is seldom used twice, and the size is proportioned to the quantity of corn to be trodden out.

Maize, sometimes called indian corn, is cultivated in great quantities in this as well as[Pg 43] in every other part of South America. Four varieties are to be found here, all of which are very productive and much appreciated. It is sown in lines or rows, two, three, or four plants standing together, at the distance of half a yard from the other clusters. Each stem produces from two to four cobs, and some of them are twelve inches long. The indians prepare the maize for winter, whilst in the green state, by boiling the cobs, from the cores of which are taken the grain, which is dried in the sun and kept for use. It is called chuchoca, and when mixed with some of their hashes or stews is very palatable. Another preparation is made by cutting the corn from the core of the green cobs, and bruising it between two stones until it assumes the consistency of paste, to which sugar, butter and spices, or only salt is added. It is then divided into small portions, which are enclosed separately within the inner leaf of the cob or ear and boiled. These cakes are called umitas. The dry boiled maize, mote, and the toasted, cancha, are used by the indians instead of bread. One kind of maize, curugua, is much softer when roasted, and furnishes a flour lighter, whiter, and in greater quantity than any other kind. This meal mixed with water and a little sugar is esteemed by all[Pg 44] classes of people. If the water be hot the beverage is called cherchan, if cold ulpo.

M. Bomare considers the maize as indigenous to Asia alone, and C. Durante to Turkey; but Solis, Zandoval, Herrera and others prove that it was found at the discovery of the New World in the West Indies, Mexico, Peru and Chile. Indeed I have opened many of the graves, huacas, of the indians, and observed maize in them, which was beyond all doubt buried before the conquest or discovery of this country.

There are two kinds of quinua, a species of chenopodium. The seed of the one is reddish, bitter, and used only as a medicine. The other is white, and is frequently brought to table. When boiled it uncurls and has the appearance of fine vermicelli. It is sometimes boiled in soup, and is also made into a kind of pudding, seasoned with onions, garlic, pepper, &c.

Of the bean, phaseolus, they have several kinds, which are grown in abundance, constituting both in a green and dried state a great part of the support of the lower classes of Creoles and indians. The bean is indigenous, and was cultivated before the arrival of the Spaniards.

Seven or eight varieties of potatoe of an excellent quality are raised, and in some shape[Pg 45] or other introduced to every table and almost at every meal. Indeed Chile is considered by many naturalists to be the native soil of this vegetable. The small potatoes are often preserved by boiling them and drying them in the sun, or among the Cordilleras covering them with ice, until they assume a horny appearance. When used they are broken into small pieces, soaked in water, and added to many of their stews. A species called pogny is very bitter, and is considered, with probability, to be poisonous. For use it is soaked in water till the bitterness is removed, then dried, and sometimes reduced to powder, called chuno. For food it is prepared like arrow root, which it resembles.

They have the white and the yellow flowered gourd. Of the former, generally called calabashes, there are about twenty varieties, but only two of them are sweet and eatable. However, the bitter kinds are remarkably serviceable, for when dried and cleaned their shells are substitutes for dishes, bowls, platters, bottles, tubs, or trays. The largest serve the purposes of barrels for water, cider, and other liquids, as well as baskets for fruit, butter and eggs. They are sometimes very curiously cut and stained,[Pg 46] and for certain uses bound or tipped with silver. The yellow flowered, known to us by the name of pumpkin or pompion, and here called zapallo, are excellent food, whether cooked with meat as a vegetable, or made into custard with sugar and other ingredients. That the gourd is a native of South America seems to be supported by several striking circumstances. The seeds and shells are found in the graves, or huacas; the plant was universally met with among the different tribes of indians at the time of their discovery; Almagro states that on his passage down the Maranon some of the indians had calabashes to drink with; and lastly, those who bring their produce from the woods of Maynas to Cusco, Quito and other places, always use gourd shells.

The pimento, guinea, or cayenne pepper, capsicum, is much cultivated and valued by the natives, who season their food with it. Although at first very pungent and disagreeable, strangers gradually habituate themselves to, and become fond of it. There are several varieties.

I have been thus particular in mentioning these indigenous plants, because from the slender or exaggerated accounts given to the public no perfect idea can be formed of the native productions of this country.

[Pg 47]

European vegetables prosper extremely well in Araucania, and abundance of them are to be seen in every garden.

In some parts of the Araucanian territory there is a great stock of horned cattle, which is well grown, and often tolerably fat. The beef is savoury, owing perhaps to the prevalence of aromatic herbs, more particularly a species of venus' comb, called by the indians loiqui lahuen, by the Spaniards alfilerilla; and trefoil, gualputa. There is no scarcity of sheep; but pigs are not much bred, as the indians are averse from eating their flesh: a prejudice which has supplied some fanatical priests with a reason for considering the natives of Jewish extraction! Turkeys, barn door fowls and ducks thrive extremely well. I never saw any geese here, and though they may be found in other parts, the indians have a dislike to them for food.

The tract of country which may be properly called Araucania extends from the river Bio-bio in 36° 44´ south latitude, to Valdivia in 39° 38´, the province of Conception bounding it on the north, and the Llanos or plains of Valdivia on the south. The Cordillera forms the eastern limit, and the Pacific the western. It is divided into four governments, or tetrachates, called uthal mapus:—1. lauguen mapu, the maritime country;[Pg 48] 2, lelbun mapu, the plain country; 3, mapire mapu, the foot of the Cordilleras; 4, pire mapu, the Andes. Each tetrachate is again divided into nine allaregues, or provinces, and these are subdivided into nine regues, or districts. This division existed prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, but the date of its establishment is unknown. It evinces, however, more wisdom than civilized countries are willing to allow to what they term barbarous tribes, who no doubt return this compliment, by adjudging those nations to be barbarous who observe any rules or laws different from their own.

Such is the common characteristic of civilization and uncivilization! But can that country be called barbarous which, although its code of laws is not written on vellum, or bound in calf, has an established mode of government for the administration of justice and the protection of property? The Araucanians have ever been a warlike race, and yet their government is aristocratical. They are prompt to resent an insult, but they possess virtues of a private and public nature, which deny to civilization its exclusive pretensions to patriotism, friendship or hospitality.

The four uthalmapus are governed by four Toquis, or tetrachs, who are independent of[Pg 49] each other in the civil administration of their respective territories, but confederated for the general good of the whole country. The Apo-ulmenes are subordinate governors of provinces, under the respective Toquis; and the Ulmenes, the prefects of the counties, or districts, are dependent on the Apo-ulmenes. All these dignities are hereditary in the male line, attending to primogeniture, but when there is no lineal male descendant of the person reigning, the vassals enjoy the privilege of electing a new governor from among themselves, and on reporting their choice to the Toquis, they immediately order it to be acknowledged.

The badge of a Toqui is a battle-axe; that of an Apo-ulmen a staff, or baton, with a ball of silver on the top, and a ring of the same metal round the middle: the Ulmen has the baton without the ring.

To the hypothetical historian this aristocracy in the most southern limits of the new, so similar to the military aristocracy of the dukes, the counts, and the marquises in the northern parts of the old world, would prove that the latter was peopled by migrations from the former, at a time beyond the reach of record, or even of oral tradition.

The Araucanian code of laws is traditionary,[Pg 50] (composed of primordial usages, or tacit conventions, formed in such general councils as are yet assembled by the Toquis in cases of emergency) and is called aucacoyog. Molina, Ulloa, and other writers are silent upon the curious fact of the possession by this people of the quipus, or Peruvian mode of knotting coloured threads as a substitute for writing or hieroglyphics. That they do possess this art at the present day, the following narrative will testify. In 1792 a revolution took place near Valdivia, and on the trial of several of the accomplices, Marican,[1] one of them, declared, "that the signal sent by Lepitrarn was a piece of wood, about a quarter of a yard long, and considerably thick; that it had been split, and was found to contain the finger of a Spaniard; that it was wrapped round with thread, having a fringe at one end made of red, blue, black, and white worsted; that on the black were tied by Lepitrarn, four knots, to intimate that it was the fourth day after the full moon when the bearer left Paquipulli; that on the white were ten knots, indicating that ten days after that date the revolution would take place; that on the red was to be tied by the person who received it a knot, if he assisted in the revolt, but[Pg 51] if he refused, he was to tie a knot on the blue and red joined together: so that according to the route determined on by Lepitrarn he would be able to discover on the return of his chasqui, or herald, how many of his friends would join him; and if any dissented, he would know who it was, by the place where the knot uniting the two threads was tied."

Thus it is very probable, that the Toquis of Araucania preserve their records by means of the quipus, instead of relying on oral tradition. The principal crimes of this people are murder, adultery, robbery and witchcraft. If a murderer compound the matter with the nearest relations of the deceased, he escapes punishment. Such is also the case in robbery and adultery; the composition in robbery being restitution of property stolen; in adultery, maintenance of the woman. Witchcraft is always punished with death. In murder, however, retaliation is generally called in to decide; and in most instances the injured relatives collect their friends, enter and despoil the territory or premises of the aggressor. These malocas, as they are stiled, are sources of great confusion.

When a general council has resolved to make war, one of the Toquis is usually appointed by his brethren to take the command[Pg 52] in chief; but should the four agree to nominate any other individual in the state, he becomes duly elected, and assumes the Toquis' badge, a war axe—the four Toquis laying down their insignia and authority during the war. The person thus elected is sole dictator. He appoints his subalterns, and is implicitly obeyed by all ranks. War being determined on, and the Toqui chosen, he immediately sends his messengers, werquenis, with the signal; and as all Araucanians are born soldiers of the state, the army is soon collected at the rendezvous assigned.

The arms of the infantry are muskets, which from the Spaniards they have learned to use with great dexterity, though bows and arrows, slings, clubs and pikes are their proper weapons. They have also their cavalry, in imitation of their conquerors; and, possessed of a good and ample breed of horses, are very excellent riders. The arms of this branch of their force are swords and lances, their system being to come to close quarters with the enemy as soon as possible. Their standards have a fine pointed star in the centre, generally white, in a field of bluish green, which is their favourite colour. Military uniforms are not used, but a species of leather dress is worn under their ordinary [Pg 53]clothing, to defend the body from arrow, pike and sword wounds. This is doubtless of modern invention, for before the arrival of the Spaniards they had no animal of sufficient size to afford hides large or thick enough for such a purpose.

The whole of the provisions of an Araucanian army consist of the machica, or meal of parched grain. Each individual provides himself with a small bag full, which diluted with water furnishes him with sustenance until he can quarter on the enemy, an object of the last importance to the leaders. In the camp or resting-place every soldier lights a fire: a practice which during the first wars with the Spaniards (so beautifully recorded by Ercilla in his Araucania) often deceived the enemy as to their numbers. What Robertson says in praise of the Chileans must be wholly ascribed to the Araucanians, in order to avoid the confusion which would be created were we to consider the present inhabitants of Chile as the persons spoken of by that author.

After a general action or a skirmish the booty taken is equally divided among the individuals who were at the capture. They judiciously consider that rank and honours repay the leaders, and that a larger share of the booty would probably induce them to be more [Pg 54]attentive to spoil than to conquest, to personal good than to national welfare: a policy worthy of the imitation of all nations.

Abbé Molina, in his History of Chile, speaks of sacrifices after an action; but although I inquired, when at Arauco in the year 1803, and more particularly in the province of Valdivia in 1820, I never could obtain any account from the natives which gave the least countenance to this assertion. It is possible, however, that during the first wars with the Spaniards the barbarous proceedings of the latter to the captured Indians gave rise to a retaliation which was confounded with sacrifice. Among the religious ceremonies of Araucania human sacrifices are decidedly not included.

The independent spirit of the Araucanians prevents their ever sueing for peace. The first overtures have always been made by the Spaniards, who are the only nation with which they have contended; for although the Inca Yupanqui invaded Chile about the year 1430, the northern limit of his acquired territory was, according to Garcilaso, the river Maule. When the proposals are accepted by the indians, or rather by the commanding Toqui, he lays down his insignia, which the four Toquis of the uthalmapus resume, and accompanied by the[Pg 55] Apo-ulmenes and principal officers of the army, they adjourn to some appointed plain, generally between the rivers Bio-bio and Duqueco. The two contending chiefs, with their respective interpreters, meet, and the Araucanian claiming the precedence, speaks first, and is answered by the Spaniard. If the terms offered to the indians meet their approbation, the baton of the Spanish chief, and the war axe of the Toqui are tied together, crowned with a bunch of canelo, and placed on the spot where the conference was held. The articles of the treaty are written, but agreed to rather than signed, and they generally state the quantity and quality of the presents which the indians are to receive. The negociation ends in eating, drinking, riot and confusion. Raynal, treating of the Araucanians, says—"As these Araucanians are not embarrassed by making war, they are not apprehensive of its duration, and hold it as a principle never to sue for peace, the first overtures for which are always made by the Spaniards."

Their religion is very simple. They have a Supreme Being, whom they call Pillian, and who is at the head of a universal government, which is the prototype of their own. Pillian is the great invisible Toqui, and has his Apo-ulmenes and his Ulmenes, to whom he assigns different[Pg 56] situations in the government, and entrusts the administration of certain affairs in this world. Meulen, the genius of good and the friend of mankind, and Wencuba that of evil, and the enemy of man, are the two principal subordinate deities. Epunamun is their genius of war; but it appears that he is seldom invoked as a protector, being only the object by which they swear to fight, destroy, &c. These three may be considered their Apo-ulmenes; and their Ulmenes are a race of genii, who assist the good Meulen in favour of mortals, and defend their interests against the enormous power of the wicked Wencuba. The Araucanians have no places of worship, no idols, no religious rites. They believe that as their God and his genii need not the worship of men, they do not require it; that they are not desirous of imposing a tribute or exacting a service, except for the good or interest of their servants; and that they thus resemble the Toquis and Ulmenes, who can call upon them to fight for their country and their liberties, but for no personal offices. They, nevertheless, invoke the aid of the good Meulen, and attribute all their evils to the influence of the wicked Wencuba.

The Spanish government has taken great pains to establish the Christian religion among[Pg 57] the different tribes of indians in South America, and for the education of missionaries for the conversion of the Araucanians a convent of Franciscan friars, called de propaganda fide, is established at Chillan. These individuals, however, are chiefly natives of Spain, and being ordained presbyters can easily obtain a mission; and as pecuniary emoluments are attached to the employment, the order has always endeavoured to preclude Americans. There are also minor convents at Arauco, Los Angeles and Valdivia. As the missionaries only require the young indians to learn a few prayers, attend mass on particular days, and confess themselves once a year, they make some proselytes; but in the year 1820, when the Spanish government was overthrown at Valdivia, the indians immediately accused their missionaries of being enemies to the newly-established system, and requested their removal. Another proof of dislike to the priests, if not to the religion, is, that they are generally massacred when any revolution takes place among the indians. Such was the case in 1792 at Rio-bueno.[2] According to the confessions of those who were taken and tried upon that occasion,[Pg 58] their plan was to burn all the missions, and murder the missionaries.

Witchcraft and divination are firmly believed by the Araucanians. Any accident that occurs to an individual or family is attributed to the agency of the former, and for a due discovery they consult the latter. Particular attention is paid to omens, such as the flight of birds, and dreams. These are either favourable or otherwise according to the bird seen, or the direction of its flight, &c. An Araucanian who fears not his foe on the field of battle, nor the more dreadful hand of the executioner, will tremble at the sight of an owl. They have also their ghosts and hobgoblins: but is there any nation on earth so far removed from credulity as not to keep the Araucanians in countenance in these matters?

The belief of a future state and the immortality of the soul is universal among the indians of South America. The Araucanians agree with the rest in expecting an eternal residence in a beautiful country, to which all will be transferred. Pillian is too good to inflict any punishment after death for crimes committed during life. They believe that the soul will enjoy the same privileges in a separate state which it [Pg 59]possessed whilst united to the body. Thus the husband will have his wives, but without any spiritual progeny, for the new country must be peopled with the spirits of the dead. Like the ancients, they have their ferryman, or rather ferrywoman, to transport them thither. She is called Tempulagy, being an old woman who takes possession of the soul after the relations have mourned over the corpse, and who conveys it over the seas to the westward, where the land of expectation is supposed to exist.

When an indian becomes enamoured of a female, or wishes to marry her, he informs her father of his intention, and if his proposals be accepted, the father at a time agreed upon sends his daughter on a pretended errand. The bridegroom with some of his friends is secreted on the route she has to take: he seizes the girl, and carries her to his house, where not unfrequently her father and his friends have already arrived to partake of the nuptial feast, and receive the stipulated presents, which consist of horses, horned cattle, maize, ponchos, &c. The ceremony is concluded by the whole party drinking to excess.

On the death of an individual the relations and friends are summoned to attend, and weep or mourn. The deceased is laid on a table, and[Pg 60] dressed in the best apparel he possessed when alive. The females walk round the body, chaunting in a doleful strain a recapitulation of the events of the life of the person whose death they lament; whilst the men employ themselves in drinking. On the second or third day the corpse is carried to the family burying place, which is at some distance from the house, and generally on an eminence. It is laid in a grave prepared for the purpose. If the deceased be a man, he is buried with his arms, and sometimes a horse, killed for the occasion: if a woman, she is interred with a quantity of household utensils. In both cases a portion of food is placed in the grave to support them and the Tempulagy, or ferrywoman, on their journey to the other country. Earth is thrown on the body, and afterwards stones are piled over it in a pyramidal form. A quantity of cider or other fermented liquor is poured upon the tomb; when, these solemn rites being terminated, the company return to the house of the deceased to feast and drink. Black is here as in Europe the colour used for mourning.

The indians never believe that death is owing to natural causes, but that it is the effect of sorcery and witchcraft. Thus on the death of an individual, one or more diviners are[Pg 61] consulted, who generally name the enchanter, and are so implicitly believed, that the unfortunate object of their caprice or malice is certain to fall a sacrifice. The number of victims is far from being inconsiderable.

In my description of Araucania I have in some measure followed Molina's ingenious work; but I have not ventured to state any thing which I did not see myself, or learn from the indians, or persons residing among them.

The Spaniards founded seven cities in Araucania. The Imperial, built in 1552 by Don Pedro Valdivia, generally called the conqueror of Chile, is situated at the confluence of the two rivers Cantin and Las Damas, 12 miles from the sea, in an extremely rich and beautiful country, enjoying the best soil and climate in Araucania. In 1564 Pius IV. made it a bishop's see, which was removed to Conception in 1620. In 1599 it was taken and destroyed by the indians, and has never been rebuilt. The site at present belongs to the lauguen mapu, or tetrachate of the coast.

Villarica was also founded by Valdivia in 1552, on the shore of the great lake Sauquen, 65 miles from the sea. It was destroyed by the Toqui Palliamachu, and its site forms part[Pg 62] of the tetrachate of the mapire mapu. Report speaks of rich gold mines in the environs of the ground where Villarica stood and from which it took its name. The climate is cold, owing to the vicinity of the Cordillera.

Valdivia bears the name of its founder. Of this city I shall have occasion hereafter to give a circumstantial account.

Angol, or La Frontera, was established by Pedro Valdivia in the year 1553. It was razed by the Indians in 1601, and has since remained in ruins. It is now in reality the frontier, though Valdivia little surmised that it would be so when he founded it. The river Bio-bio bounded it on the south side, and a small rapid stream on the north. The soil and climate are excellent, and the situation was well chosen for a city.

Cañete was founded in 1557 by Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendosa, and destroyed during the first long-contested war with the Araucanians, by the Toqui Antiguenu. It was built on the site where Valdivia was defeated and slain, and now forms part of the lelbum mapu tetrachate.

Osorno is the most southern city in South America, being in 40° 20´, at the distance of 24 miles from the sea, and 212 south of Conception. It was founded in 1559 by Don Garcia[Pg 63] Hurtado de Mendosa, and destroyed by the indians in 1599. It was again founded on the old site, on the banks of Rio-bueno, by Don Ambrose Higgins, who was afterwards president and captain general of Chile, and promoted to the vice-royalty of Peru. Charles IV. conferred on Higgins the title of Marquis of Osorno, as a reward for his services in Araucania. The first supreme director of the Chilean republic, Don Bernardo O'Higgins, was the natural son of Don Ambrose.

Conception is the seventh city founded by the Spaniards, but as it is not included in the Araucanian territory I shall defer any description of it for the present.

Cesares is a place about which much has been said and written. I have in my possession original mss. relating to it, a translation of which will be published.

In all the treaties between the Spaniards and the indians one of the principal articles has been, that the latter were to oppose with force of arms the establishment of any foreign colony in their territory. This stipulation they obeyed in 1638, at the island of Mocha, where they murdered the remains of a crew of Dutchmen, who went to take possession of that island after their ship had been wrecked by bad[Pg 64] weather; and also when the Dutch Admiral Henry Brun attempted in 1643 to form a settlement at Valdivia, and met with the same fate: a fate, however, which might have been occasioned by the natural hatred entertained at that period by the natives against all foreigners who attempted to obtain possession of any part of their country. This jealousy and hatred of Europeans has always been promoted by the Spaniards, whom the indians stile chiape, vile soldier; but all other foreigners they call moro winca: winca signifying an assassin, and moro a moor. These epithets proceed from the same source; for the Spaniards are in the habit of calling all who are not of their own religion either jews or moors, thus wishing to impress upon the minds of the indians that all foreigners are worse than themselves! Notwithstanding the late wars, caused by the revolution of the colonies, have tended very materially to civilize the Araucanians, the greater part of them joined the Spaniards against the creoles, or patriot forces; but the ejection of the last remains of the Spanish soldiers from Araucania in 1822 has induced the indians to despise them for what they call their cowardice. The new government of Chile have not availed themselves of this favourable opportunity to conciliate the [Pg 65]indians, by soliciting their friendship, or, after the manner of the Spaniards, acquiring it at the price of presents. Thus the Araucanians, having become accustomed to some species of luxuries, find themselves deprived of them by the fall of the Spanish system in Chile, and the nonconformity of the new institutions to the old practices; and thus a chasm has been formed that might be filled by a colony from some other nation, which by attention and courtesy to the indians might conciliate their good will and obtain from them whatever was solicited. Kindness makes an indelible impression upon the minds of most uncivilized people, while ill-treatment exasperates and drives them to revengeful extremities.

The existence of gold mines in Araucania is undoubted, although they are not regularly wrought. I have seen fine specimens of ore, some of which were procured from the indians, and others found by accident in the ravines.

The soil and climate are very good, and in some parts both are excellent for grain, pasturage and European fruits. In trade little could be done at present; but should the indians become acquainted with the use of those commodities which produce real comforts to society, I have no doubt that white and[Pg 66] greenish blue flannels, salt, sugar, tobacco, bridle-bits, knives, axes, hatchets, nails, buttons, glass beads and other trinkets would be exchanged for hides, ponchos, and some gold. The ponchos, particularly those of good quality called balandranes, would find a ready market in Peru or Chile.

This interesting part of South America is less known than any other accessible portion. Others are less known, but they are interior countries, lying between the range of the Andes and Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, Brazils and Colombia—immense tracts of the earth kept in reserve for the speculations of coming ages! But Araucania, from its locality, climate, and productions, appears destined to become one of the first and fairest portions of the new world; and should the eyes of philanthropical speculators be directed to its shores, their capitals would be more secure in the formation of new establishments than in loans to many of the old.

[Pg 67]

CHAPTER IV.

Valdivia....Port....Fortifications....River....City-foundation....Revolutions....Inhabitants....Garrison....Government....Rents and Resources. Churches....Exiles....Missions in the Province of Valdivi....War with the Indians and Possession of Osorno....Extract from a Letter in the Araucanian Tongue, and Translation.

The following account of the city and province of Valdivia is partly extracted from mss. in my possession, found in the archives of that city.

Valdivia, situated in 39° 50´ south latitude, and in longitude 73° 28´, is one of the best ports on the western shores of South America: it is also the strongest, both from its natural position and its fortifications. The mouth of the harbour is narrow, and the San Carlos battery on the small promontory on the south, with that of Niebla on the north side, commands the entrance, their balls crossing the passage. There are likewise on the south side the batteries Amargos, the high and low Chorocamayo, and at the bottom of the bay the castle Corral, commanding the anchorage. In the small island of Mansera is a battery for the protection of the mouth of[Pg 68] the river leading to the city, besides an advanced post on the south side at Aguada del Ingles, and two, La Avansada and El Piojo, on the north. At the taking of Valdivia by Lord Cochrane in 1820, one hundred and eighteen pieces of cannon, of eighteen and twenty-four pounds calibre, were found mounted. Some of them were beautiful brass pieces, particularly two eighteens at Mansera, which measured eleven feet in length, were handsomely carved and embossed, and bore the date of 1547. His lordship sent them to Valparaiso, where I had the mortification to see them broken up and converted into grape shot, by the orders of Governor Crus; who thus deprived Chile of a noble monument of her naval glory, and Chilean posterity of the pleasure of viewing, as their property, part of those engines brought from the old, for the purpose of enslaving the new world! The anchorage is good, being most completely sheltered, and capable of holding a great number of ships.

On the north side of the harbour is the river, which leads to the city. Its banks are covered with trees, suitable for ship-building and many other purposes. Among them are the white and red cedar, alerces; the pellinos, a species of oak, and the luma. The river abounds with fish, particularly the pege rey, the lisa, and the[Pg 69] bagre. At its mouth are caught robalo, corbina, choros, xaiba and apancoras.

The city of Valdivia stands on the south side of the river, and is sixteen miles from the port. On the left, ascending the river, are some few remains of the Dutch settlements. The natives call them hornos de los Olandeses; supposing that Henry Brun's vessels anchored here, and that these ruins are the wrecks of the ovens built by the Dutch for the purpose of baking their bread. The tradition is quite incredible, for vessels cannot enter the river, there not being above four feet water in some places, and the channel being so extremely narrow, that a launch cannot pass. Indeed at low water the large canoes of the inhabitants have to wait for the tide.

The city was built in 1553, and bears the name of its founder. The indians took it from the Spaniards in 1599, and destroyed it in 1603, when the inhabitants fled to the port, from whence some of them passed to Chile. In 1642 the Marquis of Mansera, Viceroy of Peru, sent the Colonel Don Alonzo de Villanueva as governor, with orders to capture the city, which he effected by a singular ruse de guerre. Landing to the southward of Valdivia, he introduced himself alone among the indians, with whom he[Pg 70] remained two years, and having gained the confidence and esteem of some of the Caciques, he solicited them to appoint him their governor in Valdivia; assuring them that such an election would produce a reconciliation with the Spaniards, and insure the annual presents. This request was acceded to; and in 1645 the city was rebuilt and repeopled. Some of the inhabitants are descendants of noble European families, but the greater part are those of officers and soldiers who have been sent at different times to garrison the place; some are indians, and a few slaves. The population amounted to 953 in 1765, and in 1820 to 741: a decrease attributable to the emigration to Osorno, and to many being employed in the armies of the contending parties. This census does not include the garrison, which in 1765 consisted of 249 individuals, and in 1820, when taken by Lord Cochrane, of 829, besides a remainder of 780 of the royal army.

Under the Spanish regime the government was administered by a military officer, dependent on the President and Captain-general of Chile; but in 1813 the inhabitants declared themselves independent of all Spanish authority. They however restored the old government in the year following, and submitted to it until 1820,[Pg 71] when Valdivia was incorporated with the Republic of Chile. For the support of Valdivia a situado was annually sent from the royal treasuries of Lima and Santiago. In the year 1807 this remittance amounted to 159,439 dollars, and according to the original statement was distributed as follows:—

In 1765 the situado was 50992 dollars, and in 1646 it was only 28280.

Whilst the Spaniards held Valdivia the resources of its government were very limited. Being a close port all foreign commerce was prohibited, and the few taxes collected in the whole province, including the diesmo, never exceeded 500 dollars.

In the city there is a parish church, another belonging to the Franciscan convent of missionaries, formerly of the Jesuits, and a chapel appertaining to the hospital of San Juan de Dios. The ecclesiastical department was dependent on the see of Conception, but the conventual was a branch of the establishment at Chillan, subject to the provincialate of Santiago de Chile.

[Pg 72]

Valdivia was a place of exile, presidio, to which convicts were sent from Peru and Chile. Their number was but small, and they were employed in the public works.

The province of Valdivia extends from the river Tolten in 38° to the Bueno in 40° 37´ south, and from the Andes to the Pacific, being about 52 leagues long and 45 wide. The three principal rivers in this province are Tolten, Bueno and Valdivia. Their origin is in three separate lakes of the Cordillera, from whence they run in a westerly direction, receiving in their progress several smaller streams and emptying themselves into the sea. Valdivia river enters the harbour of the same name, which is the only one in the province. This river, after uniting its waters to those of San Josef, Cayumapu, Ayenaguem, Putabla, Quaqua and Angachi, besides a great number of rivulets and estuaries, becomes navigable for canoes of 200 quintals or 20 tons burthen. Between the fort Cruces and Valdivia several small but beautiful islands are found: the principal are Realexo, Del Almuerso, Balensuela, El Islote, De Mota, San Francisco, De Ramon, De Don Jaime and Del Rey, which is the largest, being about seven leagues in circumference. There are besides a great number of smaller ones. In all the[Pg 73] streams and ravines in the neighbourhood of the city and port are to be seen the vestiges of gold washings, labaderos, which are at present totally neglected. After heavy rains grains of gold as large as peas are often found, but there are no accounts in the treasury of the working of any mines since the year 1599, when the first revolution of the indians took place, and the city fell into their hands. At Valdivia I saw two chalices made of the gold thus accidentally collected.

"Tolten el Bajo is the northernmost mission. Situated between the rivers Tolten and Chaqui, it extends about four miles along the sea coast, and is one of the largest missions, reducciones, in the province, containing about 800 indians. The Tolten rises in the lake Villarica. It has no port, but is navigable with canoes; being too deep to be fordable, it has a bridge, which gives the indians the command of the road between Valdivia and Conception. Horned cattle and sheep are not scarce here; and maize, peas, beans, potatoes, barley, and a small quantity of wheat are cultivated; but in general the soil is not very fertile. Though the indians are more submissive than those of some other missions, they are equally prone to the common vices of drunkenness and indolence. Their commerce[Pg 74] consists in bartering coarse ponchos for indigo, glass beads, and other trifles. At the annual visit of the comisario a kind of market is held for such traffic: at this visit the indians renew the parlamento, or promise of fidelity to the King of Spain. The comisario assures them, in a set speech, of the spiritual and temporal advantages which they will derive from remaining faithful to their King; and the Cacique, having in a formal harangue acknowledged his conviction of the truth of this assurance, the indians, being on horseback, make a skirmish with their lances and wooden swords, macanas, and, riding up to the comisario, alight, and point their arms to the ground, in sign of peace, which is all they ever promise. They worship Pillian, and their ceremonies are the same as those of the rest of the Araucanian nation: for although they call themselves Christians, their religion is reduced to the ceremony of attending at mass, &c.

"Querli extends from Purulacu to the river Meguin, being about 18 miles, and containing 70 indians. Their commerce is an exchange of coarse ponchos, sheep and hogs, for indigo, beads, &c.

"Chanchan, which extends about 12 miles, contains 40 indians, produces maize, peas, beans,[Pg 75] barley, and a little wheat. Owing to the vicinity of the fort de Cruces the indians are more docile and domesticated.

"Mariquina is about 54 miles in circumference, and contains 110 indians. The soil is good, and there is an abundance of apples, some pears and cherries.

"Chergue is 42 miles long and 4 broad. It contains 135 indians. Its produce and commerce are similar to those of the places above mentioned.

"Huanigue is situated near the Cordillera, on the banks of lake Ranigue, the source of the river Valdivia. This lake is about 20 miles in circumference, and is rich in fish, particularly pege, reyes, and a species of trout. In 1729 the indians of this mission revolted, and they have never been sufficiently reconciled to admit of a missionary to offer peace or fealty. The indians of Huanigue wear nothing on their heads: for shirts they substitute a species of scapulary, made of raw bullock's hide, covering it with the poncho. They are expert fishers, and pay little attention to the cultivation of the soil, which is very fertile.

"Villarica. The ruins of this city are yet visible, particularly those of the walls of orchards and of a church. The town stood on the[Pg 76] side of a lake, bearing the same name, about 25 miles in circumference, and abounding with fish. The soil is very fertile, and the indians raise maize, potatoes, quinua, peas, beans, barley and wheat. Apple, pear, peach and cherry-trees are seen growing where they were planted by the Spaniards before the destruction of the city. The indians neither admit missionaries nor comisario. They have all kinds of cattle and poultry, which they exchange with other tribes for ponchos, flannels, &c. being very averse to trade with the Spaniards.

"Ketate and Chadqui, containing about 280 indians, are at the distance of 34 leagues from Valdivia. There is plenty of fruit, vegetables and cattle; the soil is good, and the inhabitants docile; subject to missionaries and comisario.

"Dongele, or Tolten Alto, is on the banks of a rapid river of the same name. It is distant from Valdivia 120 miles, and possesses a rich soil, productive of maize, peas and other pulse, fruit and cattle: there are 80 indians of manageable habits.

"Calle-calle and Chinchilca, 45 miles from Valdivia, contain some small fertile vallies. The maize grown here is very large; indeed all the vegetable productions are good, and the meat from their cattle is fat and well-tasted.[Pg 77] They have 70 peaceable Indians, who receive missionaries and comisario.

"Llanos is the most fruitful part of the province of Valdivia. It is about 48 miles long, from Tunco to the lake Rames, and on an average 15 broad. It produces wheat of an excellent quality, barley, all kinds of pulse, and fruit. The beef and mutton are very fat and savoury. The number of indians residing in the Llanos is 430. They are docile, and not so drunken and indolent as other tribes. From a place called Tenguelen to another, Guequenua, there are many vestiges of gold mines, labaderos, where at some remote period a great number of persons must have been employed in mining, which is at present entirely neglected."[3]

As any authentic accounts of this almost unknown but highly interesting country cannot fail to be acceptable, I shall here introduce some extracts from the journal kept by Don Tomas de Figueroa y Caravaca, during the revolution of the indians in the year 1792, Figueroa being the person who commanded the[Pg 78] Spanish forces sent against the Indians by the government of Valdivia.

"October 3d I left Valdivia with an armed force of 140 men, and the necessary ammunition and stores. We ascended the river Pichitengelen, and the following morning landed at an appointed place, where horses and mules were in readiness to convey us to Dagllipulli; but the number of horses and mules not being sufficient, I left part of our baggage and provisions behind, under guard, and proceeded with the rest to Tegue, about six leagues distant, where we arrived in the afternoon, and owing to the badness of the road did not reach Dagllipulli before the 6th. I encamped; and being informed in the afternoon, that some of the rebels were in the neighbourhood, with a party of picked soldiers and horse I scoured the woods, and burned twelve indians' houses, filled with grain and pulse. After securing what I considered useful for ourselves, I followed the indians in the road they had apparently taken towards Rio-bueno, but on my arrival I learnt that they had crossed the river in their canoes. I therefore immediately returned to Dagllipulli. On the 10th the Caciques Calfunguir, Auchanguir, Manquepan, and Pailapan came to our camp, and offered to assist me against the rebels Cayumil, Qudpal, Tangol, Trumau, and all those on the other side of Rio-bueno.—13th. An indian who had been taken declared to me that the Cacique Manquepan was acting a double part, he having seen him go to the enemy at night with his mosotones.—16th. Burnt twenty-four houses belonging to the indians, and seized thirty-two bullocks.—19th. I told the Cacique Calfunguir that I doubted the fidelity of Manquepan, and that he had been playing the chueca (a game already described); at night an indian came to my tent and told me that Calfunguir had joined Manquepan; that both had gone to the rebels, taking with them their mosotones, and that they would probably return immediately, in the hopes of surprising me. However this did not occur; and on the following morning I advanced with part of my force to Rio-bueno, but did not arrive until the two Caciques had taken to a small island in the river, leaving in my possession a number of horses and cattle. Whilst stationed here two indian women were[Pg 79] observed to ride full speed towards the river, apparently determined to pass over to the enemy, but some of the friendly indians took one of them, and brought her to me, having killed the other. I questioned her as to her motives for joining the rebels, but received no answer; when the indians observing her obstinacy, put her and a small child which she had in her arms to death. I retired to my camp, taking with me the cattle, &c. left by the enemy on the bank, of Rio-bueno.—21st. The traitor Manquepan came again to our camp, and having consulted the whole of the friendly Caciques as to the punishment which he and his comrades deserved, it was unanimously determined, that he and all those who had come with him as spies should be put to death. I immediately ordered my soldiers to secure them, and having convinced them that I well knew their infamous intentions and conduct, I ordered that Manquepan, and the eighteen mosotones who had come with him into our camp as spies, should be shot. This sentence was put in execution in the afternoon of the same day.—29th. We finished a stackade, and mounted four pedereroes at the angles, as a place of security in the event of any unexpected assault. I sent to Valdivia forty women and children, captured at different times in the woods.—Nov. 1st. Three large canoes were brought to our camp, having ordered them to be made, for the purpose of crossing Rio-bueno, should the rebels persist in remaining on the opposite banks, or on the islands in the river.—10th. After mass had been celebrated at three A. M. and my soldiers exhorted to do their duty in defence of their holy religion, their king and country, we marched down to the river side, and launched our three canoes, for the purpose of crossing over to one of those islands where the greater number of the rebels appeared to have been collected. I embarked with part of the troops, and arrived on the island without suffering any loss from the stones, lances and shot of the enemy.

"Having landed, I observed a party of about a hundred indians on mount Copigue, apparently determined to attack the division I had left behind, which being observed, the division advanced and routed the rebels.—During the night the indians abandoned their entrenchments on the island, and we took possession of them.—On the 11th, in the morning, I immediately landed part of my force on[Pg 80] the opposite shore and pursued the rebels. At eleven A. M. I came up with part of them, commanded by the Cacique Cayumil, who was killed in the skirmish. I ordered his head to be cut off and buried, being determined to take it on my return to Valdivia. We continued to pursue the enemy, and in the course of the day killed twelve indians, one of whom was the wife of the rebel Cacique Quapul. As it was almost impossible for me to follow the enemy any further, our horses being tired, and it being insecure to remain here, we returned to our camp on the 13th, taking with us 170 head of horned cattle, 700 sheep and 27 horses, which had been abandoned by the fugitives. A female indian was found in the woods, on our return, with a murdered infant in her arms; she declared that her child was crying, and that being fearful of falling into our hands she had destroyed it.—21st. We marched to the banks of the Ravé, where I had a parlamento with the Caciques Catagnala and Ignil, who, as a proof of their fidelity, offered to surrender the city and territory of Osorno.—22nd. The Caciques Caril and Pallamilla, with Ignil and Cataguala and all their mosotones, joined us, and we marched towards the ruined city of Osorno, and having arrived at the square or plasa, I directed the Spanish flag to be placed in the centre, and in the presence of all the indians I asked the Caciques if they made cession of this city and its territories to his Majesty the King: to which they answered they did. I immediately ordered the erection of an altar, and having placed the troops and indians in front, high mass was chaunted by the chaplain; after which I took the Spanish flag in my hand, and placing myself between the altar and the troops, called attention, attention, attention, and proclaimed three times Osorno, for our Lord the King Charles the fourth and his successors: to which the priest replied, amen, and the troops and indians gave repeated vivas. A discharge of our pedereroes and small arms then took place, and the Caciques came forward, and pointing their arms to the ground in token of peace and fidelity, kissed the flag. The remainder of the day was spent in feasting and rejoicing."

The above extract affords a fair specimen of the mode of warfare pursued by the Spaniards[Pg 81] and indians. The following is from a letter written in the Araucanian tongue, as it is pronounced:—

"Ey appo tagni Rey Valdivia carapee wilmen Lonco gneguly mappu ranco fringen. Carah nichfringen, fenten tepanlew pepe le pally cerares fringuey Caky Mappuch hyly eluar Rupo gne suniguam Caaket pu winca; engu frula Dios, gnegi toki el meu marry marry piami Jesu Cristo gne gi mew piami."

TRANSLATION.

"The King's Governor of Valdivia, to any person who may be at the head of the people or congress of the Spaniards supposed to be living at Lonco:—assured that some of my dear countrymen are residing in the fear of God among the infidels of the country, I send you health in our Lord Jesus Christ, who is the true health."

[Pg 82]

CHAPTER V.

City of Conception de Mocha....Foundation....Situation....Government....Tribunals....Bishop....Military....Churches....Houses....Inhabitants and Dress....Provincial Jurisdiction....Produce....Throwing the Laso....Fruit....Timber Trees....Shrubs....Mines....Birds....Wild Animals....Lion Hunt....Shepherd Dogs....Breeding Capons....Return to Conception.

I left Arauco at seven A. M. with two soldiers as guides and guards, for the news having arrived of a declaration of war between England and Spain, I was now considered a prisoner. We crossed the Carampangy, and about noon reached the small village Colcura. Its situation is very romantic, being a high promontory, which commands an extensive prospect of the country and the sea, with a distant view of the island Santa Maria. We dined at the house of the cura, who treated me with the greatest attention. We afterwards rode about twelve miles to a large farm house, and became the guests of the family for the night, enjoying the good things provided by the hospitality of these kind people, who welcomed us as though we had conferred rather than received a favour by[Pg 83] calling at their dwelling. The following morning, after taking mate, we proceeded to San Pedro, on the banks of the Bio-bio. This is one of the forts built by the Spaniards on the frontiers of Araucania. It was taken and destroyed by the indians in 1599, but rebuilt by the Spaniards in 1622. It is garrisoned by a detachment of troops from Conception. During the late troubles in Chile it was alternately in the possession of the Spanish and Patriot forces; but from the year 1819 the latter have kept it in possession. Commanding the river where it is most fordable, this fort served as a protection to Conception against the combined fury of the Spaniards and indians.

In the afternoon we crossed the Bio-bio, and arrived at Conception. The river Bio-bio, which is two miles in breadth at San Pedro, rises in the Cordillera, and enters the sea about five miles to the south of Talcahuano, the port of Conception, having two mountains at the mouth called las tetas de Bio-bio, paps of Bio-bio. It is navigable by canoes and flats to a considerable distance from the mouth. The finest timber grows on its banks, which the wars of conquest and emancipation have repeatedly deluged with blood!

The city of Conception de Mocha, or Penco, the original name of the country where it stands,[Pg 84] was founded in the year 1550 by Don Pedro de Valdivia; sacked and burnt by the Toqui Lautaro in 1553, and again destroyed in 1603. The indians were repulsed by Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, and it was rebuilt; but a dreadful earthquake ruined it in 1730, when the sea was driven up to the city and inundated the surrounding country. Conception is built on a sandy uneven soil, six miles east of Talcahuana, its sea-port, and about one mile north of the Bio-bio A small river called the Andalien runs through the city, supplying a beautiful fountain in the principal square. According to Ulloa its latitude is 36° 43´ 15´´ south, and its longitude 72° 54´.

In 1803 the government of this city was in the hands of a Governor, nominated by the King, and a Cabildo, corporation, at the head of which were two Alcaldes ordinarios or mayors. The Cabildo is formed of eight Regidors and four other officers, who are called, de officio, Alferes real, royal ensign; Alcalde de provincia, provincial alcalde; Alguasil mayor, city sheriff; and Fiel Executor, examiner of weights and measures. Each member has an elective vote and a Sindico Procurador, who has consulting powers.[4]

[Pg 85]

The alcaldes are annually elected by the regidors (without any interference whatever of the governor) out of the resident citizens, with the exception of ecclesiastics, soldiers, and debtors to the crown. If one of the alcaldes die or be absent, the eldest regidor exercises his functions. A demand of justice may be made to the alcalde, but there is an appeal to the audience at Santiago, the capital of Chile. This court was first established at Conception in 1567, but removed to Santiago in 1574. For the military department an intendente, maestre de campo, and quarter master are provided. Here is also a chamber of finances, with an accountant and treasurer.

Conception is the see of a bishop, that of Imperial, as before stated, having been transferred to this city in 1620. It is a suffragan of Lima, and its chapter consists of a dean, archdeacon, and four prebendaries.

Besides the armed militia of the place and province, a regular military force has always been kept up ready to repel any attempt of the Araucanians on Conception, the frontier towns or forts. Since 1819 an army has been stationed here under the command of General Freire, upon whom the indians have on one occasion made an attack. They were led by Benavides, and[Pg 86] passed to Talcahuano, where they committed several murders.

A new cathedral has been begun, but owing to the convulsed state of the country the work is suspended, and will probably never be resumed. The building is of brick and stone, and possesses some merit. The timber which had been collected for this edifice was applied to other purposes by the Spanish General Sanches. There are four conventual churches—the Franciscan, Dominican, Agustinian, Mercedarian; one nunnery with the avocation of our Lady of Conception, and the hospital of San Juan de Dios. The convents are attached to their respective provincialates of Santiago. When General Sanches retired from Conception in 1819, he ordered several of the best houses in the city to be burnt, opened the nunnery, and took the nuns with him, but abandoned them at Tucapel, where these victims of a barbarous chief yet remain among the indians, having been persuaded by Sanches and some Spanish priests, that to return to their home would be treason to their King, the Lord's anointed, and subject them to all the miseries temporal and eternal of an excommunication de ipso facto incurrenda.

The houses are commonly one story high, but some are two, built of tapia, mud walls; or[Pg 87] adoves, large sun-dried bricks, and all of them are tiled. The largest have a court-yard in front, with an entrance through arched porches, and heavy folding doors, having a postern on one side. Two small rooms usually complete the front view. The windows have iron gratings, with many parts of them gilt, and inside shutters, but no glass. This article has been too dear, and it is consequently only used in the windows of the principal dwelling apartments of the richer classes. On each side of the court, or patio, there are rooms for domestics, the younger branches of the family, and other purposes. In front of the entrance are the principal ones, generally three; a species of large hall, furnished with antique chairs, with leather backs and seats, and one or more clumsy couches to correspond in shape and hardness, a large table made of oak or some similar wood, and very often a few old full-length portraits of persons belonging to the family, hanging in gilt frames. The beams of the roof, which are visible, are not unfrequently ornamented with a profusion of carved work. Two folding doors open into the parlour: the side next the front patio is raised about twelve inches above the floor, which is carpetted, and furnished with a row of low stools, covered with crimson velvet,[Pg 88] with cushions to match at their feet, and a small table about eighteen inches high, as a work table, or for the convenience of making mate. This portion of the parlour is allotted to the ladies, who sit upon it cross-legged: a custom no doubt derived from the moors. If a gentleman be on familiar terms with the family, he will take a seat on one of the stools on the estrado, or cross his legs and sit among the ladies; more especially if he can play on the guitar, or sing, which are the favourite accomplishments. Other male visitors, after bowing to the ladies, seat themselves on the opposite side, where chairs are placed to match the stools and cushions. Facing the entrance to the parlour is the principal dormitory, with an alcove at the end of the estrado, where a state bed is displayed, ornamented with a profusion of gilt work, and fitted up with velvet, damask, or brocade curtains, and gold or silver lace and fringe. The sheets and pillow cases are of the finest linen, and trimmed with deep lace. Not unfrequently one or more silver utensils peep from underneath. It appears as if the whole attention of the females were devoted to this useless pageant, which is only used on the occasion of a birth, when the lady receives the first visits of congratulation.

[Pg 89]

Behind this part of the building there is another court, or patio, where the kitchen and other appropriate apartments are situated, and behind the whole is the garden. Thus it is not uncommon for a house to occupy fifty yards in front and eighty yards in depth, including the garden. The patios have corridors round them, the roofs of which are supported by wooden pillars. The dwellings of the lower classes are on the same plan, except that they have no courts or patios, the fronts being open to the street; but they have usually a garden at the back, where the kitchen is built separately from the house, as a precaution against fire.

In the principal square stand the cathedral and bishop's palace on one side; the barracks with a corridor on another; the governor's palace and its offices on the third, and some of the larger houses on the fourth. The extent of the square is about one hundred yards on each side. The streets cross each other at right angles. The generality of the cities and large towns in South America are built according to this arrangement.

Among the inhabitants are to be found some families of ancient nobility. The present Duke de San Carlos, a grandee of the first class, and late Spanish Ambassador in England, is of the family of the Caravajales, and a native of Conception.

[Pg 90]

The dress of the men is similar to the European, but either a long Spanish cloak or a poncho is worn over it, the latter being generally preferred, particularly for riding—an exercise of which both the ladies and gentlemen are very fond, and in which they excel. The women wear a bodice fancifully ornamented, and over a large round hoop, a plaited petticoat of coloured flannel, black velvet or brocade. In the house they have no head dress, but in the streets, if going to church, the head is covered with a piece of brown flannel, about a yard broad, and two long; if on pleasure or a visit, a black hat similar to the men's is worn, under which a muslin shawl is thrown over the head. Many of the young women prefer the basquiña y manton, a black silk or stuff petticoat without a hoop, and a black silk or lace veil; but others like the hoop, as it shews their slender waists to advantage. The hair is braided, or platted, hanging in loose tresses down their backs. The ladies are so fond of jewellery that necklaces, ear-rings, bracelets and finger-rings are never dispensed with; and some of the principal wear diamonds and other precious stones of great value. The rosary, too, is a necessary part of the dress of both old and young.

During the summer, and in fine weather, the evening is dedicated to a promenade, [Pg 91]generally on the banks of the Bio-bio, and afterwards to friendly visits. The luxury of harmony and friendship is enjoyed in all its extent. The guitar, the song, the dance and refreshments are to be found in every street. Conviviality takes the reins, whilst affection and esteem curb the grosser passions.

The climate is similar to that of the southern provinces of France. The winter season is rainy, but not cold; and the heat of the summer sun is moderated by the winds from the south, which are cooled by travelling over the Pacific; or by those from the east, which are refreshed by passing over the snowy tops of the Cordillera.

The jurisdiction of Conception extends from the river Maule in 34° 50´ to Cape Lavapies in 37° 10´. In it are the correginientos or prefectures of Puchacay and Rere. Its principal towns and villages are Gualqui, San Juan, Quilpolemu, Luanco, Villavicencio, Comicó, and Chillan, which was ruined by the Araucanians in 1599, and has not since been a place of much note.

The inhabitants of this province consist of a few Spaniards, some white creoles, mestizos, a few slaves of different colours, and fewer indians, the aboriginal tribe of Promaucians being now[Pg 92] extinct. The whites or Creoles are a very fine race. The men are well formed, and have regular features and good complexions. The women are generally handsome and remarkably polite. The mestizos can scarcely be distinguished from the whites, and it is perhaps their situation in life, not the uncontroulable accident of birth which constitutes the difference. The greatest blessing to a stranger, hospitality, is the constant inmate, or rather ruler of every house, cottage or cabin; and, contrary to the rites of other hospitable people, who limit this virtue to a stated period, the longer a stranger remains the more kindly is he treated. Those who come to visit are often tempted to establish a residence, and may positively call themselves strangers at home.

Nature has been extremely bountiful to this country. Its equable and mild climate, and its rich soil produce every fruit, pulse and vegetable known in Europe, if we except some exotics, which have been reared in the more southern latitudes: oranges, lemons, sugar-cane, bananas and sweet potatoes do not thrive here, owing perhaps more to the cold rains in the winter than to any other cause. Horned cattle, and horses, of an excellent quality, are in[Pg 93] great plenty. The vineyards are numerous and fertile. Those near the river Maule yield a grape of a very superior taste, from which a large supply of wine is produced for home consumption and for the Lima market, where any quantity is acceptable and finds a ready sale. For want of proper vessels, however, a large portion is lost, and the quality of the whole much injured. Light wines might be made equal to the best French, and generous ones equal to Sherry and Madeira. A sort of wine called Muscadel far exceeds that of the same name in Spain, and is quite as good as Frontignac. The simple utensils used are made of baked clay, in which the juice is fermented and the wines preserved, having only a wooden cover. Notwithstanding such disadvantages, some of the wines are of remarkably good strength and flavour. Their brandy, from a want of proper vessels, is also greatly deteriorated. The vines mostly grow on espaliers, and are not detached stems as in the generality of the European vineyards.

Excellent wheat is produced in great abundance, the crops yielding from eighty to one hundred fold. Very large quantities are annually sent to Lima, Guayaquil, Panama, and Chiloe. The average price at Conception is ten reals for[Pg 94] 216 pounds weight, about five shillings and sixpence; and at Lima thirty reals, or sixteen shillings and sixpence. It may be considered the great staple commodity of the country.—Barley, maize, garbansos, beans, quinua, and lentils are also cultivated for exportation, and yield heavy crops. Potatoes, radishes and other esculents, as well as all kinds of culinary vegetables and useful herbs are raised in the gardens. The zapallo is very much and justly esteemed, being, when green, equal to asparagus, and when ripe, similar to a good potatoe. It will keep in a dry place for six months. Tobacco was formerly grown near the river Maule, but the royal monopoly put an end to its cultivation, which on the emancipation of the country will probably again be attended to.

The greater portion of these rich lands is appropriated to the breeding and fattening of horned cattle, goats and sheep, and the necessary attendance upon them forms the chief occupation of the lower classes. The generality of the cows are never milked, but are left to rear their calves in the plains. When the latter are a year old they are separated, branded, and put on another part of the farm, for enclosed fields or pastures are a refinement with which the graziers of South America are unacquainted.[Pg 95] Indeed the farms themselves are divided by such landmarks as a hill, a mountain, a river, the sea, &c. The price of land being low, disagreements respecting boundaries are very rare.

Land in the interior, of such quality as to produce every sort of grain, or to feed all kinds of cattle, is often sold for a dollar, or even much less, the quadra, one hundred square yards, being more than two acres. When the horned cattle are sufficiently fat, or rather at the killing season, which is about the months of February and March, from five hundred to a thousand, according to the size of the farm, are slaughtered. The whole of the fat is separated from the meat and melted, forming a kind of lard called grasa, which is employed in domestic purposes. The tallow is also kept separate, and the meat is jerked. This process is performed by cutting the fleshy substance into slices of about a quarter of an inch thick, leaving out all the bones. The natives are so dexterous at this work that they will cut the whole of a leg, or any other large part of a bullock into one uniformly thin piece. The meat thus cut is either dipped into a very strong solution of salt and water, or rubbed over with a small quantity of fine salt. Whichever mode of curing is adopted, the whole of the jerked meat is put on the hide[Pg 96] and rolled up for ten or twelve hours, or until the following morning. It is then hung on lines or poles, to dry in the sun, which being accomplished, it is made into bundles, lashed with thongs of fresh hide, forming a kind of network, and is ready for market. In this operation it loses about one third of its original weight. The dried meat, charqui, finds immediate sale at Lima, Arica, Guayaquil, Panama and other places. Besides the large quantity consumed in Chile, it furnishes a great part of the food of the lower classes, the slaves, and particularly the seamen, being the general substitute for salt beef and pork. The grasa and tallow are also readily sold at the places above mentioned, and are of more value than the meat. The hides are generally consumed in making bags for grain, pulse, &c., thongs for the various purposes to which rope is applied in Europe, or leather of a very good quality.

The slaughtering season is as much a time of diversion for the inhabitants of this country as a sheep-shearing is in England. For two or three days the peasants, huasos, are busy collecting the cattle from the woods and mountains, and driving them into an enclosure made for the purpose. The fat and lean cattle being mixed together, the latter are separated from the former,[Pg 97] and driven out; after which one fixed upon for slaughter is allowed to pass the gate, where a peasant stands armed with a sharp instrument in the shape of a crescent, having the points about a foot apart, and as the beast passes he first cuts the hamstring of one leg, and then of the other. Should he miss his aim, a bystander follows the animal at full gallop, and throws the laso over its horns, by which it is caught and detained till another comes up, and either hamstrings or casts a second laso round its hind legs, when the two men, riding in different directions, throw the beast down, and immediately kill it. One of them now takes off the skin, collects into it the tallow and fat, which with the meat he carries to a shed, when the process of jerking, salting, &c. as already described, is immediately begun.

The females in the mean time are all busy cutting up the fat, frying it for grasa, and selecting some of the finer meat for presents and home consumption. The tongues are the only part of the head that is eaten, the remainder being left to rot. In the above manner great numbers of cattle are annually killed, their bones being left to whiten on the ground where they fed.

It is surprizing to Europeans and other[Pg 98] strangers to see with what dexterity the laso is thrown. Made of platted or twisted raw hide, it is about one and a half inch in circumference, sometimes less, and being greased in the process of its manufacture, is extremely pliable, stronger than any other kind of rope of treble the thickness, and very durable. The length is from twenty to thirty feet, and at one end is a noose, through which a part of the thong being passed a running knot is formed. Instead of the noose there are occasionally a button and loop. The huaso (or laso thrower) extending the opening formed by passing the thong through the noose, lays hold of the laso, and begins to whirl it over his head, taking care that the opening does not close. Having determined on his object the laso is thrown with unerring precision. A bullock is caught by the horns, and a horse or a sheep by the neck; and as this is often done at full speed, the peasant will wind the end of the laso which he holds round his body, and suddenly stopping his horse, the entangled animal receives such a check that it is frequently upset. One end of the laso is often made fast to the sursingle, or girth of the saddle, particularly when a bull or large bullock is to be caught. On such occasions the horse, as if aware of the[Pg 99] resistance he will have to make, turns his side towards the object, and inclines his body in the opposite direction. I have seen him dragged along by the beast, his feet making furrows in the ground, for more than two yards. The people are so expert in this art and so attached to it, that it is deemed quite disgraceful to miss the object. Several of the higher classes exercise it as an amusement, and not only in Chile, but in almost every part of South America which I visited; all classes, when residing in the country, carry the laso behind the saddle. Even the children are often seen throwing the laso, and catching the poultry, dogs and cats, in the houses, yards or streets. Thus this necessary accomplishment grows up with these people. In the late wars it has not been uncommon for the militia to carry their lasos, with which great numbers of Spanish soldiers have been caught and strangled. The rider being at full speed, the moment it was thrown, the unfortunate fellow who happened to be entangled could not extricate himself, and was dragged at the heels of his adversary's horse until he was killed.

Goats are fattened for their tallow and skins, which latter besides their application to the purposes of holding wine, spirits, cider, [Pg 100]&c. are generally tanned with the bark of the palque or the peumo, instead of that of oak, and for shoes and similar articles make an excellent leather, called cordovan. The goats are altogether productive of great profit.

Some of the horses in the province of Conception are excellent, being similar in size and shape to the famous Andalusian. They are much valued in all South America, and fetch very high prices in Peru. I have seen them at Quito, which, considering the difficulties of transport that are to be surmounted, is a very great distance; but although every effort has been used to preserve the breed out of the territory of Chile, it has as yet been unavailing.

All kinds of provisions are plentiful in this province; poultry is remarkably cheap, fat and well flavoured; ducks and geese breed twice every year; turkeys and barn door fowls during the whole year; and from the mildness of the climate the broods thrive with little loss. The prices are consequently low: a good fat turkey may be bought for about one shilling, and fowls for sixpence a couple.

Apples, pears, peaches, nectarines, plums and cherries, are produced in such profusion that they are considered of no value. Figs are[Pg 101] abundant and good; and the strawberry grows wild; I have seen some nearly as large as a hen's egg. The melons and sandias, water melons, are also very large, and are extremely nice, particularly the latter, to which the natives are partial. Olives do not thrive here. Near the river Maule there are cocoa nut trees or palms, differing from the other species of the same genus in the size of the nut, which is usually about as big as a walnut. Some of the trees are thirty feet high; the trunk is cylindrical, and free from leaves except at the top, where, similar to other palms, they form a circle, presenting a most beautiful appearance. The flowers are in four large clusters at the top of the tree, from whence the leaves spring. When in bud they are enclosed in a fibrous woody sheath, and when the fruit begins to form the spathe divides itself into two parts, each about three feet long and two broad. A bunch or cluster, often contains as many as a thousand nuts. Nothing can be more striking than this tree under the burden of its fruit, over which the branches form a kind of dome, supported by the column-like stem. The fruit resembles in every respect the tropical cocoa nut; the kernel is globular, having a space in the centre, which, when the nut is green, is filled with an agreeable[Pg 102] milky tasted liquor, but when dry is quite empty. A curious method is employed for divesting the nuts of their outer rind. They are given to the horned cattle, and being swallowed by them, the filaceous substance is digested, and the nuts voided quite clean. All those sent to market have previously undergone this process! If a bunch of flowers or green nuts be cut from the palm, a large quantity of thick sweet sap, similar to honey, is yielded, and on the stem of the tree being tapped the same liquor is produced; this operation however weakens it so much, that the palm either dies or gives no more fruit for a number of years. The greatest quantity of this sap is obtained by cutting down the tree, and lighting a fire at the end where the branches grow: as the tree burns, the sap is driven out at the root and collected in calabashes; fuel is gradually supplied, until the whole of the trunk is consumed, and all the sap extracted, which sometimes amounts to about forty gallons. This tree seldom bears fruit till it is one hundred years old. Whether it be indigenous to Chile, or the produce of the tropical cocoa nut planted here, I could never ascertain. The natives make baskets of the leaves, and sometimes thatch their cottages with them. Walnuts are also grown, and together with cocoa nuts are[Pg 103] exported to Lima, Guayaquil, &c. The gevuin is another species of nut, called by the Spaniards avellano, from its taste being like that of the hazel nut. This tree grows to the height of fifteen feet; the fruit is round, about three quarters of an inch in diameter, and covered with a coriaceous shell, which is at first green, afterwards of an orange colour, and when ripe of a dark brown; the kernel is divided into two lobes, and is generally toasted before being eaten. The molle may be classed without impropriety among the fruit trees, because the indians prepare from its berries (which are black, the size of peas, and grow in small clusters round the slender branches of the tree) a kind of red and very palatable wine, called chicha or molle. Frazier says in his voyage, "it is as pleasant and as strong as wine, if not more so." The taste is really agreeable, and its flavour peculiarly aromatic.

The maqui is another tree, bearing a fruit like a guind, or wild cherry, from which a pleasant fermented beverage is made, called theca. The people are fond of the fruit, and parties go into the woods to gather it. A friend told me, that in one of these excursions, when a boy, he had wandered into a wood to gather maqui, and seeing a woman in a tree with[Pg 104] her face of a purple colour, he supposed that she had been rubbing it with the fruit for the sake of frightening him; however, determined to shew his courage, he ascended the tree, when, to his great surprise and terror, he found that it was an idiot belonging to the village, who had hanged herself with her handkerchief tied to one of the uppermost branches! The peumo produces a fruit which is much liked, though I never could eat it on account of its strong oily and rather rancid smell. The tree is tall, and its fruit has the appearance of green olives; to prepare it for eating it is dipped in warm water, but not boiled, because that operation renders it bitter. The pulp is whitish and buttery, and I have no doubt that as large a quantity of oil might be obtained from it as from the olive. Great quantities of murtillas, myrtle berries, are found in this province, and are very delicate. Pernetty, who saw some in the Falkland Isles, or Malvinas, says, "the fruit is of a beautiful appearance and very pleasant taste; by being put into brandy with a little sugar, it forms a delicious liquor, which has in a slight degree the smell of ambergris and of musk, by no means disagreeable even to persons who dislike those perfumes." From these berries the natives also make an agreeable [Pg 105]fermented liquor, chicha de murtilla. The arrayan, a myrtle, grows to the height of seventy feet. The fruit, which is about the size of a large pea, is eaten, and has a pleasant taste. A delicate liquor is made from it, and the wood is very valuable.

The principal trees found in the province of Conception are the canelo, or boghi, which grows to the height of fifty feet, and produces good timber. It has two barks; the inner one is whitish, but when dried assumes the colour of cinnamon, and somewhat resembles that spice in taste. The Araucanians entertain so much veneration for this tree, that a branch of it is always presented as a token of peace, and when a treaty is concluded it is tied to the top of the Toqui's axe, and the President's baton. The luma grows from forty to fifty feet high; its wood is tough, and is used for small spars and oars, but it is too heavy for masts. Large cargoes are sent to Lima for coach making and rafters. On rich soils the espino attains the size of an oak. Its wood is very solid and of a dark brown, veined with black and yellow, and is capable of receiving an excellent polish. It is used for cart wheels, being very ponderous and durable, and makes excellent fuel, and the hardest and best charcoal. The flowers of the espino are flosculous, of a[Pg 106] deep yellow colour, and so very fragrant that they are called aromas. A species cultivated in the gardens bears a larger flower, which having a long and slender footstalk, is often inserted by the ladies in the flower of the jessamine and placed in their hair. The joint scent of the two is delightful. The pehuen, or pino de la tierra, grows in the southern parts of this province, but it arrives at greater perfection in Araucania. It is from seventy to eighty feet high, and eight in circumference. At the height of thirty feet it has generally four opposite horizontal branches, which gradually decrease in extent until they terminate in a point at the top, presenting the form of a quadrangular pyramid. The cone, or fruit, resembles that of the pine, and the seeds are considered a great delicacy. These piñones, as they are called, are sometimes boiled, and afterwards, by grinding them on a stone, converted into a kind of paste, from which very delicate pastry is made. The pino is cultivated in different parts of this province on account of its valuable wood and the piñones; it may be said, indeed, to be the only tree, except those which yield wine, to which the natives pay any attention. The resin exuding from it is called incienso, and is used by the Chileans as incense.

[Pg 107]

The banks of the Bio-bio are thickly covered with both red and white cedar trees, some of which are seventy feet high, and twenty in circumference. They are split into slender planks, for slight work, but their exportation from this province is not great, because the deals can be purchased at a much lower price in Chiloe, where, I have been informed by persons of veracity, there are cedars which yield from eight to nine hundred boards, twenty feet long, twelve inches broad and one thick. It is said that water keeps better at sea in casks made of the red cedar, than in those of any other wood. The floripondio grows to the height of six feet, and has a profusion of delightfully fragrant pendant flowers, which are white, bell-shaped, and from eight to ten inches long, and three in diameter at the mouth. Their odour partakes of that of the lily, and one tree, when in bloom, is sufficient to perfume a whole garden. The floripondio arrives at greater perfection on the coasts of Peru, where it is seen in the hedgerows. A species of cactus, quisco, is very common in some parts of this province; it bears thorns from eight to nine inches long, of which the females make knitting needles.

There are a great variety of shrubs in the forests of Conception, and some of them are[Pg 108] very aromatic. Those which are particularly useful for dyeing are the diu, thila and uthin, of which the bark and leaves dye black. The juice of the berries of the tara, and of the mayu are used for writing ink, as well as for dyeing. The leaves of the culen, another shrub, have a taste somewhat similar to tea, for which they are often substituted. They are considered a vermifuge and a tonic. Frazier says, that the culen produces a balsam, very efficacious in healing wounds; but I never witnessed this quality. Senna grows luxuriantly near the Maule, and is equally as good as that of the Levant; an infusion of its leaves is often given, and I believe successfully, as a diuretic, particularly in calculous complaints. A shrub called here the palqui, and in Peru the holy herb, yerba santa, is thought to be an antidote to inflammatory diseases; for this purpose the green leaves are soaked in water, then rubbed between the hands, and again soaked, until the water be quite green, in which state a copious draught is taken; and for external inflammation it is applied as a wash. There are several wild plants which yield bright and permanent colours for dyeing. Red is obtained from the relbun, a species of madder; Contra yerba, a kind of agrimony, furnishes yellow, as does another plant called poquel; a[Pg 109] violet is procured from the culli and the rosoli; and the panqui yields a permanent black. This peculiar plant grows in moist swampy places; its height is from five to six feet, and the principal stem is sometimes six inches in diameter; the leaves are roundish, rough and thick, and at full growth are three feet in diameter. When the plant is in perfection, the natives cut it down, and split the stem, which contains a large portion of tanin. The black for dyeing is obtained from the expressed juice of the root.

I scarcely ever met with any person in this province who did not assure me that gold mines were to be found in numberless places; I certainly never saw any worked, but the universal assurance of the inhabitants, and what has been written by Molina, Frazier, and other persons of veracity, leave me no room to doubt their existence.

Among the feathered tribe I observed a bird about the size of a pullet, having black and white feathers, a thick neck, rather large head, a strong bill a little curved, and on the fore part of the wings two reddish spurs, like those of a young dunghill cock. It is on the alert the moment it is alarmed, and rising from the ground, hovers over the object which has disturbed it. The noise which it makes when[Pg 110] in this situation, and which is probably intended as a signal of danger to other birds; has induced some of the natives to call it tero-tero; but others name it despertador, awakener. Finches, gilgueros, and the thili, a kind of thrush, are numerous, as are the grey and red partridge. Both the latter birds are much esteemed, though I preferred the large wood pigeons, torcasas, some of which are the size of a small pullet. Feeding entirely on herbage, they are particularly fond of the leaves of turnips, and they make their appearance in such numbers that they would destroy a whole field in one day. Their flesh is of a dark colour, but juicy and savoury. Of the larger species of herons I saw three different kinds, one as large as the European heron, and quite similar to it; one of a milk white colour, with a neck more than two feet long, and its red slender legs equally long; and another not quite so large, with a beautiful tuft of white feathers on its head. In several places near the coast I observed flamingoes, and was charmed with their delicate pink plumage; they are not eaten by the natives. I also remarked several species of wild ducks, and three of wild geese; one called of the Cordillera is very good eating, the others I was told are strong and fishy. The wild swan[Pg 111] is as large as the European swan, but is not so handsome. It has a black bill and feet, black and white plumage, and is in shape much like a goose, but is never eaten. I had in my possession a tame eagle, which measured ten feet from one tip of its wings to the other; its breast was white spotted with black, the neck and back also black, and the tail and wings of a brown tinge with transverse black stripes. I saw several of the same kind and others of a smaller species in the woods. Parrots very much abound, but their plumage is not handsome, being of a dirty dead green. These birds are very destructive of the fruit and maize.

At Villavicencio I was highly entertained in hunting a pagi, or Chilean lion. On our arrival the people were preparing to destroy this enemy to their cattle; several dogs were collected from the neighbouring farms, and some of the young men of the surrounding country were in great hopes of taking him alive with their lasos, and of afterwards baiting him in the village for the diversion of the ladies; whilst others were desirous of signalizing the prowess of their favourite dogs. All of them were determined to kill this ravenous brute, which had caused much damage, particularly among their horses. The hunt was the only subject of conversation[Pg 112] on the Sunday, which was the day fixed for its occurrence. At four o'clock we left the village, more than twenty in number, each leading a dog, and having a chosen laso on his arm, ready to throw at a moment's warning. About a mile from the village we separated, by different bye-roads, into five or six parties, the men taking the dogs on their horses, to prevent, as they said, the possibility of the scent being discovered by the pagi. All noise was avoided—even the smoking of segars was dispensed with, lest the smell should alarm their prey, and they should lose their sport. The party which I joined consisted of five individuals. After riding about four miles we arrived at a small rivulet, where a young colt was tied to a tree, having been taken for that purpose. We then retired about three hundred yards, and the colt being alone began to neigh, which had the desired effect, for before sunset one of our party, placed in advance, let go his dog and whistled, at which signal three other dogs were loosed and ran towards the place where the colt had been left. We immediately followed, and soon found the pagi with his back against a tree, defending himself against his adversaries. On our appearance he seemed inclined to make a start and attempt an escape. The lasos were immediately in [Pg 113]motion, when four more dogs came up, and shortly afterwards their masters, who hearing the noise had ridden to the spot as fast as the woods would permit them. The poor brute seemed now to fear the increase of his enemies. However he maintained his post and killed three of our dogs; at which the owner of one of them became so enraged, that he threw his laso round the neck of the pagi, when the dogs, supposing the onset more secure, sprang on him, and he was soon overpowered, but so dreadfully wounded and torn that it became necessary to put an end to his life. The length of this animal from the nose to the root of the tail was five feet four inches, and from the bottom of the foot to the top of the shoulder thirty-one inches. Its head was round, and much like that of a cat, the upper lip being entire, and supplied with whiskers; the nose flat, the eyes large, of a brownish hue, but very much suffused with blood; the ears short and pointed. It had no mane. The neck, back and sides were of a dusky ash colour, with some yellowish spots; the belly of a dirty white; the hair on its buttocks long and shaggy. Each jaw was armed with four cutting, four canine, and sixteen grinding teeth; each of its fore paws and hind feet with five toes, and very strong talons. Four lasos attached to the girths of the saddles of two horses were fastened[Pg 114] to the pagi, which was thus dragged to the village, where we arrived about nine o'clock, and were received by the whole of the inhabitants with shouting and rejoicing. The remainder of the night was spent in dancing and carousing.

The people informed me that the favourite food of the pagi is horse-flesh; that watching a good opportunity it jumps upon the back of its prey, which it worries, tearing the flesh with one paw whilst it secures its hold with the other; after sucking the blood it drags the carcase to some hiding place, covers it with leaves, and returns when hungry to devour it. If it enter a place where horned cattle are kept, the bulls and cows immediately form a circle, and place the calves and young cattle in the centre; they then face their enemy boldly, and not unfrequently oblige him to retreat, on which happening, the bulls follow him and often gore him to death. It would therefore appear to be more from fear than choice that he is attached to the flesh of horses. The animal was never known to attack a man; so timid is he of the human race, that he runs away at the appearance of a child, which may perhaps be accounted for from the abundance of cattle supplying him so easily with food that he is seldom in want of flesh.

[Pg 115]

The vicuña and guanaco are known in Chile; I shall however defer a description of them until I treat of the llama and alpaca of Peru. The chilihueque, spoken of by several travellers, seems to be the same as the llama, but as I never saw it I am unable to determine this point. The description and properties of the two are very similar. The culpen is a species of fox, and is very destructive to poultry and lambs. It is rather more foolish than daring, but not void of the latter quality. It will advance within eight or ten paces of a man, and after looking at him for some time, will retire carelessly, unless pursued, when it betakes itself to the bush. Its colour is a dark reddish brown, with a long straight tail covered with shaggy hair; its height is about two feet. For the preservation of the lambs against this enemy the natives train their dogs to the care of the flock in a curious manner. A young puppy is taken, before its eyes are open, and an ewe is forced to suckle it every night and morning until it can follow the flock, when, either under the direction of a shepherd boy, or in company with an old trained dog, it is taught to keep the sheep together, to follow them in the morning to graze, and to drive them to the fold at night. It is never allowed to follow its master. No [Pg 116]shepherd could be more faithful to his trust than one of these dogs; it leaves the fold with the flock in the morning, watches it carefully during the day, keeping off the foxes, eagles and other animals, and returns with it at sunset. It sleeps in the fold, and the sheep become so habituated to the society of their guardian that they allow him to wander among them without any alarm. At night, when the dog arrives with his charge, he first drives them into the fold; he then runs two or three times round it, as if to be certain of its safety against any lurking enemy, and afterwards goes to the house and barks, but immediately returns to the fold, where he waits for his supper. If it be brought he remains quiet, otherwise he again visits the house and barks until he is properly attended to, when he lays himself down among the sheep. Some people have imagined that it is a peculiar breed of dogs that are so trained, but this is an error which experience enables me to contradict; for I have seen several different kinds in charge of different flocks, the whole of their sagacity being the effect of their training. Whilst on the topic of the training of animals I cannot refrain from mentioning the ridiculous appearance of the capons, which are taught to rear broods of chickens. When one or more hens bring forth[Pg 117] their young, these are taken from them, and a capon being caught, some of the feathers are plucked from its breast and the inner part of its thighs, and the animal is flogged with nettles, and is then put under a basket with the young chickens. This is generally done in the evening, and in the morning, after brooding the chickens all night, the old capon struts forth with its adopted family, clucking and searching for food with as much activity as the most motherly old hen! I was told that capons rear a brood much better than hens; and I have seen one of them with upwards of thirty chickens. The hen being thus freed from her brood soon begins to lay eggs again, which is a very great advantage.

After an excursion of three weeks, I returned to Conception with my friend, Don Santiago Dias, to whom I brought letters of introduction from my good host at Arauco, Don Nicolas del Rio, which were most willingly attended to, and rendered my detention as a prisoner of war a delightful series of excursions into the country, and of parties of pleasure in the city.

[Pg 118]

CHAPTER VI.

Sent to Talcahuano....Description of the Bay and Anchorage....Plain between Conception and Talcahuano....Prospectus of a Soap Manufactory here....Coal Mine....Town, Custom-house, Inhabitants, &c....Fish, &c. caught in the Bay....Colonial Commerce....Prospectus of a Sawing Mill.

After staying a few days at Conception, I was sent for by the governor to Talcahuano, a ship being there ready to sail for Lima. I took with me a note to a resident in the port, and was received by him with the greatest possible kindness; he requested me to make his house my home until the ship should be ready to sail; a request with which I very willingly complied.

The bay of Talcahuano is one of the largest on the western shores of South America: from north to south its length is about ten miles, that is from the main land on one side to the main land on the other; from east to west it is seven miles. In the mouth of the bay lies the island Quiriquina, forming two entrances; that on the east side is the safer, being two miles wide with thirty fathoms water, decreasing gradually towards the usual anchorage at Talcahuano, where, about[Pg 119] half a mile from the shore, there are ten fathoms water. It is well sheltered from the north wind; but the swell is so great during a norther (as the north winds are here called) that it is almost impossible to land, though at any other time the landing is good on any part of the beach.

From Conception to Talcahuano, a distance of six miles, the surface of the ground is composed of loose sand intermixed with sea shells; about half a yard deep a continued stratum of marine shells is found, exactly similar to those shell-fish with which the sea abounds at this place: they are the choro, muscle, pie de burra, or ass's foot, the bulgados, a species of snail, and the picos, barnacles. This stratum is generally from twelve to fifteen feet thick; and a similar one is found in the hills, three hundred feet above the level of the sea; being, no doubt, the effect of some tremendous earthquake, which took place before this country was known to the old world; for it is certain, that what now constitutes the valley of Penco or Conception was at some remote period a part of the Pacific Ocean. From these shells all the lime used in building is procured. The land between Talcahuano and Conception is not fit for cultivation; it presents rather a dreary appearance; however, some cattle graze on the marshy or[Pg 120] low parts, and their meat is considered very delicate. Abundance of salsola grows in this neighbourhood, from which kali might be procured in great quantities for the purpose of manufacturing soap, which, as tallow and other fat can be bought here at a low rate, would be a very lucrative speculation. Soap bears a high price in Peru, and in almost every part of the country, being seldom under forty dollars the quintal or hundred pounds weight in Lima, and higher in the interior. The facility of procuring good lime and plenty of fuel would be of importance to such an establishment, besides which, the cheapness of copper, from the mines of Coquimbo and Copiapo, for making the necessary utensils, is an advantage of some consideration.

Of all the Spanish writers Herrera alone makes mention of the existence of coal in the province of Conception. In Dec. 8, 1. 6, c. 11, he says, "there is a coal mine upon the beach near to the city of Conception; it burns like charcoal;" and he was not mistaken, for the stratum does exist on the north side of the bay of Talcahuano, near the anchorage on that side, and very near the ruins of Penco Viejo, which was destroyed by the earthquake in 1730, and not rebuilt, because the present anchorage was considered[Pg 121] preferable. To what extent the coal reaches has never yet been ascertained; all that has been used has been obtained by throwing aside the mould which covers the surface. This coal is similar in appearance to the English cannel, but it is reasonable to suppose, that if the mine were dug to any considerable depth, the quality would be found to improve, and that the work might be productive of immense wealth to its possessor.

There is a custom-house at Talcahuano, and the necessary officers for collecting the importation and exportation duties; barracks for the garrison belonging to the small battery, a house for the residence of the commanding officer, a parish church, also about a hundred houses, with several large stores, bodegas, for corn, wine, and other goods. The population consists of about five hundred inhabitants, principally muleteers, porters, and fishermen.

The bay abounds with excellent fish; the most esteemed are the robalo; this fish is from two to three feet long, nearly of a cylindrical form, having angular scales, which are of a gold colour on the back, declining to a very beautiful transparent white on the belly: it has a bluish stripe along the back, bordered on each side with a deep yellow; the flesh is delicately[Pg 122] white, and has a delicious taste. The corbina is generally about the size of the robalo, though sometimes much larger; its body is of an oval form, covered with broad semi-transparent white scales, on which are some opaque white spots; it is encircled obliquely with a number of brownish lines, the tail is forked, and the head small; its flesh is white and well tasted. The lisa is a kind of mullet; it is found both in fresh and in salt water; the latter, however, is much better than the former: it is about a foot long, its back is of a dirty greenish colour, its sides and belly white, with large scales; its flesh is white, very fat, and is excellent. The peje rey is very similar to a smelt, but when full-grown is of the size of a herring; it has not the same odour as the smelt, but is equally nice when cooked.

In the vicinity of Talcahuano is the gold fish, about ten inches long, flat and of an oval form, with small scales; it is of a bright gold colour, and has five zones or bands surrounding it. One round the neck is black, two others about the middle of the fish are grey, one near the tail is black, and the fifth, at the juncture of the tail with the body is grey; its flesh is very delicate. The chalgua achagual, called by the Spaniards peje gallo, cock fish, is about three feet long; its body is round, rather thicker in the[Pg 123] middle than at the neck or near the tail; it is covered with a whitish skin, but has no scales; on its head it has a cartilaginous crest about three quarters of an inch thick—its flesh is not good. The tollo, a species of dog-fish, is about three feet long; it has two triangular dorsal spines, remarkably hard, but no other bones; it is salted and dried, and sent to the Lima market, being rarely eaten fresh, although it is then very good. On the coasts the natives catch a variety of species that are common to other seas, such as the skate, the dog-fish, saw-fish, old wife, conger eel, rock cod, whiting, turbot, plaice, bonito, mackerel, roach, mullet, pilchard, anchovy, &c.

Among the mollusca tribe the muscle is very fine; I have frequently seen them eight inches long, and their flavour is excellent. They are often salted and dried; after which they are strung on slender rushes, and in this manner large quantities are exported. The white urchin is of a globular form, about three inches in diameter, with a whitish shell and spines; the interior substance is yellow, but very good to eat. The pico is a kind of barnacle, adhering to steep rocks at the water's edge: from ten to twenty of them inhabit as many separate cells of a pyramidal form, made of a cretaceous substance, with a little aperture at the top of each cell; they[Pg 124] receive their food at this hole, where a kind of small bill protrudes, similar to that of a bird, and hence the animal receives its name of pico, a bill. They are very white, tender, and most delicate eating. The loco is oval, and its shell is covered with small tuberosities: it is from four to five inches long, and the interior or edible substance is white, and very excellent. Of the molluscas the piuri is the most remarkable, in respect both to its shape and habitation; the latter is formed of a coriaceous matter, adhering to the rocks, and which is divided into separate cells, by means of strong membranes. In each of these, in a detached state, is formed the piuri; it is about the size of a large cherry, which it so much resembles in colour, that the following anecdote is related: a native of Chiloe had never seen any cherries until he came to Conception, and observing an abundance there he exclaimed, "What a charming country this is, why the piuries grow on the trees!" This animal, if it deserve to be so called, is eaten either roasted or boiled, and has a taste similar to that of the lobster: great quantities are annually dried for exportation.

Of the crustaceous fishes, the xaiva, crab, has a shell that is nearly spherical, about three inches in diameter, and two inches deep, furnished with[Pg 125] spines upon the edges. The apancora, another of the crab species, has an oval shell, denticulated, and generally larger than the xaiva; both are red when boiled, and their flesh is well tasted. Crawfish, camarones, are sometimes caught of the enormous weight of eight or nine pounds each, and are very good.

The principal commerce between this port and some of the other Spanish colonies consists in the exportation of wheat, with which article about six ships, of not less than four hundred tons burthen each, are annually laden, making an average of two thousand four hundred tons, which in an infant country, and for colonial consumption, may be considered very great. Nearly the whole of this wheat is carried to Lima. Of jerked beef, charqui, about six thousand quintals, with a proportionate quantity of tallow and fat, grasa; and of wine, on an average, two thousand jars, containing eighteen gallons each, are annually exported. The minor articles are raw hides, wool, dried fruits, salt fish and pulse. The imports are a small quantity of European manufactured goods, sugar, salt and tobacco; the taxes on which produce from one hundred and two to one hundred and five thousand dollars per annum.

I have already mentioned the benefit which[Pg 126] would result from a soap manufactory being established at Talcahuano; another establishment, however, of still greater importance, might be formed either on the banks of the Bio-bio, or on those of the Maule: I mean a sawing mill. Both of these rivers have a sufficient current for the purpose, and an abundance of good timber in their vicinity. A dock yard on a trifling scale has been established and small craft have been built at Maule; but Guayaquil is the great dock yard on the western coast of South America, and vessels of eight hundred tons burthen have been built there; beside which the timber markets of Peru have been almost exclusively supplied with wood from the forest of Guayaquil: this article is becoming scarce in that district, and recourse must soon be had to some other parts, and there are none that present the same facilities as the two I have now mentioned. The forests of the province of Conception are as yet untouched; the price of labour there does not exceed one-third of that at Guayaquil; the hire of cattle for bringing the wood from any part of the forests to the river side bears the same proportion as the price of labour; the advantage of superiority of climate is also attached to this province, as well as that of the total absence of [Pg 127]ravenous beasts and poisonous reptiles, which abound in the woods, rivers and estuaries of Guayaquil. The conducting of timber to the port of Talcahuano for embarkation, and its shipment in small vessels in the Maule, are facilities of considerable importance; to which we may add the short passage from either of these two places to the principal established market of Lima, the passage from Guayaquil being of a treble duration. Small vessels only can get out of the Maule, because a bar at the entrance of the river would prevent the egress of large ships when deeply laden. Another powerful reason why sawing mills might be established with greater ease on those rivers than at Guayaquil is, that they would increase the means of subsistence among the labouring classes, and consequently would merit their protection; whereas at the latter place sawing is the occupation of a great portion of the inhabitants of the city, who make very high wages, in consequence of which any establishment detrimental to so numerous a body of artizans would be strenuously resisted, and probably attended with fatal results. It will no doubt appear surprizing to persons in England acquainted with this branch of the arts, that three quarters of a dollar, equal to about three shillings and two pence, should be paid at [Pg 128]Guayaquil for sawing a plank from a log of wood ten or twelve inches square by eighteen feet long, the timber not being harder than the English fir. The price for timber brought down to the port of Talcahuano is very low. Liñe, somewhat resembling ash, and applicable to the same uses, may be delivered in logs twenty feet long and twelve inches square, for about one dollar each, and all other kinds of wood at similar rates; while a single inch plank from the same tree would be worth nearly double the sum at Lima. Attached to an establishment of this kind, the carrying of fire wood to Lima would be attended with considerable profit—a cargo of fire wood weighing fourteen quintals is sold here for only one dollar, while in Lima it often sells for from one to one and a half dollar per quintal.

The ship Dolores de la Tierra being ready to sail for Lima, I was ordered on board, and obliged to leave with regret an enchanting country, where I had been treated with unbounded hospitality by its inhabitants. My kind host, Don Manuel Serrano, took care to recommend me to the captain, beside which he sent on board, for my use, more provisions than would have served me for three such voyages.

The foregoing is a brief description of [Pg 129]Conception as I saw it in the year 1803. I visited it again in 1820, and in the course of my narrative I shall have occasion to mention it at my second visit, and to contrast its appearance at those two periods.

If in my description of this part of South America I have sometimes touched on the changes that have happened or are likely to happen, it has been when speaking of places which I did not afterwards visit.

[Pg 130]

CHAPTER VII.

Leave Talcahuano in the Dolores....Passage to Callao....Arrival....Taken to the Castle....Leave Callao....Road to Lima....Conveyed to Prison.

My present situation was very disagreeable. The government of Conception had placed me on board a Spanish vessel, and had given orders to the captain to deliver me up, the moment he should arrive at Callao, to the governor of the fortress. At the same time he had been charged with letters, containing perhaps an account of my having landed on the Araucanian coast; of having visited part of that almost unknown territory, as also part of the province of Conception. Such it was reasonable to expect would be the information conveyed, if either the reports prevailing at that time respecting the cruel system of Spanish jealousy in their colonies were to be credited; or those which have been more recently circulated, that all foreigners would be incarcerated, sent to the mines or to places of exile, for having merely dared to tread the shores of this prohibited country. I should have desponded, had not practice taught me to[Pg 131] regard those reports as exaggerated tales, the fictions or dreams of the biassed, and not worthy of the least belief. I was, at the time I landed, ignorant of the existence of any prohibitory laws; but I now reflected, that no doubt foreigners were not allowed to settle in a Spanish colony without having obtained those permissions and passports which are considered equally as indispensable here as in the British colonies; documents which are as essentially necessary to Englishmen as to foreigners; but I also recollected the kind treatment which I had received at Conception, as much a Spanish colony as the place of my destination; I had learned, too, that foreigners resided in this part of the country, some of whom were in the actual employ of the government; it had come to my knowledge that an Irishman, Don Ambrose Higgins, had filled the offices of Captain-General of Chile, and of Viceroy of Peru.—These reflections contributed to make me comparatively happy, and by adhering to a maxim which I had established, never to allow the shadow of future adversity to cloud the existence of present comfort, my life was always free from fear and disquietude. My stay among the pastoral indians of Arauco, for barbarous I cannot call them, had been one continued scene of[Pg 132] enjoyment, unalloyed with any apprehension of approaching evils, and this conduct had not contributed a little to make me so welcome a guest. I had followed the same principles whilst at Conception with equal success.

The ship in which I embarked had on board eight thousand fanegas of wheat, with some other Chilean produce, and an abundance of poultry, for the Lima market; she was built at Ferrol in the year 1632, of Spanish oak, and was the oldest vessel in the Pacific; her high poop and clumsy shape forming a great contrast with some of the recently-built ships at Guayaquil, or those from Spain. The conduct of the captain, the officers and passengers, was marked with every kindness. I had a small cabin to myself, but I messed with the captain and passengers, and the eleven days which we were at sea were spent in mirth and gaiety, not a little heightened by the female part of a family going to settle in Lima. The father kindly invited me, should an opportunity present itself, to reside at his house during my stay in that city, an invitation of which I should certainly have availed myself had not circumstances prevented it. We were all anxiety to arrive at Callao, the sea-port of Lima, and although I had fewer reasons to wish it than others, still the idea of seeing[Pg 133] something new is always pleasing, particularly to a traveller in a foreign country; besides, I had been informed on my passage that war had not been declared between England and Spain, and that the conduct of the government was to be attributed to their wish to prevent any English spies from residing at liberty in the country.

On the eleventh day after our leaving Talcahuano we made the island of San Lorenzo, which forms one side of the bay of Callao. It exhibits a dreary spectacle, not a tree, a shrub, nor even a blade of grass presents itself; it is one continued heap of sand and rock. Having passed the head land, (where a signal post was erected and a look-out kept, which communicated with Callao, through other signals stationed on the island) the vessels in the offing, the town and batteries at once opened on our view. The principal fortress, called the Royal Philip, Real Felipe, has a majestic appearance, although disadvantageously situated; it is on a level with the sea, and behind it the different ranges of hills rise in successive gradations until crowned with the distant prospect of the Andes, which in some parts tower above the clouds. These clouds, resting on the tops of the lower ranges seemed to have yielded their[Pg 134] places in the atmosphere to those enormous masses, and to have prostrated themselves at their feet. As we approached the anchorage the spires and domes of Lima appeared to the left of the town of Callao. At the moment of landing, which is the most pleasing to travellers by sea, the passengers were all in high spirits, expecting to embrace ere long those objects of tender affection, from whom they had been separated by chance, interest, or necessity.

Previous to our coming to an anchorage, the custom-house boat with some others visited our ship, and I was sent ashore in that from the captain of the port. I was immediately conveyed to the castle, and delivered to the Governor. On my landing at Callao, I observed a considerable bustle on what may be called the pier. This pier was made in 1779, during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio Amat, by running an old king's ship on shore, filling her with stones, sand, and rubbish, and afterwards driving round the parts where the sea washes piles of mangroves, brought from Guayaquil, and which appear to be almost imperishable in sea water. At the landing place I saw several boats employed in watering their ships, for which purpose pipes have been laid down, three feet under ground, to convey[Pg 135] the water from a spring; hoses being attached to the spouts, the casks are filled either floating on the sea or in the boats.

The houses make a very sorry appearance; they are generally about twenty feet high, with mud walls, flat roof, and divided into two stories; the under one forms a row of small shops open in front, and the upper one an uncouth corridor. About a quarter of a mile from the landing place is the draw-bridge, over a dry foss, and an entrance under an arched gateway to the castle, the Real Felipe. I was presented to the Governor, a Spanish colonel, who immediately ordered me to the caloboso, one of the prisoners' cells: this was a room about one hundred feet long and twenty wide, formed of stone, with a vaulted roof of the same materials, having two wooden benches, raised about three feet from the ground, for the prisoners to sleep on. A long chain ran along the bench for the purpose of being passed through the shackles of the unhappy occupants, whose miserable beds, formed of rush mats, were rolled up, and laid near the walls. I had an opportunity to make a survey of this place before the prisoners entered; until then I was left quite alone, pondering over my future lot, for this was the first time I could consider myself a prisoner; however, I consoled myself with the hope of [Pg 136]release, or if not, a removal to some more comfortable situation. In this hope I was not mistaken, for before the prisoners, who were malefactors employed at the public works, arrived, a soldier came and ordered me to follow him. He took up my bed, while I took care of my trunk, and in this manner I left the abode of crime and misery in which I had been placed. I was conducted to the guard-house, where that part of the garrison on duty are usually stationed. I now found myself among such a curious mixture of soldiers as eyes never witnessed in any other part of the world; but I reconciled myself to my lot, especially as it was not the worst place in the castle. In a short time I was sent for to the officers' room. I there found several agreeable and some well-informed young men, with two very obstinate and testy old ones, who, though of superior rank, were heartily quizzed by their subalterns. Such is the ease and frankness of the South Americans in general, that before I had been an hour in the room, one of the officers, a young lieutenant, and his brother, a cadet, had become as familiar with me as if we had been old acquaintance. They were natives of Lima, both had been educated at San Carlos, the principal college, and both lamented that the most useful branches of science were not taught[Pg 137] in the Spanish colleges to that extent, and with that precision which they are in England. The lieutenant also observed, that as the rectors and heads of their colleges were churchmen, the studies were confined principally to theology, divinity and morality, which circumstance caused them to neglect the useful sciences; and this he ascribed as a reason why in those studies the students made little progress. But, continued he, our libraries are not destitute of good mathematical and philosophical books, which some of our young men study, and they are at all times willing to instruct their friends. I spent the time in a very agreeable chit chat with my new acquaintance till ten o'clock, when the lieutenant rose and requested me to wait his return, saying he was going to the governor for el santo, the watchword, and for the orders of the night. He returned in about half an hour, pulled off his uniform coat, put on a jacket, and then told me, in the most friendly manner, that the governor had given orders for my removal to Lima on the following morning; on which he congratulated me, saying, that as that was a large city I should be more comfortable, although a prisoner, than at Callao; he also informed me that, it being the first day of the month, September, 1803, part of the garrison would be [Pg 138]relieved by detachments from the capital, and that he was included in that number, and would be happy in giving me a seat in the valancin, hackney coach, which he should hire. About twelve o'clock my bed and trunk were carried to his sleeping room, and I remained in conversation with him till day broke; we slept about an hour, and then arose to breakfast, which consisted of a cup of very good chocolate for each of us, some dry toast, and a glass of water. At eleven o'clock, the detachment having arrived, we left Callao in a valancin, which is a kind of carriage, having the body of a coach on two wheels, drawn by two horses, one in the shafts and the postillion mounted on the other.

The city of Callao, which was destroyed by an earthquake in 1746 and swallowed up by the sea, was at a short distance to the southward of the present town. On a calm day the ruins may yet be seen under water at that part of the bay called the mar braba, rough sea, and on the beach a sentry is always placed for the purpose of taking charge of any treasure that may be washed ashore, which not unfrequently happens. By this terrible convulsion of nature upwards of three thousand people perished at Callao alone. I afterwards became acquainted with an old mulatto, called Eugenio, who was[Pg 139] one of the three or four who were saved; he told me that he was sitting on some timber which had been landed from a ship in the bay, at the time that the great wave of the sea rolled in and buried the city, and that he was carried, clinging to the log, near to the chapel, a distance of three miles.

From Callao to Lima it is six miles, with a good road, for which the country is indebted to Don Ambrose Higgins; but he unfortunately died, after being Viceroy three years, leaving this useful work incomplete. The finished part extends only about two miles from the gateway, at the entrance to the city, and has a double row of lofty willows on each side, shading the foot-walk. He also furnished it, at every hundred yards, with neat stone benches; and at about every mile a large circle with walls of brick and stone, four feet high, and stone seats are erected. These circles are formed for carriages to turn in with greater ease than on the road. On each side of the foot-walk runs a small stream of water, irrigating the willows in its course, and nourishing numberless luxuriant weeds and flowers. It was the intention of the Viceroy to carry the road down to Callao in the same style as it now exists near the city, but only the carriage road[Pg 140] was finished. It has a parapet of brick raised two feet high on each side, to keep together the materials of the road. On the right hand side, going from the port, may be seen the ruins of an indian village, which was built before the discovery of South America. Some of the old walls are left, formed of clay, about two feet thick and six feet high, and which perhaps owe their present existence to the total absence of rain in this country. To the right is the town of Bellavista, to which parish Callao is attached, being called its anexo. Here is a hospital for seamen and the poorer class of the inhabitants. Half way between the port and the city stands a very neatly built chapel, to which is connected a small cloister; it is dedicated to the Virgin of Mount Carmel, and many visit it to fulfil some vow or other which they have made at sea to this Madonna, she being the protectress of seamen. Near the chapel is situated a house at which are sold good brandy and wine, and it may easily be guessed which establishment has the most customers! On approaching the city the quality of the soil appears to be very good; large gardens with luxuriant vegetables for the market, and fields of lucern and maize are here cultivated, and close to the city walls there are[Pg 141] extensive orchards of tropical fruit trees, all irrigated with water drawn by canals from the river Rimac. The gateway is of brick, covered with stucco, with cornices, mouldings, and pillars of stone: it has three arches; the centre one for carriages has folding doors, the two lateral posterns are for foot passengers.

The mind of a traveller is naturally led to expect to find the inside of a city correspondent with the appearance of its entrance; but at Lima he will be deceived. The distant views of the steeples and domes, the beautiful straight road, its shady avenue of lofty willows, and its handsome gateway, are contrasted, immediately on passing them, with a long street of low houses with their porches and patios; small shops with their goods placed on tables at the doors; no glass windows; no display of articles of commerce; numbers of people of all colours, from the black African to the white and rosy coloured Biscayan, with all their intermediate shades, combined with the mixture of colour and features of the aborigines of America:—the mere observation of this variety of colours and features produces a "confusion beyond all confusions."

As a prisoner of war, although the two nations were at peace, I was conducted by my[Pg 142] kind friend to the city gaol, carcel de la ciudad, where I remained shut up for eight months with about a hundred criminals of the worst description. Owing, however, to a recommendation and the promise of a remuneration from my good friend the lieutenant, the alcalde lodged me in a room at the entrance of the prison, allotted to persons of decent families, or to such as had the means of paying for this convenience.

I was fortunate enough to find here a native of Lima, an officer in the army, who was confined on suspicion of forgery. He was a very excellent man, and conducted himself towards me in a manner which contributed, not only to my comfort whilst I was a prisoner, but finally to my liberation. My first object in my confinement was to make myself perfectly master of the Spanish tongue, and to obtain some knowledge of Quichua, the court language of the Incas, and used wherever their authority had been established. I was the more desirous of becoming acquainted with this language, because it is spoken in the interior of Peru by all classes of people: the respectable inhabitants, however, also speak Spanish.

[Pg 143]

CHAPTER VIII.

Lima, Origin of its Name....Pachacamac....Foundation of Lima....Pizarro's Palace....Situation of the City....Form of the Valley Rimac....River.... Climate....Temperature....Moists and Rain....Soil....Earthquakes....Produce.

Lima is the capital of Peru, and derives its name from Rimac, which original name its river still retains; but the valley was called by the indians Rimac Malca, or the place of witches; it being the custom among the aborigines, even before the establishment of the theocrasia of the Incas, as well as during their domination, to banish to this valley those persons who were accused of witchcraft. Its climate is very different from that of the interior, and having a great deal of marshy ground in its vicinity, intermittent fevers generally destroyed in a short time such individuals as were the objects of this superstitious persecution. It is recorded, that when Manco Capac and his sister Mama Ocollo were presented by their grandfather to the indians living at Couzcou, and were informed by him that they were the children of the sun, their God, the fair complexion of these[Pg 144] strangers, and their light coloured hair, induced the indians to consider them as rimacs, and they were in consequence exiled to Rimac Malca, the place of witches, now the valley of Lima.

In September, 1533, Don Francisco Pizarro arrived at Pachacamac, a large town belonging to the indians, where a magnificent temple had been built by Pachacutec, the tenth Inca of Peru, for the worship of Pachacamac, the creator and preserver of the world. This rich place of worship was plundered by Pizarro, and the virgins destined to the service of the Deity, though in every respect as sacred as the nuns of Pizarro's religion, were violated by his soldiers; the altars were pillaged and destroyed, and the building was demolished. However, when I visited it in 1817, some of the walls still remained, as if to reproach the descendants of an inhuman monster with his wanton barbarity. I wandered among the remains of this temple, dedicated by a race of men in gratitude to their omnipotent creator and preserver: a house unstained with what bigots curse with the name of idolatry; unpolluted with the blood of sacrifice; uncontaminated with the chaunt of anthems, impiously sung to the Deity after the destruction of a great number of his creatures; of prayers for success, or thanksgivings for[Pg 145] victory; but hallowed with the innocent offerings of fruits and flowers, and sanctified with the incense breath of praise, and hymns of joyous gratitude. It is difficult to describe the feelings by which we are affected when we witness the ruins of an edifice destined by its founder to be a monument of national glory, or even of personal honor; but when we contemplate with unprejudiced eyes the remains of a building once sacred to a large portion of our fellow creatures, and raised by them in honour of the great Father of the universe, wantonly destroyed by a being, in whose hands chance had placed more power than his vitiated mind knew how to apply to virtuous purposes—we cannot avoid cursing him, in the bitterness of our anguish. Cold indeed must be the heart of that man who could view the ruins of Pachacamac with less regret than those of Babylon or Jerusalem!

Pizarro having arrived at Pachacamac, and being desirous of building a city near the sea coast, he sent some of his officers to search for a convenient harbour either to the north or to the south. They first visited the harbour of Chilca, which, though a good one, and near Pachacamac, was still defective; the coast was a sandy desert, and the poor indians who lived[Pg 146] upon it for the purpose of fishing were often forced to abandon their houses, because their wells of brackish water became dry. The commissioners were obliged to look out for another situation, and having arrived at Callao they found that its bay was very capacious, with the river Rimac entering it on the north. They afterwards explored the delightful surrounding valley, and reported their success to Pizarro, who immediately came from Pachacamac, and approving of the situation, laid the foundation of Lima, on the south side of the river, about two leagues from the sea. On the 8th day of January, 1534, he removed to it those Spaniards whom he had left for the purpose of building a town at Jauja. Lima is called by the Spaniards La Ciudad de los Reyes, from being founded on the day on which the Roman Church celebrates the epiphany, or the feast of the worshipping of the kings or magi of the east. Its arms are a shield with three crowns, Or, on an azure field, and the star of the east; for supporters the letters J. C. Jane and Charles, with the motto—Hoc signum vere Regum est. These arms and the title of royal city were granted to Lima by the Emperor Charles V. in 1537. Pizarro built a palace for himself, about two hundred yards from the river, on the contrary[Pg 147] side of the great square, or plasa mayor, to that where the palace of the Viceroy now stands; and the remains of it may yet be found in the Callejon de Petateros, mat maker's alley. He was murdered here on the 26th of June, 1541.

According to several Spanish authorities Lima is situated in 12° 2´ 51´´ south latitude, and in 70° 50´ 51´´ longitude west of Cadiz. To the northward and eastward of the city hills begin to rise, which ultimately compose a part of the great chain of the Andes; or rather they are parts of the high mountains which run north and south about twenty leagues to the eastward of Lima. These mountains gradually descend to the sea coast, producing between each row beautiful and fertile valleys, of which the Rimac is one. The chain opening at the back of Lima forms the valley Lurigancho, which closes on its suburbs. That of the greatest height, bordering on the city, is called San Cristobal, and the other Amancaes; the former is 1302 feet above the level of the sea, and the latter 2652. The mountains slope towards the west, and when seen from the bridge appear to have reached the level about three miles from that station, which extremity, viewed from the same place, is the point where the sun disappears at the time of the winter solstice.[Pg 148] To the south west is the island called San Lorenzo; more to the south lies Morro Solar, about eight miles distant, where large hills of sand are observed, which, stretching to the eastward and gently rising, form with the Amancaes a crescent, enclosing the picturesque valley Rimac, through which the river of that name majestically flows, producing in its course or wherever its influence can be obtained all the beauties of Flora and the gifts of Ceres.

The site of Lima gradually inclines to the westward, the great square, plasa mayor, being 480 feet above the level of the sea. Thus all the streets in this direction, with many of those intersecting them at right angles, have small streams of water running along them, which contribute very much to the cleanliness and salubrity of the city and its inhabitants. The water which runs through the streets, as well as that which feeds the fountains and the canals for the irrigation of gardens, orchards and plantations, which fill the whole valley, is drawn from the river Rimac. This river has its origin in the province of Huarochiri, and receives in its course several small streams, which descend the mountains, and are produced by the melting of the snow on the tops of the Andes, as well as by the rains which fall in the interior, at which[Pg 149] time the river swells very much, and covers the whole of its bed, which at other times is in many places almost dry. The water in Lima is said to be crude, holding in solution a considerable quantity of selenite, besides being impregnated with abundance of fixed air; hence, indigestions and other affections of the stomach are attributed to it; but Dr. Unanue very justly asks, "may not these diseases be derived from Cupid and Ceres?" The water is certainly far from being pure; for the artaxea, which supplies the city fountains, and the pugios, which supply the suburbs, called San Lazaro, are stagnant pools; both are often full of aquatic plants, which decay and rot in them; they moreover contain water that has been employed in the irrigation of the plantations and farms at the back of the city, and not unfrequently animals have been drowned in them.

The climate of Lima is extremely agreeable; the heat which would naturally be expected in so low a latitude is seldom felt, and those who have been accustomed to the scorching sun and suffocating heat of Bahia, on the opposite side of the Continent, or to those of Carthagena, in the same latitude, are astonished at the mild and almost equable climate of Lima. The [Pg 150]following thermometrical observations, made in the years 1805 and 1810, will evince the truth of what has been asserted:—

THERMOMETRICAL OBSERVATIONS,

MADE AT NOON IN THE SHADE OF AN OPEN ROOM AT LIMA.

The coolness of the climate is occasioned by the wind and a peculiar state of the atmosphere. The wind generally blows from different points of the compass between the south west and the south east. When from the former direction, it crosses in its course a great portion of the Pacific Ocean, and when [Pg 151]it comes from the eastward it has not to pass over sandy deserts or scorching plains, but to traverse first the immense tract of woodland countries lying between the Brazils and Peru, and afterwards the frozen tops of the Cordillera, at a distance of twenty leagues from Lima; so that, in both cases, it is equally cool and refreshing. A northerly wind is very seldom felt in Lima; but when it blows, as if by accident, from that quarter, the heat is rather oppressive. On the 6th of March, 1811, the wind being from the north, I made the following observations with a Farenheit's thermometer, at one o'clock, p. m.

The heat of the sun in summer is mitigated by a canopy of clouds, which constantly hang over Lima, and although not perceptible from the city, yet when seen from an elevated situation in the mountains, they appear somewhat like the smoke floating in the atmosphere of large[Pg 152] towns where coal is burnt; but as this material is not used in Lima, the cause and effect must be different.

If I may be allowed to give an opinion different from that of several eminent persons who have written on the climate of Lima, it is, that the vapours which rise on the coast or from the sea are lifted to a sufficient height by the action of the sun's rays to be caught by the current of wind from the southward and westward, and carried by them into the interior; whilst the exhalations from the city and its suburbs only rise to a lower region, and are not acted upon by the wind, but remain in a quiescent state of perfect equilibrium, hanging over the city during the day, and becoming condensed by the coolness of the night, when they are precipitated in the form of dew, which is always observable in the morning on the herbage.

Lima may be justly said to enjoy one of the most delightful climates in the world; it is a succession of spring and summer, as free from the chills of winter as from the sultry heats of autumn.

Notwithstanding this almost constant equability, some writers have imagined that four seasons are distinguishable. Such persons,[Pg 153] however, must undoubtedly have either been endowed with peculiar sensibility, or have been gifted with an amazing philosophy. Not content with the beauties of this climate, some have attached to it the properties which belong to the ultra-tropical countries—jealous perhaps of the theoretical comforts from which they are practically free, and in the full enjoyment of a climate the maximum heat of which seldom exceeds 78° of Farenheit's thermometer, and the minimum of which is seldom below 62°, wishing to perfect it by having the maximum at 100°, and the minimum below zero! Peralta, in his 8th canto, has very quaintly described the beautiful climate of this city:—

One of the peculiarities of this climate, as well as that of the coast of Peru from Arica to Cape Blanco, being a distance of about 16 degrees of latitude, is, that it can scarcely ever be said to rain. Several theories have been [Pg 154]advanced to account for this anomaly of nature. The following facts and explanations will, perhaps, tend to unravel the difficulty.

In April or May the mists, called garuas, begin, and continue with little interruption till November, which period is usually termed the winter solstice. The gentle winds that blow in the morning from the westward, and in the afternoon from the southward, are those which fill the atmosphere with aqueous vapours, forming a very dense cloud or mist; and owing to the obliquity of the rays of the sun during this season the evaporation is not sufficiently rarified or attenuated to enable it to rise above the summits of the adjacent mountains; so that it is limited to the range of flat country lying between the mountains and the sea, which inclines towards the north west. Thus the vapours brought by the general winds are collected over this range of coast, and from the cause above-mentioned cannot pass the tops of the mountains, but remain stationary until the sun returns to the south, when they are elevated by his vertical heat, and pass over the mountains into the interior, where they become condensed, and fall in copious rains. That rain is not formed on the coast from these mists is attributable, first, to a[Pg 155] want of contrary winds to agitate and unite the particles, and, secondly, to their proximity to the earth, which they reach in their descent, before a sufficient number of them can coalesce, and form themselves into drops.

The figure of the coast also contributes to the free access of the water that has been cooled at the south pole, on its return to the equatorial regions. From Cape Pilares to latitude 18° the direction of the coast is nearly N. and S.; and from 18° to 5° it runs out to the westward: thus the cold water dashes on the shores, and produces in the atmosphere a coolness that is not experienced in other parts, where the coasts are filled with projecting capes and deep bays; because the current, striking against those, sweeps from the coast, and the water in these becomes heated by the sun, and is deprived by the capes of the current of cold water, excepting what is necessary to maintain the equilibrium, which is diminished by absorption in the bays. The heat increases with astonishing rapidity from latitude 1° south to 10° north; the Gulph of Choco being deprived of the ingress of cooled water from the south by the Cape San Francisco, and from the north by Cape Blanco. The eastern shores of the south Continent of [Pg 156]America are much warmer than the western, owing to the great number of capes and bays. The atmosphere does not enjoy the cooling breezes from the pole, which are diverted from a direct course in the same manner as the currents of water, nor the refrigerated winds from the Cordillera.

The southern hemisphere is altogether much cooler than the northern: perhaps in the same ratio that the surface land of the northern hemisphere exceeds that of the southern.

During the months of February and March it sometimes happens that large straggling drops of rain fall about five o'clock in the afternoon. This admits of an easy elucidation. The exhalations from the sea being elevated by the heat of a vertical sun, and impelled by the gentle winds during the day towards the interior and mountainous parts of the country, are sometimes arrested in their progress by a current of air from the eastward, which, having been cooled on its passage over the snow-topped Andes, is colder than the air from the westward; and wherever these currents meet the aqueous particles are condensed, and uniting become too heavy to continue in the upper region of the atmosphere, when they begin to[Pg 157] fall, and in their descent combine with those that fill the lower regions, and hence some large drops are formed.

The following table of the weather will perhaps furnish a better idea of the climate of Lima than any verbal description:—

Sun indicates those days in which the sun was never clouded; Cloudy, those in which the sun was not visible; and Variable, those in which the sun was generally clouded in the morning but afterwards became visible.

From the foregoing explanations it must naturally be inferred, that the dry season in the interior occurs at the time that the mists or fogs[Pg 158] predominate on the coast, and vice versa: this is what really takes place. The rivers on the coast are nearly dry during the misty weather, but during the summer heat they often become impassable, owing to their increase of water from the melting of the snow on the mountains and the fall of rain in the interior. The chimbadores, or badeadores, men who ford the larger rivers with goods and travellers, know from experience and minute observation, according to the hour at which the increase begins, at what place the rain has fallen.

It may be well here to advert to a phenomenon which has as yet remained unnoticed. The heavy rains which fall on the Cordillera of the Andes are the effect of evaporation from the Pacific Ocean, and these rains feed the enormous streams which supply those rivers that empty themselves into the Atlantic. It therefore follows, that the Atlantic is furnished with water from the Pacific; and if, as some have believed, the Atlantida existed between the coasts of Africa and America, its western shores being opposite to the mouth of the river Amazon, its inundation may have been occasioned by the heavy rains in the Andes.

The vegetable mould in the valley of Lima[Pg 159] is about two feet deep, and is extremely rich, amply repaying the labour of cultivation. Below the mould is a stratum of sand and pebbles, extending about three leagues from the sea-coast; and under this a stratum of indurated clay, apparently of alluvial depositions. The latter seems to have been once the bottom of the sea, and may have been raised above the level of the surface by some great convulsion; for I cannot suppose with Moreno, Unanue and others, that the water has retired from this coast so much as to occasion a fall of more than four hundred feet in perpendicular height, which the stratum of sand and pebbles holds above the level of the sea at its extreme distance from the coast.

May not the same principles account for the general belief, that the surface of the Atlantic on the eastern shores of the New World is above the level of the Pacific on the western shores, notwithstanding the apparent contradiction of the currents running round Cape Horn into the Atlantic? Perhaps the asserted elevation, particularly in the Gulph of Mexico, is owing to the prevailing winds that drive the surface water into the gulf, its free egress by a sub-current being impeded by the range of the Antilles, whose bases may occupy a greater space than their[Pg 160] surfaces, and also to the existence of rocks under water.

Although Lima is free from the terrifying effects of thunder and lightning, it is subject to dreadful convulsions which are far more frightful and destructive. Earthquakes are felt every year, particularly after the mists disperse and the summer sun begins to heat the earth. They are more commonly felt at night, two or three hours after sunset, or in the morning about sunrise. The direction which they have been observed to keep has generally been from south to north, and experience has shewn, that from the equator to the Tropic of Capricorn the most violent concussions have taken place about once in every fifty years. Since the conquest the following, which occurred at Arequipa, Lima and Quito, have been the most violent:—

It has been remarked, that the vegetable world suffers very much by a great shock, the[Pg 161] country about Lima, and all the range of coast were particularly affected by that which happened in 1678. The crops of wheat, maize, and other grain were entirely destroyed, and for several years afterwards the ground was totally unproductive. At that period wheat was first brought from Chile, which country has ever since been considered the granary of Lima, Guayaquil, and Panama. Feijo, in his description of the province of Truxillo, says, "that some of the valleys which produced two hundred fold of wheat before the earthquake in 1687 did not reproduce the seed after it for more than twenty years;" and according to the latest information from Chile the crops have failed since the earthquake in 1822. The following shocks were felt in Lima in the years 1805 and 1810:—

[Pg 162]

When one or two faint shocks are felt in the moist weather, they are supposed to indicate a change, and the same is expected in the dry or hot weather.

The principal produce of the valley of Lima is sugar cane, lucern, alfalfa, maize, wheat, beans, with tropical and European fruit, as well as culinary vegetables.

The sugar cane is almost exclusively of the creole kind: fine sugar is seldom made from it here, but a coarse sort, called chancaca, is extracted, the method of manufacturing which will hereafter be described. The principal part of the cane is employed in making guarapo; this is the expressed juice of the cane fermented, and constitutes the chief drink of the coloured people; it is intoxicating, and from its cheapness its effects are often visible, particularly among the indians who come from the interior, and can purchase this disgusting vice at a low rate. The liquor is believed to produce cutaneous eruptions if used by the white people, on which account, or more probably from the vulgarity implied in drinking it, they seldom taste it. I found it very agreeable, and when thirsty or over-heated preferred it to any other beverage.

[Pg 163]

The manufacture of rum was expressly forbidden in Peru both by the Monarch and the Pope; the former ordained very heavy penalties to be inflicted, the latter fulminated his anathemas on those who should violate the royal will. The whole of this strange colonial restriction had for its object the protection and exclusive privilege of the owners of vineyards in the making of spirits—a protection which cost the proprietors upwards of sixty thousand dollars.

Great quantities of lucern, alfalfa, are cultivated, for the purpose of supplying with provender the horses and mules of Lima; and not less than twelve hundred asses are kept for the purpose of bringing it from the chacras, small farms in the valley. It generally grows to the height of three feet, and is cut down five times in the year; it prospers extremely well during the moist weather, but there is a great scarcity in the summer or hot season, because it cannot then be irrigated, for it has been observed, that if, after cutting, the roots are watered they rot; on this account fodder is not plentiful in summer, so that if a substitute for the lucern could be introduced it would prove a source of great wealth to its cultivator. I never saw dried lucern, and on inquiring why they did not dry[Pg 164] and preserve it, was told, that the experiment had been tried, but that the green lucern when dried became so parched and tasteless that the horses would not eat it, and that the principal stems of the full-grown or ripe lucern very often contain a snuff-like powder, which is very injurious to the animals, producing a kind of madness, and frequently killing them. Fat cattle brought to Lima are generally kept a few days on lucern before they are slaughtered; the farmers are therefore very attentive to the cultivation of this useful and productive plant. Guinea grass was planted near the city by Don Pedro Abadia, but it did not prosper; whether the failure were occasioned by the climate, or by ignorance of management, I cannot say, but I am inclined to believe that the latter was the case.

Wheat is sown, but no reliance can be placed on a produce adequate to repay the farmer, although the quality in favourable seasons is very good. It often happens, that the vertical sun has great power before the grain is formed, at which time the small dew drops having arranged themselves on different parts of the ear into minute globules, these are forcibly acted on by the sun's rays before evaporation takes place, and operating as so many convex lenses, the grain is burnt, and the disappointed [Pg 165]farmer finds nothing but a deep brown powder in its place. I have sometimes seen a field of wheat or other grain most luxuriantly green in the evening, and the day following it has been parched and dry; this transition the farmer says is the effect of frost; which will perhaps be admitted to be a correct explanation, if we consider that during the night the wind has come from the eastward, and has passed over a range of the Andes at a short distance. It sometimes also happens that the moist season continues for a long period, or that after clear weather the mists return; now should the farmer irrigate his fields during this intermission, or should the mists continue, the plants shoot up to such a great height that straw alone is harvested; but in this case, aware of the result, he often cuts the green corn for fodder, or turns his cattle on it to feed.

The growth of maize is much attended to, and very large quantities are annually consumed in Lima by the lower classes, and as food for hogs, some of which animals become extremely fat with this grain, and in less time than if fed on any other kind. Three sorts of maize are cultivated here, each of which has its peculiar properties and uses. It appears to have been in very extensive use among the indians[Pg 166] before the arrival of the Spaniards; for, on digging the huacas, or burying grounds, at the distance of forty leagues from Lima, I have often found great quantities of it. A large deposit was discovered in square pits or cisterns, made of sun-dried bricks, on a farm called Vinto, where no doubt there had either been a public granary, or, as some people imagine, a depôt formed by Huaina Capac, on leading his troops against the Chimu, a king of the coasts, about the year 1420. The grain was quite entire when it was taken up, although, according to the above hypothesis, it had been under ground about four hundred years; owing its preservation perhaps to the dry sand in which it was buried. Its depth beneath the surface was about four feet, on the ridge of a range of sand hills, where no moisture could reach it by absorption from below, its elevation being about 700 feet above the level of the sea, and 600 above that of the nearest river. I planted some of it, but it did not grow: however its fattening qualities were not destroyed, and the neighbouring farmers and inhabitants of the adjacent villages profited by the discovery.

Large quantities of beans are harvested in this valley for the support of the slaves on the estates and plantations, but the market of Lima[Pg 167] is principally supplied from valles, the valleys on the coast to the northward.

Although abundance of tropical and ultra-tropical fruit trees are cultivated in the gardens and orchards belonging to the farm houses, and quintas, seats, in the valley, I shall defer an account of them until I describe the gardens in and about the city.

Culinary vegetables are grown here in abundance, including a great part of those known in Europe, as well as those peculiar to warm climates. The yuca, casava, merits particular attention, on account of its prolific produce, delicate taste, and nutritious qualities; it grows to about five feet high; its leaves are divided into seven finger-like lobes of a beautiful green, and each plant will generally yield about eight roots of the size of large carrots, of a white colour, under a kind of rough barky husk. In a raw state its taste is somewhat similar to that of the chesnut, and of a very agreeable flavour when roasted or boiled; the young buds and leaves are also cooked, and are as good as spinage. It is propagated by planting the stalks or stems of the old crop, cutting them close to the ground after about four inches are buried in the mould, which must be light and rather sandy. Two species are known; the[Pg 168] crop of the one arrives at full growth in three months, but this is not considered of so good a quality, nor is it so productive as the other, which is six months before it arrives at a state of perfection. They are distinguished by the yellowish colour of the latter, and the perfectly white colour of the former. The disadvantage attending these roots, is, that they cannot be kept above four or five days before they become very black, when they are considered unfit for use. Starch is made from them in considerable quantities, by the usual method of bruising, and subjecting them to fermentation, in order to separate the farina. The mandioc, a variety of this genus, is unknown on the western side of the Continent: thus all danger of injury from its poisonous qualities is precluded.

Several varieties of the potatoe are cultivated and yield very abundant crops. They appear to have been known in this part of the New World before it was visited by the Spaniards, and not to have been confined to Chile, their native country. I found this probability on their having a proper name in the Quichua language, whilst those plants that have been brought into the country retain among the Indians their Spanish names alone.

[Pg 169]

Camotes, commonly called sweet potatoes, and by the Spaniards batatas, are produced in great abundance, of both the yellow and purple kinds. I have seen them weighing ten pounds each; when roasted or boiled their taste is sweeter than that of the chesnut, and all classes of people eat them. They become much more farinaceous if exposed for some time to the sun after they are taken out of the ground; and if kept dry they will remain good for six months. They are propagated by setting pieces of the branches of old plants, to procure which the camote itself is sometimes planted.

Although the arracacha which is grown in this valley is neither so large nor so well tasted as that which is produced in a cooler climate, it is nevertheless an exceedingly good esculent. It is cultivated in a rich, loose soil, and has generally five or six roots, something like parsnips, but of a different flavour; they are not very mealy, and require but little cooking; they are, however, very easy of digestion, on which account they are given to the sick and convalescent; the leaves bear a great resemblance to those of celery. The plantation is either from cuttings of the root, like potatoes, or from the seed; in the first case the roots are full grown in three months, but in the latter in not less than five. If allowed to remain in the[Pg 170] ground double the time mentioned the roots continue to increase in size, without any detriment to their taste. Starch is sometimes made from the roots, and used in the same manner as the arrow root is in other countries. Only the white arracacha is here cultivated. The arracacha deserves the attention of Europeans; it would, I am pretty certain, prosper in England, because its natural temperature, where it thrives best, is in about 60° of Fahrenheit.

The tomate, love apple, is very much cultivated, and is in frequent use both in the kitchen and for confectionary, and produces a very agreeable acid.

Capsicum, cayenne pepper, aji, is abundant; I have counted nine different sorts, the largest, rocotos, about the size of a turkey's egg, and the smallest, which is the most pungent, not thicker than the quill of a pigeon's feather; the quantity of this spice used in America is enormous; I have frequently seen a person, particularly among the indians, eat as a relish, twenty or thirty pods, with a little salt and a piece of bread. One kind called pimiento dulce is made into a very delicate salad, by roasting the pods over hot embers, taking away the outer skin, and the seeds from the inside, and seasoning with salt, oil, and vinegar.

[Pg 171]

It is rather a surprising fact, that manure is never used on the farms or plantations. The astonishing fertility of the soil, which has been under cultivation for upwards of three hundred years, and produced luxuriant annual crops, appears to be supported by the turbid water from the mountains, during the rainy season, with which it is irrigated. This water, like that of the Nile, leaves on the ground a slimy film, which is said to contain a considerable quantity of animal matter.

[Pg 172]

CHAPTER IX.

Viceroys and Archbishops of Lima....Viceroyalty, Extent....Viceroy's Titles and Privileges....Royal Audience....Cabildo....Forms of Law....Military....Religion....Inquisition....Sessions and Processes....Archbishop....Royal Patronage....Ecclesiastical Tribunals....Chapter, Cabildo Ecclesiastico....Curates....Asylum of Immunity....Minor Tribunals....Consulado....Crusade....Treasury, Accompts....Temporalidades, Protomedicato.

Lima is the metropolitan, and the richest city of South America. Under the Spanish regime it has been the residence of forty-three Viceroys, counting from Don Francisco Pizarro to the present Don Jose de la Serna, who abandoned the capital in 1821, when the patriot army entered. It also enumerates nineteen archbishops, from Don Fray Geronimo de Loaisa, who arrived in 1540, to Don Bartolome Maria de las Heras, who was compelled by General San Martin to retire in 1821.

In the list of Viceroys we find four grandees of Spain, two titled princes, one archbishop, one bishop, and three licentiates; the rest were military officers, but none of them Americans. Among the archbishops is Saint Thoribio de Mogroviejo, who was presented in 1578, and[Pg 173] in the exercise of his ecclesiastical duties was so unremitting, that he visited his extensive diocese three times, and confirmed upwards of a million of persons, one of whom was Saint Rose of Lima. He died in 1606, and was canonized by Benedict XIII. in 1727.

The Viceroyalty of Peru formerly extended from the south confines of Mexico to those of Chile, including all the Spanish possessions in South America, and what the Spaniards call meridional America. The Viceroyalty of Santa Fe de Bogotá was separated from Peru, and established in 1718; that of Buenos Ayres in 1777.

The titles of the Viceroy of Peru were His Excellency Don ——, Viceroy and Captain-general of Peru, President of the Royal Audience, Superintendent Subdelegate of the Royal Finances, Posts and Temporalities, Director-general of the Mining Tribunal, Governor of Callao, Royal Vice-patron, &c.

As Viceroy he was the immediate representative of the King, and answerable to him alone as President of the Council of Indies, Consejo de Indias: to which tribunal all complaints and appeals were directed, as well as the residential reports. Petitions of every description were presented directed or addressed to him, for the despatch of which he was assisted by a[Pg 174] legal adviser, called asesor general, whose written report was generally confirmed by the sub-signature of the Viceroy, but from these there was an appeal to the Royal Audience. It has been the custom of the Viceroys to appoint an hour in the morning, and another in the afternoon, for receiving personally from the hands of the petitioners papers addressed to them; but the secretary's office was always open for such documents.

In his quality of Captain-general he was charged with all political affairs, those relating to fortification, and the defence of the country by land and sea, for which purpose the whole of the military and naval departments were subject to his immediate orders; but in cases of emergency he usually called a junta de guerra, council of war. All courts martial were held by his orders, and their sentences required his confirmation before they were put in execution, but if he chose he could refer the whole to the revision of the consejo de guerra permanente, in Spain.

In the capacity of President of the Royal Audience the Viceroy assisted at the sittings whenever he pleased, and entered at any hour which he thought proper during a session. When he proposed to assist in state, he announced his intention, and a deputation of the judges attended him from his palace to the hall;[Pg 175] on his arrival at the door the porter called aloud, the president! when all the attorneys, advocates and others met and conducted him to his chair; the judges continued standing until he was seated and nodded permission for them to resume their seats. The session being finished, all the members of the audience, regent, judges, oidores, and fiscal, accompanied him to the door of his apartment in the palace, the regent walking on his left, and the other members preceding him two and two. The presidency of the audience was merely honorary, as the president had neither a deliberative nor a consulting voice, but all sentences of the tribunal must have had his signature, which may be called the veto, before they could be put in execution. On the arrival of any new laws, royal ordinances, or schedules, the Viceroy was summoned by the tribunal to the hall of accords, sala de acuerda, where they were presented to him, and the ceremony of obedience to them performed by his kissing the King's signature and then laying the paper on his head, which act was recorded by the escribano de camara.

The Viceroy, as President of the Royal Audience made a private report annually to the King, through the Council of Indies, of the public and even of the private characters of the[Pg 176] members of the tribunal. He could also direct secret inquiries respecting any member whose conduct might have excited suspicion.

All presidents of audiences, as well as the members, were forbidden to marry within the boundaries of their jurisdiction without the express permission of the King; they were likewise prohibited all commercial concerns, possession of personal property, becoming godfathers to infants, and even visiting any private family. The Marquis of Aviles, Viceroy of Lima, was, before his appointment, married to a native of Lima, but he was never known to visit any of her relatives; however, Abascal, Marquis de la Concordia, judging it to be a prudent and conciliatory measure to break through this restriction during the unquiet times of his government, visited different families, and attended at several public feasts, giving others in return.

At the expiration of five years, the term for which viceroys, governors, &c. were appointed, and on the arrival of a successor, a commissioner, generally a judge, was nominated by the King, to take what was termed la residencia. Six months were allowed for all persons who considered themselves aggrieved to lay before this commissioner a full statement of their case, and at the termination of the six months the[Pg 177] whole of the papers which had been presented were forwarded to the Council of Indies for the inspection of that tribunal.

As Superintendent Subdelegate merely placed the Viceroy above all the tribunals, he had no other authority over them, except, indeed, the nomination of the higher officers, who had afterwards to obtain a confirmation from the King; or of confirming the lower officers nominated by their superior ones. It may be considered an honorary distinction, except that of royal financier, as such he presided quarterly at the general passing of accounts and inspection of treasures.

As Royal Vice-patron all collated benefices required his confirmation. The Archbishop proposed to him three individuals, and it generally happened that the first on the list received the confirmation; but this was optional in the Vice-patron, who could confirm any one of those whom he chose. This prerogative was often the cause of serious disputes between the Viceroy and the Archbishop. As Governor-general of Callao, he visited its fortifications twice a year, for which he had an additional sum of five hundred dollars for each visit. His whole salary amounted to sixty-one thousand dollars.

[Pg 178]

The Royal Audience of Lima was established in 1541, and composed of a President, Regent, eight Oidores or Members, two Fiscals, (one civil, the other criminal) Relatores, Reporters, Escribanos, Scriveners or Recorders, Porters, and an Alguacil Mayor, also two Alcaldes de Corte. The official costume of the regent and members was a black under dress with white laced cuffs over those of the coat, a black robe or cloak with a cape about three quarters of a yard square, generally of velvet, called the toga; and a collar or ruff having two corners in front; this was black and covered with white lace or cambric: a small trencher cap, carried in their hands, completed their costume. When divested of their robes they bore a gold-headed cane or walking-stick with large black silk tassels and cord, which was the insignia of a magistrate, or of any one in command, and called the baton.

The sessions of the audience were held every day, excepting holidays, from nine o'clock in the morning till twelve; and here all cases both civil and criminal were tried, either by the whole of the members or by committees, and there was no appeal, except in some few cases, to the Consejo de Indias. The audience was a court of appeal from any other authority, even[Pg 179] from the ecclesiastical courts, by a recurso de fuersa; but all its sentences required the signature of the Viceroy or President; for the obtaining of which, an escribano de camara waited on his excellency every day with all those papers that had received the signatures of the audience and required to be signed by him. Papers addressed to the audience were headed with mui poderoso señor, most potent lord; and the title of the members in session was highness, altesa, individually that of lordship, senoria.

The Cabildo of Lima had two Alcaldes Ordinarios, twelve Regidores, a Sindico Procurador, a Secretary, an Alguacil Mayor and a legal Advisor called the Asesor. The Cabildo appointed out of its own members a Justice of Police, Jues de Policia; a Jues de Aguas, who decided in all questions respecting the water-works belonging to the city and suburbs; also a Fiel Egecutor, for examining weights and measures. The Royal Ensign, Alferes Real was another member de oficio, appointed by the King, who held in his possession the royal standard, (the same that was brought by Pizarro) which was carried by the alferes real, accompanied by the Viceroy, a deputation from the audience, another from the Cabildo, including the two alcaldes, and others from the different corporate bodies, in [Pg 180]solemn procession through some of the principal streets of the city, on the 8th of January, being the anniversary of the foundation of Lima. The title of alferes real was hereditary in the family of the Count of Monte Mar, y Monte Blanco.

The Viceroy was President of the Cabildo. The alcaldes had cognizance in all causes cognizable by governors; their sentences had the same force, and were carried by appeal to the audience.

The forms of law in the Spanish tribunals were very complicated, tedious and expensive. The escribano wrote down all declarations, accusations, and confessions, and the courts decided on the merits of the case according to what was read to them by the relator from the writings presented; the client, if in prison, not being admitted to hear his own cause. The tribunals, or judges very reluctantly deprived a man of his life, but they had no regard to his personal liberty; even a supposition of criminality was sufficient to incarcerate an individual, perhaps for years, during which he had not the power to prove himself innocent. From the facility of imprisonment it was not considered a disgrace, and a prisoner often received visits from his friends in a jail, which he returned as a [Pg 181]matter of politeness when liberated. I saw prisoners here who had been incarcerated for twenty years, some for murder; their causes were not then and probably never would be finished till death stepped in.

The Viceroy visited all the prisons on the Friday before Easter, and two days before Christmas, when he discharged some persons who were confined for petty crimes. A surgeon and one of the alcaldes visited the prisons every day, which visits produced much good; the alcalde de corte examined their food two or three times a week, and attended to any complaints respecting the internal arrangements made by the alcaide, jailor.

Of the military, not only those who were in actual service, but the militia, and persons who had held military rank, and had retired, were tried by their particular laws, or court martials. This exemption was called fuero, but its enjoyment was not equally extended. The private, the corporal, and the serjeant might be tried, condemned and executed, but the sentence of an officer required the confirmation of the Captain-general, and in some cases the approbation of the King.

The Roman Catholic religion was established here in the same manner as in all the Spanish dominions, all sectaries being excluded. The[Pg 182] inexorable tribunal for the protection of the former, and for the persecution of the latter, held its sessions in Lima, and was one of the three instituted in South America, the other two being at Mexico and Carthagena.

Much has been written at different times respecting this Tribunal de la Fe, tribunal of faith, and much more has been said about it, in opposition to the old Spanish adage, de Rey e Inquisicion—chiton, of the King and the Inquisition—not a word. The primitive institution was entirely confined to adjudge matters strictly heretical, but it soon assumed cognizance of civil and political affairs, becoming at the same time the stay of the altar, and the prop of the throne.

All the sessions of the Inquisition being inaccessible, and the persons tried, consulted, or called in as evidence having been sworn to keep secret every thing which they should hear, see, or say, has, in a great measure, deprived the public of any knowledge respecting what transpired in its mysterious proceedings.

This tribunal could condemn to fine, confiscation, banishment, or the flames. Since its erection in 1570, not fewer than forty individuals have been sentenced to the latter punishment, from which one hundred and twenty have escaped by recantation. The last who suffered was a female of the name of Castro, a native of[Pg 183] Toledo, in Spain. She was burnt in the year 1761. Formerly the portraits of those unfortunate individuals who had been burnt were hung up, with the names annexed, in the passage leading from the cathedral to the Sagrario, where also the names of those who had recanted were exposed, having a large red cross on the pannel, but no portrait. In the year 1812, as one of the results of the promulgation of the constitution, this revolting exhibition was removed.

The tribunal was composed of three Inquisitors and two secretaries, called of despatch and of secret, del despacho y del secreto; alguasiles, or bailiffs, porters, brothers of punishment, being lay brothers of the order of Dominicans, whose duty it was to attend when requested, and to inflict corporal punishment on the unhappy victims of persecution. There were also brothers of charity, of the Hospitallery order of Saint Juan de Dios, to whom the care of the sick was confided; and both were sworn not to divulge what they had done or seen. Besides these, a great number of commissaries were appointed by the inquisitors, in the principal towns within their jurisdiction, for the purpose of furnishing them with information on every matter denounced; also of forwarding [Pg 184]accusations, processes, and persons accused, to the tribunal. Qualifiers were elected, whose duty it was to spy out whatever might appear to them offensive to religion, in books, prints or images; they likewise reported to the tribunal their opinion of new publications. These were wretches worse than slander, for not even the secrets of the grave could escape them!

All books, before they were offered for sale, must have had a permit from the Inquisition; and if they were contained in the published list of prohibited works, the possessor was obliged to go to a calificador, qualifier, and deliver them to him; and should a person have known that another had such books in his possession, it was his duty to denounce the individual, whose house, through this circumstance, was subject to a visit from those holy men. When such books were found, the owner became amenable to any punishment which these arbitrary priests might think proper to inflict. The punishment was generally a fine, which was of the greatest utility to the judges, because all the salaries were paid out of fines and confiscations, and a stipend arising from a canonry in each cathedral within their jurisdiction. It was often said by the people, that some books were prohibited because they were bad; others were bad, because they were prohibited.

[Pg 185]

The inquisitors were secular priests, and distinguished from the others by wearing a pale blue silk cuff, buttoned over that of the coat. They were addressed as lords spiritual, and when speaking, although individually, used the plural pronoun we.

The inquisitorial power was never exercised over the Indians or negroes, who were considered in the class of neophytes; but every other individual, including the viceroy, archbishop, judges, prebends, &c. was subject to its almost omnipotent authority.

Lima was the see of a bishop from 1539 to 1541, when it was created an archbishopric by Paul IV., being a suffragan to the mitre of Seville till the year 1571. It was afterwards erected into a metropolitan, and has for suffragans the bishops of

The two bulls of Alexander VI. of 1493 and 1501 gave to Ferdinand and Isabella the entire[Pg 186] possession of those countries discovered, and that might from time to time be discovered by them and their successors, in America; and the pope, being infallible in his decrees, these bulls deprived the see of Rome of all direct influence in the Spanish colonies, and gave to the Kings of Spain the right of repulsing any jurisdiction which the popes might attempt to exercise there. Thus any decree, mandate, bull, or commission from the pope required the sanction of royal approbation before it was valid in this country; and even for the prevention of what were termed reserved cases, the Kings took care to obtain extensive privileges for the archbishops and bishops. All briefs, bulls, dispensations, indulgences, and other pontifical acts were sent from Rome to the King; and the Council of Indies had the exclusive examination, admission or rejection of them, as they might consider them advantageous or injurious to the royal prerogative in the colonies.

The right of patronage belonged exclusively to the King; he had the presentation to all archbishoprics and bishoprics, and every other office even to the lowest was filled by the royal will. The presentation to vicarages, curacies, chaplainries, &c. was delegated to the Viceroy, as Vice-patron; and if any dispute should arise[Pg 187] respecting the due exercise of this delegated authority, it was carried before the Council of Indies, which was authorized to regulate any such controversies. This entirely deprived the pope of all interfering power; indeed he enjoyed no other right than that of granting bulls, briefs, &c. when they were requested, and of deciding in cases of conscience, when they were submitted to him by the Council of Indies.

All bishops and other beneficed priests rendered to the King, as patron, the entire rent of their benefice for one year; it was called the annata, and was paid in six annual instalments. The revenue of the mitres was derived from the tithes; two ninths of which belonged to the King, one fourth to the mitre and the remainder was applied to the other ministers of the gospel, both of the choir and collated benefices. For the security of the royal privileges, every bishop made oath, before he took possession of his see, that he would respect the royal patronage, and never oppose the exercise of its rights.

The archbishop had his ecclesiastical tribunal, and so had all bishops in the Spanish colonies. It was composed of himself, as president, the fiscal, and provisor vicar general. All ordinary sentences were given by the provisor, the president's signature being subjoined; but all important cases were judged by the archbishop.

[Pg 188]

The jurisdiction of this tribunal embraced all causes spiritual, such as orders, marriages, divorces, legitimations, pious legacies, monastical portions or dowries, with the defence and preservation of the immunities of the church, and contentious disputes between the members of the church, as well as those preferred by laymen against priests. All who had received holy orders enjoyed the fuero ecclesiastico, and all criminal complaints against the clergy must be laid before the ecclesiastical tribunal, but there was an appeal to the royal audience, as has been mentioned, by a recurso de fuersa.

Suits instituted in an ecclesiastical court were equally as tedious and expensive as those of a secular one.

Five provincial councils have been held here for the regulation of church discipline. The two first were held in 1551 and 1567 by Don Fray Geronimo de Loaisa, and the other three in 1582, 1591, and 1601, by Saint Thoribio de Mogroviejo.

The provincial of each monastic order was the prelate, or head of the order; he judged, in the first instance, of any misdemeanour committed by the individuals wearing the habit; he also inflicted corporal as well as spiritual punishments; besides ordering temporal privations, on[Pg 189] which account monasteries were not subject to the ordinary.

The chapter, or cabildo ecclesiastico, of Lima had a dean, a subdean, a magisterial canon, a doctoral, a penitentiary and a treasurer; six prebendaries, four canons, six demi-proporcionaries, medio racioneros, and for the service of the choir four royal chaplains, two choral chaplains, a master of ceremonies, besides chaunters, musicians, monacillos, who served at the altar; porters, beadles, &c. The prebendaries and canons were distinguished from other clergymen by wearing white lace or cambric cuffs.

In the Spanish colonies the care of souls was confided to rectoral curates, who officiated in parishes where the population was principally Spanish or white creoles; they received a stipend out of the tithes, and from their parishioners they were entitled to the firstlings, primicias, which consisted of one bushel of grain of each description, harvested by each separate individual, if the quantity harvested exceeded seven bushels; but no more than one was exacted, however great the quantity of grain might be. For animals and fruits they generally compounded with their parishioners. They were also paid for baptisms, marriages[Pg 190] and funerals; besides which they had perquisites arising from church feasts, masses, &c.

The doctrinal curates were those destined to towns or parishes the population of which was composed chiefly of indians; they had fewer perquisites, and received nothing for baptisms, marriages, or funerals, but a sum established by the synod, which was very small. They had however a stipend assigned them by the King, which they got from the treasury: it seldom exceeded 500 dollars.

The missionaries enjoyed curial and apostolical privileges in their villages, or reductions; they were of the order of Franciscans, who at the extinction of the Jesuits filled all the missions vacated by this death-blow to the advancement of Christianity among the unchristianized tribes of indians in South America.

The election of curates took place about every four years, and was called the concurso, at which time all those possessed of benefices, and who wished to be removed, presented themselves; having first obtained permission from the archbishop, and left another clergyman in charge of their parish. The archbishop and four examinadores examined them in Latin and theological points, and either approved or [Pg 191]reproved them. If the former, an allegation of merits and services was presented, without any expression of inclination to any particular parish, and after all the examinations were ended the archbishop nominated three individuals to each of the third class or richest livings. These nominations were forwarded to the Vice-patron, who confirmed one of each three, and presented him with the benefice, returning immediately the two remaining ones. Out of these, other nominations were made for the second class, and then sent for confirmation. The returns furnished names for the first or lowest class. The archbishop could appoint, on the death of a curate, any priest to fill the vacancy pro tempore without the confirmation of the Vice-patron.

All persons who received holy orders must possess a sufficient congrua to support them decently, if not, they were ordained by a title of adscription, by which the archbishop could attach them to any curacy as assistants or coadjutors.

No curate or priest could enjoy two livings or benefices, nor absent himself under any pretence from the one he held without an express permission from the vicar-general; none could appear as evidence in cases where there was a[Pg 192] possibility of the culprits being sentenced to death, and they were expressly prohibited from interfering, either directly or indirectly, as magistrates. It is certainly to be regretted, that in all parts of the world, I mean the Christian world, the same laws are not established; for what ought to be more dear to a shepherd than his flock; but alas! many take charge of it for the sake of the fleece, and for that only.

Some of the popes, imagining in their ardour of usurpation, that they should increase the sanctity of the Church by elevating it above the reach of the law, barred its doors against the civil magistracy, and made it the refuge of outlaws; thus mistaking pity for piety, Christian forgiveness for religious protection: hence the temple was opened to the murderer, his hands still reeking with the blood of his fellow citizen, and closed against the minister of justice, whose duty it was to avenge the crime; as if God had established his church for the protection of vices in this world, which he has threatened with eternal punishment in the next.

Spain, either through fear or as the bigot of ancient customs, maintains her asylums on the plan to which Charlemagne reduced them in France in the eighth century. By the request of the King a bull was issued, dated 12th Sept.[Pg 193] 1772, limiting the place of immunity throughout the Spanish dominions to one church in each smaller town, and to two in large cities; the Sagrario and San Larazo enjoyed this privilege in Lima.

The immunity of the church protected a man who had killed another by chance or in his own defence; but if he had been guilty of murder, or had maliciously wounded a person so as to cause his death, it delivered him over to the civil authorities at their request. The commission of a crime in the church or its dependencies precluded immunity, which was also withheld from persons convicted of high treason, although they might take refuge in a privileged church; from those suspected of heresy; heretics; jews; forgers of royal or apostolic letters or patents; the defrauders of any bank or public treasury; false coiners of coin current in the country; violaters of churches, or destroyers of church property; persons who escaped from prison, from the officers of justice, from exile, public labours or the galleys; blasphemers; sorcerers; the excommunicated; debtors and thieves.

Thus it appears, that immunity was available only in cases of manslaughter; but if the person accused had been guilty of murder, before[Pg 194] it could be proved against him, he generally took care to make his escape and elude the punishment. The same may be said of the greater number of the instances to which immunity was denied; for few suffered, like Joab, after having taken hold of the horns of the altar.

The other tribunals in Lima were el Consulado, or the Board of Commerce, founded in 1613. It had a prior and two consuls, who decided in all mercantile affairs; they had an asesor or legal adviser, secretary, notary and porters; the Tribunal of the Holy Crusade, founded in 1574, for the promulgation of the pope's bulls, and collection of this part of the royal revenue; the Royal Treasury, established in 1607, for the receipt of all treasure appertaining to the crown, and the payment of all persons in the employ of the government; the Tribunal of General Accompts; that of Temporalities, for recovering the value or rents of the possessions and property of the ex Jesuits; and, lastly, the Tribunal of the Protomedicato, for the examination of students in medicine and surgery: it was composed of a president, a fiscal and two examiners.

[Pg 195]

CHAPTER X.

Taxes, Alcavala....Indian Tribute....Fifths of the Mines....Lances....Stamped Paper....Tobacco....Media Anata....Aprovechamientos.... Composicion and Confirmacion of Lands....Royal Ninths....Venal Offices....Estrays....Confiscations....Fines....Vacant Successions....Almoxarifasgo....Corso....Armada....Consulate....Cirquito....Vacant Benefices....Mesada Ecclesiastica....Media Anata Ecclesiastica....Restitutions....Bulls.

The system of taxation in the Spanish colonies was as complicated as their law suits in the courts of justice, and the ingenuity of the theory practised in the exchequer can only be equalled by the resignation of the people to the practice. The alcavala was the most ancient and most productive tax in the colonies; it was granted by the Cortes to the King of Spain, in 1342, to defray the expenses of the war against the Moors. At that time it was rated at five per cent., but in the year 1366 it was increased to ten per cent. The order for the collection of this tax in Peru was issued in 1591; it was first fixed here at two per cent., and afterwards increased, according to the exigences of the state, and the submission of the people, to six and a half per cent.

[Pg 196]

This tax was levied on every sale and resale of moveable and immoveable property; all merchandize, manufactured produce, animals, buildings, in fine, all kinds of property were liable to this impost the moment they were brought into the market, and all contracts specified its payment. Retail dealers generally compounded according to their stock and presumed sale, and were compelled to abide by the composition.

Those indians who became subject to the law of conquest, that is, all whose forefathers did not voluntarily resign themselves to the Spanish authorities, and solicit a curate, without causing any expense to be incurred in their discovery or subjection, paid an annual tribute from the age of eighteen to fifty. This tribute varied very much in different provinces; some paying seven dollars and a half a year, others only two and a half. An indian might redeem his tribute by advancing a certain sum, proportionate to his age and the annual tribute. The tax was collected by the subdelegados, governors of districts, who were allowed six per cent. on the sum gathered, according to the tribute roll, which was renewed every five years by a commissioner called the visitador. This direct tax was more irksome to the people than any other, and caused much general discontent,[Pg 197] although those who paid it enjoyed privileges more than equal to the impost.

All metals paid to the King a fifth, for the collection of which proper officers and offices were established. Gold in its native state was carried to the royal foundry, casa real de fundicion, where it was reduced to ingots, each of which was assayed and marked, its quality and weight being specified; after which the fifth was paid, and then it was offered for sale. Silver was also taken in its pure state, called piña, and it was contraband to sell it until it had been melted, and each bar marked in the same manner as the gold. Base metals were subject to a similar impost, but reduced to bars by the miners, who afterwards paid the fifth.

Titles paid an annual fine of five hundred dollars each to the King, unless the person in possession redeemed it by paying ten thousand dollars. This tax, although unproductive in some parts, was worthy of attention in Lima, where there were sixty-three titled personages, marquises, counts and viscounts.

All judicial proceedings in the different courts of justice, civil, criminal, military and ecclesiastical; all agreements, testimonies, and public acts, were required to be on stamped paper, according to a royal order dated in 1638. It[Pg 198] was stamped in Spain, bearing the date of the two years for which it was to serve, or was considered to be in force; after which term it was of no use. The surplus, if any, was cut through the stamp, and sold as waste paper, and the court took care to supply another stock for the two succeeding years. If the court neglected to do this, the old paper was restamped by order of the Viceroy, bearing a fac simile of his signature. There were four sorts of this paper, or rather paper of four prices. That on which deeds and titles were written, or permissions and pardons granted, cost six dollars the sheet; that used for contracts, wills, conveyances and other deeds drawn up before a notary, one dollar and a half; that on which every thing concerning a course of law before the Viceroy or Audience was conducted, half a dollar; and for writings presented by soldiers, slaves, paupers and indians, the fourth class was used, and cost the sixteenth of a dollar each sheet. The first sheet of the class required in any memorial or document, according to the foregoing rules, was of that price, but the remainder, if more were wanted, might be of the fourth class or lowest price, or even of common writing paper.

Tobacco was a royal monopoly, a price being fixed by the government on the different[Pg 199] qualities of this article, according to the province in which it was grown; at such price the whole was paid for; after which it was brought to Lima, where it was sold at an established rate at the estanco, or general depôt. If any person either bought or sold tobacco without a license, confiscation of the article and a heavy fine were the result, and frequently the whole property of the offender became a forfeit. On an average, the King purchased it at three reals, three eighths of a dollar, per pound, and sold it again at two dollars; but such was the number of officers employed to prevent smuggling, collect the tobacco, and attend the estanco, that, on the whole, the revenue suffered very considerably, although the profit was so great. Snuff was not allowed to be manufactured in Peru; one kind called polvillo was brought from Seville, and rappee from the Havanna; but both were included in the royal monopoly. To secure the tax imposed on tobacco, no one could cultivate it without express permission from the Director; and, on delivery, the planter was obliged to make oath as to the number of plants which he had harvested; also that he had not reserved one leaf for his own use, nor for any other purpose. This tyrannical monopoly produced more hatred to the Spanish[Pg 200] government than all the other taxes. Not only every tobacco planter, but every consumer joined in execrating so disagreeable an impost.

The media anata, or moiety of the yearly product of all places or employments under government, was paid into the treasury, or rather reserved out of the stipend when the payment was made by the treasury. This moiety was deducted for the first year only, and if the individual were promoted to a more lucrative situation, he again paid the surplus of his appointment for one year.

Aprovechamientos, or profits, were, in seized goods, the excess of their valuation over their sale, which excess was paid into the treasury so that the King took the goods as they were appraised by his officers, and appropriated to himself the profit of the public sale.

Composition and confirmation of lands were the produce arising from the sale of lands belonging to the crown, and the duty paid by the purchaser for the original title deeds.

The royal ninths, novenos reales, were the one ninth of all the tithes collected: the amount was paid into the treasury. Tithes were established in America by an edict of Charles V. dated the 5th of October, 1501. They were at first applied wholly to the support of the church; but in 1541 it was ordained that they should be[Pg 201] divided into four parts; one to be given to the bishop of the diocese, one to the chapter, and out of the remainder two ninths should belong to the crown, three for the foundation of churches and hospitals, and four ninths for the support of curates and other officiating ecclesiastics. This distribution was afterwards altered, and the seven ninths of the moiety were applied to the latter purpose. The tithe on sugar, cocoa, coffee and other agricultural productions which required an expensive process before they were considered as articles of commerce paid only five per cent.; but ten per cent. was rigorously exacted on all produce and fruits which did not require such a process. Tobacco, being a royal monopoly, paid no tithes.

All offices in the cabildos, excepting those of the two alcaldes; those of notaries, escribanos, receivers and recorders of the audience, paid a fine to the King on his appointment, in proportion to the value of the office, but the incumbent was allowed to sell his appointment, on certain conditions established by law, which conditions, however, almost debarred any person from being a purchaser.

All property found was to be delivered to the solicitor of the treasury; and if it remained one year unclaimed it was declared to belong[Pg 202] to the crown. All contraband or confiscated property paid to the King the duties which would have been paid had the commodity been regularly imported or exported; after which the value produced by sale, the aprovechamiento being deducted, was divided among the informer, the captors, the intendant, the Council of Indies and the King. Fines imposed as penalties in the different courts of justice belonged to the crown, and were paid into the treasury. The property of any person dying intestate appertained to the King. The revenue arising from commerce was exacted under a great many heads, and was as complicated a system as the rest of the Spanish proceedings, which appeared to be directed to the employment of a number of officers and the diminution of finance.

The almoxarifasgo was paid on whatever was either shipped or landed; on entering any Spanish port five per cent. was paid, on going out, two per cent.

The corso was levied on entry as well as departure, being in both cases two per cent. The duty called armada was a tax established for defraying the expenses incurred in the protection of vessels against pirates; that of corso against enemies in time of war; but although the former might not exist, and the latter have[Pg 203] ceased, the tax was still levied, in contradiction to the old rule, that the effect ceases with the cause. The armada was four per cent. on entry, and two on departure. The duty of the consulate was received at the maritime custom houses, and the product accounted for to the tribunal; it was one per cent. on entry, and one on departure.

Besides the foregoing taxes, the tariff taxes were paid, the list of which would be too long for insertion. In 1810 the Viceroy Abascal issued a decree, by which British manufactured goods were permitted to be brought across the Isthmus of Panama, and thence to Callao, on condition of their paying a duty of thirty-seven and a half per cent., called el derecho de cirquito, circuit duty, in addition to all the other taxes. A merchant in Lima assured me, that having remitted thirty thousand dollars to Jamaica, to be employed in the purchase of cotton goods, the expenses of freight, the porterage, and the duties together amounted to forty-two thousand three hundred and seventy-five dollars by the time the goods were warehoused in Lima.

Among the ecclesiastical contributions to the state were major and minor vacancies, which were the rents of vacant bishoprics, prebendaries and canonries; these rents were paid into[Pg 204] the treasury until the new dignitary was appointed, and took possession of his benefice.

The mesada ecclesiastica was the amount of the first month, or the twelfth part of the annual income of each rector after his presentation to a new benefice. This was estimated by the solicitor of the treasury, and religiously exacted.

The media anata ecclesiastica was the proceeds of the first six months which the dignitaries and canons of the chapters paid out of the income of their benefices. Restitution was the money which penitents delivered to their confessors, being the amount of what they believed they had defrauded the crown, by smuggling, or other unlawful practices. The name of the restitutionist was kept a profound secret; all that the confessor had to do was, to deliver the money he might receive to the collector at the treasury. This was giving to Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's.

The greatest amount of revenue which the King received from the church arose from the sale of bulls; and of these there was a great variety. Jovellanos says, in his description of the pope's bulls, "that they are a periodical publication of the highest price, least value, meanest type, and worst paper; all buy them, few read them, and none understand them."

[Pg 205]

The bulls were first granted by the popes as a kind of passport to heaven to all those who died in the wars against infidels; they contained most extraordinary dispensations, both with respect to Christian duties in this world and to the punishment due to crimes in the next; and although the crusades, and other wars that drove men to heaven, or to some other place, at the point of the lance, or sword, had ceased, yet the influence of the bulls in increasing the revenue was of too great importance to the king for him to allow them to die with the cause that gave them birth: their effects were too useful to be renounced.

According to the original terms of the bulls, no person could reap the benefit unless he were actually serving in the war; afterwards he might procure a substitute and remain secure at home; but now he can enjoy the blessings of peace at a much cheaper rate. The bulls sold in South America were, the general bull for the living, or of the holy crusade; the bull of lacticinios, milk food; of composicion, accommodation; and the bull for the dead.

The general bull for the living retained its virtue in the hands of its possessor for two years, at which period it expired, but the benefit might be renewed by purchasing another. The[Pg 206] advantages derived from the possession of this bull included generally all those of the other three though not in so direct a manner; having this, no cases were reserved for papal absolution; all kinds of vows might be released, excepting those which would contribute more to the church by their fulfilment; blasphemy was forgiven; any thing except flesh meat might be eaten on fast days; and one day of fasting, one prayer repeated, or one good deed done, was equal to fifteen times fifteen forties of fast days, prayers, or good deeds done by the unlucky being who had not purchased this bull. Nay more—the buying of two bulls conveyed to the purchaser a double portion of privileges. The price of this precious paper varied according to the rank of the sinful purchaser: a viceroy, captain-general of a province, lieutenant-general of the army and their wives paid fifteen dollars for each bull; archbishops, bishops, inquisitors, canons, dukes, marquises, and all noblemen, also magistrates and many others, five dollars each; every individual who was in possession of property to the amount of 6000 dollars, paid one dollar and a half for his bull; and all persons under this class enjoyed all the privileges conceded to the rich and powerful, for two and a half reals, or five sixteenths, of a dollar each.

[Pg 207]

The bull of lacticinios, or milk food, was issued for the benefit of the clergy, they not being allowed by the general bull to eat such dainties on fast days; but as the result did not answer the expectations of the crown the commissary-general recommended the laity to purchase it for the prevention of conscientious scruples. Archbishops, bishops, and conventual prelates paid six; canons, dignitaries and inquisitors, paid three; rectors and curates one and a half, and all other secular priests one dollar for each bull. A celebrated Spanish writer, speaking of this bull, says, "the holy father has only allowed them these dainties when they can be procured, another bull is wanting to eat them at all events, but for this purpose the bull of composicion may be made to answer."

This bull of composition, or accommodation, is monstrous; for it gives to the possessor of stolen property a quiet conscience and absolute possession, on condition that he has stolen it evading the punishment applicable by law; that he knows not the person whom he has robbed or defrauded, and that the knowledge of this accommodating bull did not induce him to commit the theft. Thus this papal pardon by accommodation or agreement insures to a lawless villain a quiet possession of property, the means[Pg 208] of acquiring which ought to have been rewarded by the hangman! The possessor of the unlawfully acquired property fixed a value on it, and purchased bulls to the amount of six per cent. on the principal. Only fifty bulls could be purchased in one year by one individual, but if he required more, he applied to the commissary-general, whose indulgence might be purchased.

The bull for the dead was a kind of safe conduct to paradise—the masonic sign to Saint Peter for admission there, or a discharge from purgatory, if the soul of the deceased had reached this place before the bull was purchased, or if by some mishap the name of the individual had not been written on it, or had been wrongly spelled. How unfortunate must those pious Christians have been who lived, or rather who died at a great distance from the bull vender, or who had not the means of purchasing this pontifical passport; for every person must have one, the article not being transferable, because this would injure the market; but any person was allowed to purchase more than one and at any period after the death of the person he wished to befriend, as its powerful influence might be extended to the general benefit and alleviation of souls in purgatory. Thus it is that piety when accompanied with money has wonderful powers! All[Pg 209] persons included among the first class of purchasers of the general bull paid six eighths of a dollar, six reals, for one for the dead, if he belonged to this class, but if he were of the fourth it only cost two reals, two eighths of a dollar.

I shall not pretend to give an estimate of the sum produced by the taxes, the jealousy of the Spaniards towards a foreigner being so great that it would have been dangerous for me even to have inquired. The two following items I obtained by chance:

[Pg 210]

CHAPTER XI.

City of Lima....Figure and Division....Walls....Bridge....Houses....Churches....Manner of Building....Parishes....Convents....Nunneries....Hospitals....Colleges....Plasa Mayor....Market....Interior of the Viceroy's Palace....Ditto Archbishop's Ditto....Ditto Sagrario....Ditto Cathedral....Ditto Cavildo.

The figure of the city of Lima approaches to that of a semicircle, having the river Rima for its diameter; it is two miles long from east to west, and one and a quarter broad from the bridge to the wall; it is chiefly divided into squares, the length of each side being 130 yards; but in some parts approaching to the wall this regularity is not preserved; all the streets are straight, and they are generally about 25 feet wide; the place contains 157 quadras, being either squares or parallelograms, with a few diagonal intersections towards the extremities of the city.

The wall which encloses Lima, except on the side bordering on the river, is built of adobes, sun-dried bricks, each brick being twenty inches long, fourteen broad and four thick; they are made of clay, and contain a very[Pg 211] large quantity of chopped straw: these bricks are considered as better calculated than stone to resist the shocks of earthquakes, and from their elasticity they would probably be found pretty tough in resisting a cannonading; however, of this there is little risk. The walls are on an average twelve feet high, with a parapet three feet on the outer edge: they are about ten feet thick at the bottom, and eight at the top, forming a beautiful promenade round two-thirds of the city. The wall is flanked with thirty-four bastions, but without embrasures; it has seven gates and three posterns, which are closed every night at eleven o'clock, and opened again every morning at four. This wall of enclosure more than of defence was built by the Viceroy Duke de la Palata, and finished in the year 1685; it was completely repaired by the Viceroy Marquis de la Concordia, in the year 1808. All the gateways are of stone, and of different kinds of architecture; that called de maravillas, leading towards the pantheon, is very much ornamented with stucco work.

At the south east extremity of the city is a small citadel called Santa Catalina; in it are the artillery barracks, the military depôt, and the armoury. It is walled round and defended by two bastions, having small pieces of artillery.[Pg 212] The Viceroy Pezuela being an officer of artillery, and formerly commandant of the body guard at Lima, paid great attention to the citadel, and expended considerable sums of money in altering and repairing it during the time of his viceroyalty.

The bridge leading from the city to the suburb called San Lazaro is of stone; it has five circular arches, and piers projecting on each side; those to the east are triangular next the stream, and those on the opposite side are circular; on the tops are stone seats, to which a number of fashionable people resort and chat away the summer evenings. From eight to eleven o'clock, or even later, it is remarkably pleasant, both on account of the quantity of people passing to and fro, and from the river being at this season full of water. On the east side the water falls from an elevated stone base about five feet high, and forms a species of cascade, the sound of the falling water adding much to the pleasure enjoyed during the cool evenings of a tropical climate. At the south end of the bridge is a stone arch, crowned with small turrets and stucco, having a clock and dial in the centre; the whole was built and finished by the order of the Viceroy Marquis of Montes Claros, in the year 1613.

[Pg 213]

The general aspect of the houses in Lima is novel to an Englishman on his first arrival; those of the inferior classes have but one floor, and none exceed two; the low houses have a mean appearance, too, from their having no windows in front. If the front be on a line with the street they have only a door, and if they have a small court-yard, patio, a large heavy door opens into the street. Some of the houses of the richer classes have simply the ground floor, but there is a patio before the house, and the entrance from the street is through a heavy-arched doorway, with a coach house on one side; over this is a small room with a balcony and trellis windows opening to the street. Part of these houses have neat green balconies in front, but very few of the windows are glazed. Having capacious patios, large doors and ornamented trellis windows, beside painted porticos and walls, with neat corridors, their appearance from the street is exceedingly handsome. In some there is a prospect of a garden through the small glazed folding doors of two or three apartments; this garden is either real or painted, and contributes very much to enliven the scenery. The patios, in summer, have large awnings drawn over them,[Pg 214] which produce an agreeable shade; but the flat roofs, without any ornaments in front, present an appearance not at all pleasing; if to this we add the sameness of the many dead walls of the convents and nunneries, some of the streets must naturally look very gloomy.

Of the principal churches the fronts are elegant and the steeples more numerous and more elevated than might be expected in a country so subject to earthquakes as Peru. The architecture displayed in the façades of these churches is more worthy of being called a peculiar composite than any regular order; but in a great many instances this peculiarity is pleasing: a particular description of them will be given in the course of this work.

The outer walls of the houses are generally built of adobes as far as the first floor, and the division walls are always formed of canes, plastered over on each side; this is called quincha: the upper story is made first of a frame-work of wood; canes are afterwards nailed or lashed with leather thongs on each side the frame-work; they are then plastered over, and the walls are called bajareque. These additions so considerably increase their bulk, that they seem to be composed of very solid materials, both with respect to the thickness which they exhibit,[Pg 215] and the cornices and other ornaments which adorn them. Porticos, arches, mouldings, &c. at the doorways are generally formed of the same materials. Canes bound together and covered with clay are substituted also for pillars, as well as other architectural ornaments, some of which being well executed, and coloured like stone, a stranger at first sight easily supposes them to be built of the materials they are intended to imitate. The roofs being flat are constructed of rafters laid across, and covered with cane, or cane mats, with a layer of clay sufficient to intercept the rays of the sun, and to guard against the fogs. Many of the better sort of houses have the roofs covered with large thin baked bricks, on which the inhabitants can walk; these asoteas, as they are called, are very useful, and are often overspread with flowers and plants in pots; they also serve for drying clothes and other similar purposes. Among the higher classes the ceilings are generally of pannel work, ornamented with a profusion of carving; but among the lower they are often of a coarse cotton cloth, nailed to the rafters and whitewashed, or painted in imitation of pannel work. In several of the meaner, however, the canes or cane mats are visible.

[Pg 216]

Some of the churches have their principal walls and pillars of stone; others of adobes and bajareque; the towers are generally of the latter work, bound together with large beams of Guayaquil wood; the spires are commonly of wood work, cased over with planks, and painted in imitation of stone; with mouldings, cornices and other ornaments, either of wood or stucco.

In large buildings of every description there is generally a great proportion of timber, keeping up a connection from the foundation to the roof; thus there is less danger from the shocks of earthquakes than if they were built of brick or more solid materials; for the whole building yields to the motion, and the foundation being combined with the roof and other parts, the whole moves at the same time, and is not so easily thrown down. I suggested to a friend in Lima the idea of placing between every tenth layer of adobes one of long canes; this he put in practice, and afterwards informed me, that it was considered a great improvement, so much so, that he thought the plan would be generally adopted, especially as it produced a saving of timber, which is a dear article; had also the effect of preventing the walls from cracking by the shocks of earthquakes, and was equal to that of rafters of wood or frame-work and bajareque.

[Pg 217]

The city is divided into four parishes, the Sagrario, with three rectors; Saint Ann, two; Saint Sebastian, two; Saint Marcelo, one. Here are two chapels of ease, that of Saint Salvador in the parish of Saint Ann, and that of the Orphans in the parish of the Sagrario. Over the bridge are the suburbs of Saint Lazaro, with one rector, a curate at the Cabesas and another at Carabaillo, five leagues from the city, beside several chapels on the different plantations. In the Cercado there is a parish of indians, founded by the Jesuits, and formerly under their care.

The convents are numerous. I shall first give a list of them, and afterwards mention those that are individually worthy of notice.

The nunneries in Lima are La Encarnacion, La Concepcion, Santa Catalina, Santa Clara, Las Trinitarias, El Carmen Alto, Santa Teresa, or Carmen Baxo, Descalsos de San Jose, Capuchinas de Jesus Maria, Nasarenas, Mercedarias, Santa Rosa, Trinitarias descalsas. El Praso, and Nuestra Señora de Copacavana for indian ladies.

The following are beaterios, houses of seclusians, which do not take the monastic vows: Santa Rosa de Viterbo, Nuestra Señora del Patrocinio, San Jose for women divorced from their husbands, and the Recogidas for poor women, somewhat similar to the Magdalen Hospital in London.

Each of these religious houses has a church or chapel, making in the whole as follows:—

[Pg 219]

Besides these each hospital has a chapel; many of the convents also have chapels attached to them: San Francisco has that of Los Dolores and El Milagro, and several of the principal inhabitants have private oratories, there being altogether upwards of one hundred places of worship, supporting more than eight hundred secular and regular priests, and about three hundred nuns, with a great number of lay brothers and sisters.

Lima has the following hospitals, each appropriated to some peculiar charity:—

San Andres, for Spaniards and maniacs—Santa Ana, for indians—San Bartolome, for negroes and African castes—San Pedro, for poor ecclesiastics—El Espiritu Santo, for seamen—San Pedro Alcantara, for females—La Caridad, for females—Bethlemitas, for females, opposite the convent—San Lazaro, for lepers; in addition to the three already mentioned.

The Colleges in Lima are:—Santo Toribio, an ecclesiastical seminary—San Martin, afterwards San Carlos, now San Martin again, for secular studies—Colegio del Principe, for Latin grammar and the sons of indian caciques, besides the conventual colleges, where many of the lower classes are taught Latin, and some branches of science, gratis, by the friars.

[Pg 220]

The plasa mayor, principal square, stands nearly in the centre of the city (the suburbs of San Lazaro being included) about 150 yards from the bridge; on the north side stands the Viceroy's palace, having an ornamented gateway in the centre, where the horse guards are stationed; this front is 480 feet long: the lower part is divided into petty pedlars' shops, filled with all kinds of wares, open in front, the doors which enclose them being thrown back; so that those of one shop meet those of two neighbouring ones, and all of them are generally adorned with part of the stock in trade, hung on them for sale. Over these runs a long gallery, with seats rising one above another, for the accommodation of the inhabitants when there is any féte in the square; on the top there is a railing, carved in imitation of balustrades. At the north-west corner is a gallery for the family of the Viceroy, which on days of ceremony was fitted up with green velvet hangings, ornamented with gold lace and fringe; a state chair to correspond being placed for his Excellency in the centre. It was here that the Viceroy Marquis de Castel-forte presented himself to witness the death of the innocent Fiscal Antequera, in 1726; here Lord Cochrane stood, when the independence of Lima was declared in 1821; and[Pg 221] from hence the medals commemorative of that glorious day were distributed.

On the east side is the cathedral, having a light ornamented façade, with large folding doors in the centre and smaller ones on each side, surmounted by a handsome balustrade and two steeples, each of which contains a peal of fine-toned bells, a clock and dials. The entrance to this rich building is by a flight of steps, the area being ten feet above the level of the plasa. On the north side of the cathedral is the Sagrario, with a very beautiful façade; and adjoining stands the Archbishop's palace, which surpasses in appearance every other building in the square. Green balconies, glazed, run along the front, on each side of an arched gateway, which leads into the patio; but the lower part is disgraced with small shops, the nearest one to the Sagrario being a pulperia, grog shop! Under the area of the cathedral there is also a range of small shops, one of which formerly belonged to Don Ambrosio Higgins, who was a pedlar and failed. He afterwards went to Chile, entered the army, obtained promotion, discovered the city of Osorno, and was honoured with the title of Marquis of Osorno. In 1786 he returned to Lima in the high capacity of Viceroy, and found his old friend and brother pedlar, La Reguera,[Pg 222] enjoying the archiepiscopal mitre: a coincidence of good fortune not often equalled. La Reguera had some time before left Lima for Spain, his native country, and having been more fortunate in trade than Higgins, had prosecuted his studies, and returned archbishop in 1781.

On the south side is a row of private houses, having a balcony and trellis windows: over the piazza, which is ten feet broad, the pillars are of stone; a row of mercers' and drapers' shops occupies the piazza, and between the pillars are stationed a number of men, principally indians, employed in making fringe, silk buttons, epauletts, &c.; hence it is called, el portal de botoneros. In the middle of this piazza is el callejon de petateros, remarkable as being the site of Pizarro's palace, and where he was murdered.

The west side is similar to the south, and at the north end of it is the casa consistorial, corporation house; under it is the city gaol, in front of which is the council hall, which has on one side the door a canopy over the royal arms. Under this the alcaldes formerly stood to administer justice. Here it was that, some years ago, the young Viscount de San Donas sentenced the coachman of Judge Nuñes to receive a hundred lashes for carrying prohibited arms: the man was tied to an ass, and the hangman,[Pg 223] having inflicted twenty-five stripes, was marching him to the next corner to administer the same number, when the judge, informed of the affair, left the audience chamber, and proceeded in his robes to the rescue of his servant; but in this he was prevented by the alcalde; the judge became boisterous,—the punishment was continued; at length his lordship insulted the alcalde, who immediately ordered his alguazils to seize him and conduct him to the court gaol, where San Donas confined him in a dungeon, took the keys, went home, ordered his horse, and left the city. When he returned in the evening he waited on the Viceroy, Castel-forte, who urgently interceded for the judge; but the alcalde kept him in prison until he apologised for his improper attempt to prevent a magistrate from enforcing the execution of a lawful sentence.

In the centre of the square is a beautiful brass fountain, erected by the Viceroy Count de Salvatierra in 1653. The basin is very capacious: in the middle rises a brass column twenty two feet high, on the top of which is a small cupola supported by four pillars; the whole is surmounted by a figure of Fame. Through the trumpet water is ejected; but the greater portion rises within the dome, after which it falls into a large basin, from thence into another of[Pg 224] greater dimensions, and from thence through four orifices into a basin which has an ornamented brass enclosure, surmounted by four treble lions, ejecting water from their mouths into the basin. There are also four smaller fountains at the angles of the central one, having each a brass pillar five feet high, with four orifices, whence water issues. The water is the best in Lima, and at all hours of the day the carriers are busy in conveying it to different parts of the city. For this purpose they have a mule, with a pack-saddle and two hoops affixed to it, into which they put two barrels, each containing about ten gallons, behind which a man generally jumps up and rides. The carrier has a thick stick with an inverted iron hook near the top, with which he props one barrel when he takes out the other. If the water be for sale a small bell is attached to one of the hoops, which continues tinkling as the mule trots along. The price is one real for the two barrels.

In this square the principal market is held, and one of the greatest luxuries which the eye can witness is enjoyed by visiting it about five or six o'clock in the morning, when the articles for sale are just brought in. It is divided into several compartments by rows of large pebbles, which are placed merely to limit the venders,[Pg 225] and prevent their encroaching on the public walks. The butchers' market is generally well supplied with excellent beef and mutton; but calves and lambs are never killed, this being prohibited by an old law for the promotion of the breed of cattle. Pork is sold in one part; in another all kinds of salted and dried meats, principally brought from the interior; these are charque, jerked beef; sesina, beef salted and smoked or dried in the sun: hams, bacon, and frozen kid from the mountains, which last is most delicate eating: there are likewise many kinds of sausages; salt fish, principally bacalao, from Europe; tollo, congrio, and corbina. The fish market is in some seasons abundantly supplied from the neighbouring coasts with corbina, jureles, mackerel, chita, plaice, turbot, peje rey, lisa, anchovies, &c., and most excellent crayfish, camarones, from the rivers, some of which are six or seven inches long. Fish is generally cheap; but during Lent, and particularly in Passion Week, it is excessively dear; which arises from the indians enjoying the exclusive privilege of fishing, and being at that time of the year too much occupied with their religious duties to attend to their regular business. Indeed no indian will fish on the Thursday, Friday, or Saturday in Passion Week;[Pg 226] and I have seen a fish sold on those days for twenty or twenty-five dollars, which at other times might have been bought for one, or even less.

The poultry market is divided, one place being set apart for the live, and another for the dead. Poultry is almost always dear; a turkey costs from three to five dollars; a fowl from one to two dollars; ducks, Muscovy, the same price; pigeons half a dollar each; geese are seldom seen in the market, for as the natives never eat them, very few are bred. Here is also a market for all kinds of pulse—beans of several descriptions, peas, lentils, maize of five or six kinds, gurbansos, quinua, &c. The vegetable market contains every description of horticultural produce known in England, as well as the arracacha, yuca, casava root, camote, sweet potatoe, yam, oca, &c. The vegetables are remarkably fine, in great abundance, and generally cheap. The fruit market is splendid, furnishing the most delicious fruits of Europe—the grape of several varieties, the peach, apricot and nectarine, the apple, the pear, the pomegranate, the quince, the tomate, and the strawberry; and an abundance of luscious tropical fruits—the pine, the melon, badeas, granadillas, sapote, lucuma, nisperos, guavas, paltas, [Pg 227]guanabanas, custard apples, the sweet and sour orange, lime, and lemon, the shaddock, the citron, the plantane, the banana, and above all the chirimoya, the queen of tropical fruits. The portion allotted to the flower sellers is appropriately called the calle del peligro, street of danger; for here the gentle fair resort, and their gallant swains watch the favourable opportunity of presenting to them the choicest gifts of Flora. This corner of the market, at an early hour in the morning, is truly enchanting; the fragrance of the flowers, their beauty and quantity, and the concourse of lovely females—altogether would persuade a stranger that he had found the Muses wandering in gardens of delight! In the vicinity stands a fresquera, vender of iced lemonade, pine-apple water, orchata, almond milk, pomegranate water, &c. which offer another opportunity for gallantry. It is no exaggeration in the citizens of Lima when they assert, that they have one of the finest markets in the world, for every thing in art and nature contributes to its support: the beautiful climate near the coast, the vicinity of the mountains, where all climates may be found, from the ever-during snow to perpetual sunshine—send their abundant and rich produce to this cornucopia of Ceres and Pomona.

The interior of the Viceroy's palace is very[Pg 228] mean; but it is said to have been a magnificent building before it was destroyed by an earthquake on the 20th October, 1687. Its principal entrance is on the west side, in a narrow street leading to the bridge from the plasa; to the right of the entrance is the guard-room, where a company of infantry, a captain, lieutenant, and ensign are stationed: to the left there are four flights of steps leading to the sala de los Vireys, at the door of which is a guard of halberdiers, dressed in blue coats with full trimming of broad gold lace, crimson waistcoat and breeches with gold lace, silk stockings, velvet shoes, a laced hat, and a halberd. These soldiers are generally of good families: they are twenty-five in number, and the captain, their only officer, was always a young nobleman, because the situation was considered as highly honourable. Each Viceroy nominated a captain on his arrival. Don Diego Aliaga, son to the Marquis de Lurigancho, was captain to Abascal and Pezuela. The sala de los Vireys, so called on account of its containing full-length portraits of all the Viceroys from Pizarro to Pezuela,[5] was used only on days of ceremony, when the[Pg 229] Viceroy stood under a canopy of crimson velvet, trimmed with gold, and received in the name of the King the compliments addressed to him, which however were generally set speeches, studied for the occasion. The Regent pronounced the first harangue, then followed the controller of the tribunal of accompts, the dean in the name of his chapter, the alcalde of the first vote, the prior of the consulate, the inquisitor mayor, the commissary of the crusade, the rector of the university, a senior collegian from each college, and a master friar from each community. These levees were called dias de besa manos, which ceremony was performed de facto in Madrid, the whole court kissing the King's hand, and this was almost the only ceremony which the royal representative in Lima dispensed with.

To the right of this hall there is a narrow corridor, looking into a small garden on the right, having a suite of rooms on the left, which on days of ceremony were used as assembly rooms; there are also some closets, which may serve as sleeping rooms or studies, each having a small glazed balcony next the street. Two young British officers, belonging to the Briton, were one night detected by the sentry attempting to pay a visit, at one of those commodious[Pg 230] ventanas, to Miss Ramona Abascal, the Viceroy's daughter, and her female companion. The young ladies made fast the end of the sash belonging to Mr. B., but an unfortunate laugh alarmed the intruding sentry. From the north-west corner another range of rooms extends along the north side, which leads to those of the pages and other domestics; on the east side of the garden there is a terrace forming a passage to a range of apartments, where the chaplain, surgeon and secretary usually resided. A private passage under the terrace leads to one of those rooms constructed by the Viceroy Amat, for the purpose of receiving the midnight visits of the famous Perricholi. This name was given to the lady by her husband, an Italian, who wishing to call her a perra chola, indian b——h, gave an Italian termination to the words, and a name to his wife, by which she was ever afterwards known in Lima. In 1810 she was living at the new mills, at the corner of the alameda vieja. This circumstance I take the liberty to mention, because persons going to Lima will often hear on their arrival the name of this once handsome and generous woman, whose beauty had so far influenced her admirer, the Viceroy, that she at one time persuaded him to feed her mules at midnight, en camisa; and at[Pg 231] another obtained from him the reprieve of a criminal on the morning he was to have suffered. In her youth she was on the stage; but she spent her last days in seclusion, and her last dollars in works of charity. The dining room is on the east side of the garden, and has a staircase leading from the kitchen; it is low and dark, and has a dirty appearance. The rooms used on public occasions have each a crimson velvet canopy, under which were hung portraits of the reigning King and Queen; beside some antique furniture which belonged to the palace, glass chandeliers, &c.; but the whole was a very mean display for a Viceroy of Peru.

The palace also contained the royal treasury, the courts of the royal audience, the Viceroy's chapel, the county gaol, the secretary's offices, and some others belonging to the attendants. Each front of the palace was disgraced with mean pedlars' and shoemakers' shops, and close to the principal entrance was a pulperia, common grog shop, for the accommodation, I suppose, of the coachmen, footmen and soldiers on duty. The north and south sides of this building are four hundred and eighty feet long; the others four hundred and ten.

The interior of the archbishop's palace is but small; a flight of steps opposite the entrance[Pg 232] leads to a corridor that runs round the court-yard; on the north side are the dining and drawing rooms; on the west, fronting the plasa, are the principal levee rooms; on the south the secretary's offices; and on the east the apartments belonging to the domestics. The principal rooms are neatly fitted up; in some of them the walls are covered with crimson damask, having gilt cornices and mouldings.

The interior of the Sagrario, which may be called the principal parish church, or matrix, is more splendid than rich; the roof is beautifully pannelled, having a cupola in the centre, resting on the four corners formed by the intersection of the cross aisle; it is lofty, and the several altars are splendidly carved, varnished and gilt. Great part of the high altar is cased with silver; the sacrarium is highly finished, and the custodium of gold, richly ornamented with diamonds and other precious stones. The whole service is costly, both in plate and robes. The baptismal font is in a small chapel on one side; it is large, and covered with a thick casing of pure silver.

The cathedral, like all others, is spoiled by having the choir in the centre, blocking up the view of the high altar, which otherwise would present a most majestic appearance from the[Pg 233] centre porch. The walls and floor are of good freestone, and the roof, which is divided into compartments, is most beautifully pannelled and carved; it is upheld by a double row of neat square pillars of stone work, supporting the arches, and corresponding with the buttresses in the walls; all these, on festivals, are covered with Italian crimson velvet hangings, except in Passion Week, when they are clothed with purple ones of the same quality. Both sets are edged with broad gold lace, with a deep gold fringe at the bottom, and festoons with lace and fringe at the top.

The lateral altars are placed in niches between the buttresses, having ornamented gates before them, which, when opened inwards, form the presbytery. Some of these altars are rich, but none of them handsome. At the back of the high altar is a chapel dedicated to Saint Francisco Xavier, in which there are effigies of two archbishops, in white marble, kneeling before reclinatories. In this chapel was the archbishops' burying vault, which is now closed, and they, in common with all other people, are carried to the pantheon, where the first corpse interred was that of Archbishop La Reguera, being exhumed for the purpose.

The throne, or high altar, has a most [Pg 234]magnificent appearance; it is of the Corinthian order, the columns, cornices, mouldings, pedestals, &c. being cased with pure silver; it is also surmounted with a celestial crown of gilt silver; in the centre is the sacrarium, richly ornamented with chased silver work. The custodium is of gold, delicately wrought, and enriched with a profusion of diamonds and other precious stones: from the pedestal to the points of the rays it measures seven feet, and is more than any moderate sized person can lift. The front of the altar table is of embossed silver, very beautiful. On each side of the altar is an ornamented reading desk, where the gospel and epistle are chaunted. From the foot of the presbytery runs on either side to the choir a railing, and the front of the choir is closed by tastefully wrought gilt iron palisades, having two large gates in the centre. The stalls are of carved cedar, and the state chair of curious workmanship; it is considered as a relic, because it was used by Saint Toribio de Mogroviejo, archbishop of Lima, from 1578 to 1606. The choral music is very select, and the two organs finely toned. The pulpit is in the modern taste, highly varnished and gilt.

On grand festivals this church presents an imposing coup d'œil; the high altar is illuminated with more than a thousand wax [Pg 235]tapers; the large silver candelabra, each weighing upwards of a hundred pounds; the superb silver branches and lamps, and the splendid service of plate on the left of the altar, are indescribably striking. The archbishop in his costly pontifical robes is seen kneeling under a canopy of crimson velvet, with a reclinatory and cushions of the same material; a number of assisting priests in their robes of ceremony fill the presbytery; from which, leading towards the choir, are seats covered with velvet, on the left for the officers of state and the corporation, on the right for the judges, who attend in full costume. In the centre, in front of the altar, is a state chair covered with crimson velvet, with cushions, and a reclinatory to match, for the Viceroy, when he attended in state, having on each side three halberdiers of his body guard; behind him stood his chaplain, chamberlain, groom, captain of the body guard, and four pages in waiting. If any ceremony can flatter the vanity of man, it must be that of offering incense to him in such a situation:—three times during mass one of the acolites came down from the presbytery with an incensary, and bowed to the Viceroy, who stood up amid a cloud of smoke; the acolite bowed and retired, and the Viceroy again knelt down.

[Pg 236]

The gold and silver brocades, tissues and other stuffs, the laces and embroidery for robes, vestments and decorations, are of the most costly kind that can be procured. The sacred vessels, chalices, patenas, hostiarias, &c. are often of gold, enriched with a profusion of the rarest gems, so that nothing can display more grandeur than is beheld here on great festivals, when divine service is performed with a pomp scarcely to be imagined.

At the east end are two doors, corresponding with the two lateral doors in the front, and producing a fine effect. The area is spacious, and paved with freestone on the west, south, and east sides of this building, and the surrounding wall is surmounted by an ornamental palisade.

The corporation hall, sala consistorial, on the north-west side of the plasa, or square, offers nothing worthy of notice; it is a large room, containing benches for the members of the cavildo, a state chair and canopy for the president, some plans of the city hanging on the walls, and a closet for the archives.

[Pg 237]

CHAPTER XII.

Particular Description of Parish Churches....Of Santo Domingo....Altar of the Rosary, St. Rosa and other Altars....Cloisters....Sanctuary of Saint Rosa....Church of San Francisco....Chapels Del Milagro, De Dolores, De los Terceros....Pantheon....Cloisters....San Diego....San Agustin....La Merced....Profession of a Nun, or taking the Veil....Hospitals of San Andres, of San Bartolome and others....Colleges of Santo Toribio, San Carlos, Del Principe....University....Inquisition....Taken to it in 1806....Visit to it in 1812, after the Abolition....Inquisitorial Punishments ....Foundling Hospital....Lottery....Mint....Pantheon.

The parish churches of Lima have nothing to recommend them particularly to the notice of a stranger. St. Lazaro has an elegant façade, and presents a good appearance from the bridge; the interior is tastefully ornamented; the ceiling is of pannel work, and the several altars highly varnished and gilt. The living is said to produce about thirty thousand dollars annually, and is often called the little bishopric.

Of the conventual churches, only those belonging to the principal houses are remarkably rich. St. Dominic, Santo Domingo, about a hundred yards from the plasa mayor, is truly magnificent; the tower is the loftiest in the city, being sixty-one yards high, built[Pg 238] chiefly of bajareque; the bells are good, especially the great one, which was cast in 1807: none of the large bells are rung as in England; having no swing wheels, the clappers are merely dragged backwards and forwards till they strike the sides of the bells. The roof of the church is supported by a double row of light pillars, painted and gilt; the ceiling is divided into pannels by gilt mouldings, and the large central pannels exhibit some good scriptural paintings in fresco. The high altar, as usual, is on an elevated presbytery: it is of modern architecture, of the Ionic order; the columns are varnished in imitation of marble, with gilt mouldings, cornices and capitals. At the foot of the presbytery, on the right, stands the beautifully rich chased and embossed silver cased altar of our Lady of the Rosary. This altar exceeds any other in Lima both in richness and effect; it is entirely covered with pure silver; its elegant fluted columns, highly finished embossed pedestals, capitals, cornices, &c., some of which are doubly gilt, are magnificently superb. In the centre of the altar is the niche of the Madonna, of exquisite workmanship; the interior contains a transparent painting of a temple, the light being admitted to it by a window at the back of the altar. The effigy is[Pg 239] gorgeously dressed—the crown is a cluster of diamonds and other precious gems; and the drapery of the richest brocades, laces and embroidery; the rosary is a string of large pearls of the finest orient. Such is the abundance, or rather profusion, of drapery, that the same dress is never continued two days together, throughout the year. Before the niche fifteen large wax tapers are continually burning in silver sockets; and in a semicircle before the altar are suspended, by massy silver chains, curiously wrought, fourteen large heavy silver lamps, kept constantly lighted with olive oil. Besides these are, similarly suspended, eight fancifully wrought silver bird cages, whose inmates, in thrilling notes, join the pealing tones of the organ and the sacred chaunt of divine worship. Four splendid silver chandeliers hang opposite the altar, each containing fifteen wax tapers; below are ranged six heavy silver candelabra, six feet high, and six tables cased in silver, each supporting a large silver branch with seven tapers; also four urns of the same precious metal, filled with perfumed spirits, which are always burning on festivals, and emit scents from the most costly drugs and spices; the whole being surrounded by fuming pastillas, held by silver cherubim. On those days when the [Pg 240]festivals of the Virgin Mary are celebrated, and particularly at the feast of the rosary and octavo, the sumptuous appearance of this altar exceeds all description: at that time, during nine days, more than a thousand tapers blaze, and the chaunting and music of the choir are uninterrupted.

At the celebration of these feasts many miracles are pretended to be wrought by this Madonna; and many absurd legends are related from the pulpit, tending more to inculcate superstition than religion—more to increase pious frauds, than to enforce sound morality. It was for speaking thus irreverently of these ceremonies, to one of the double-hooded brethren, that I was brought before the holy inquisition, of which I shall say more when I conduct my readers to that now-deserted mansion. On the left of the high altar stands one dedicated to Saint Rose; it is richly ornamented, and has a large urn, containing an effigy of the saint, in a reclining posture, of white marble, and good sculpture. On each side of the church are six altars, coloured and varnished in imitation of different marbles, lapis lazuli, &c. with gilt mouldings, cornices, and other embellishments. The choir is over the entrance at the principal porch; it is capacious, and has two good organs. The[Pg 241] music belonging to this church is all painted on vellum by a lay brother of the order, and some of the books are ably done.

Three of the cloisters are very good; the principal one is elegant; it has two ranges of cells, and the pillars and arches are of stone, of fine workmanship. The lower part of the walls is covered with Dutch tiles, exhibiting sketches from the life of St. Dominick, &c. Above are large indifferently executed paintings of the life and miracles of the tutelary saints: they are generally concealed by panelled shutters, which are opened on holidays and festivals. At the angles of this cloister are small altars, with busts and effigies, most of them in bad style. The lower cloisters are paved with freestone flags—the upper ones with bricks. Some of the cells are richly furnished, and display more delicate attention to luxury than rigid observance of monastic austerity. The library contains a great number of books on theology and morality. On the wall of the stairs leading from the cloister to the choir is a fine painting of Christ in the sepulchre.

The rents of this convent amount to about eighty thousand dollars annually, and the number of friars belonging to the order is one hundred and forty. The provincial prelates are elected[Pg 242] by the chapter every year, being a Spaniard and a Creole alternately, and the contests run so high, that a military force has sometimes been found necessary to prevent bloodshed.

Belonging to this order is the sanctuary of Saint Rose, she having been a beata, a devotee of the order, wearing the Dominican habit. In the small chapel are several relics or remains of the saint, as bones, hair, &c., but more particularly a pair of dice, with which, it is pretended, when Rose was exhausted by prayers and penance, Christ often entertained her with a game. Shame having become paramount to deceit, the pious brethren have lately been loath to expose these dice, which, however, were shewn to me in 1805, and I kissed them with as much pious devotion as I would have done any other pair.

The church, chapels and convents of San Francisco, belonging to the casa grande, about 200 yards from the great square, plasa mayor, are the largest and most elegant in Lima. The church does not possess the riches of St. Dominick's, but its appearance is more solemn; the porch is filled with statues and other ornaments, and the two steeples are lofty and[Pg 243] somewhat elegant. The roof is supported by two rows of stone pillars, and is of panel work of the Gothic order: some of the altars are curiously carved and gilt, and the pillars, moulding, &c. of the sacrariums are cased with silver: the service of plate is rich, and the robes of the priests are splendid. Like the cathedral, this church has a complete set of crimson velvet hangings, laced and fringed with gold.

The chapel called del Milagro is most tastefully ornamented; some of the paintings executed by Don Matias Maestre are good: the high altar is cased with silver, and the niche of the Madonna is beautifully wrought of the same material. Mass is celebrated here every half-hour, from five in the morning till noon. In the vestry of this chapel are paintings of the heads of the apostles, by Reubens, or, as some assert, by Morillo; however this may be, they are undoubtedly very fine. The following story is related of this Madonna. On the 27th of November, 1630, a very severe shock of an earthquake was felt; the effigy was then standing over the porch of the church, fronting the street; but at the time of the shock she turned round, they say, and facing the high altar, lifted up her hands in a supplicating[Pg 244] posture, and thus, according to many pious believers, preserved the city from destruction! From this act she is called del milagro, of the miracle.

FEMALES OF LIMA.

Engraved for Stevenson's Narrative of South America.

Another chapel, elegantly ornamented, is of Nuestra Señora de los Dolores; and one in the interior of the convent is dedicated to the fraternity of Terceros of the order, and the religious exercises of St. Ignacio de Loyola, with a cloister of small cells for exercitantes. The chapel contains five beautiful paintings from the passion of Christ, by Titian; they belong to the Count of Lurigancho, and are only lent to the chapel. Inside the convent is a pantheon or mausoleum for the order and some of the principal benefactors; but it is at present closed, all the dead being now interred at the pantheon on the outside the city walls. The principal cloister is very handsome: the lower part of the walls is covered with blue and white Dutch tiles, above which is a range of paintings, neatly executed, taken from the life of St. Francis. The pillars are of stone; the mouldings, cornices, &c. of stucco. The roof is of panel work, which with the beams is most laboriously carved: at the angles are small altars of carved wood. In the middle of this cloister there is a garden and an[Pg 245] arbour of jessamine on trellis work, crossing it at right angles: in the centre is a beautiful brass fountain; and in the middle of each square, formed by the intersection of the arbour, is a smaller one, throwing the water twenty feet high. The minor squares are filled with pots of choice flowers, and a number of birds in cages hang among the jessamines. Two large folding gates lead from the church to the cloister, and whether the garden be viewed from the former, or the music of the choir be heard from the latter, the effect is equally fascinating. The stairs from the lower cloister to the upper, as well as the church choir, are beautifully finished. There are two flights of steps to the first landing place, and one from thence to the top; the centre flight is supported by a light groined arch; over the whole is a dome of wood-work, elegantly carved, and producing a most noble effect. This convent has nine cloisters, including the noviciate, and belonging to it there are about three hundred friars. The provincial prelate is elected by the chapter, a Spaniard and a Creole alternately; the order is of mendicants, and consequently possesses no property; it is supported by charity, and having the exclusive privilege of selling shrouds, it acquires a very large[Pg 246] income, as no one wishes that a corpse should be buried without the sacred habit of St. Francis. The shroud is in fact exactly the same as the habit of the friar, which gave rise to the curious remark of a foreigner, "that he had observed none but friars died in this place." The library is rich in theological works.

Belonging to St. Francis is the recluse of St. Diego. The friars in this small convent wear the coarse grey habit, and are barefooted. They lead a most exemplary life, seldom leave their cloisters except on the duty of their profession, and even then one never goes alone; if a young friar be sent for, an old friar accompanies him, and vice versa: to the intent that the young friar may profit by the sage deportment of the old. At this convent, as well as at every other of the order of St. Francis, food is daily distributed to the poor at twelve o'clock, at the postern, and many demi-paupers dine with the community in the refectory. The gardens of St. Diego are extensive, and contain a large stock of good fruit trees, as well as medicinal plants. The solemn silence which reigns in the small but particularly clean cloisters of this convent seem to invite a visitor to religious seclusion; for, as it is often said, the very walls breathe sanctity. Here is also[Pg 247] a cloister of small cells, and a chapel for religious exercises, where any man may retire for a week from the hurry and bustle of the town, and dedicate a portion of his life to religious meditation. During Lent the number of those who thus retire is very great; their principal object is to prepare themselves to receive the communion; and they have every assistance with which either precept or example can furnish them.

The church of San Agustin is small, light, and ornamented with sculpture and gilding. The convent is of the second class, but the order is rich, and their college of San Ildefonso is considered the best conventual college in Lima.

The church of Nuestra Señora de la Merced is large, but not rich. This order, as well as that of San Agustin, elect their provincial prelates every year; they are always natives, no Spaniard being allowed to become a prelate; even the habit is denied them, so that few Spaniards of either of the two orders are to be found in Lima, and these few belong to other convents. The duty of the order, which is denominated a military one, is to collect alms for the redemption of captive Christians.

In the churches belonging to the nunneries[Pg 248] there is a great quantity of tasteful ornaments, but nothing very costly, although the income of one, the Concepcion, exceeds a hundred thousand dollars annually. It is said, that the four best situations in Lima are the Mother Abbess of Concepcion, the Provincialate of Santo Domingo, the Archbishopric, and the Viceroyalty.

The enormous sums of money which the nunneries have received at different times almost exceed belief; for independently of gifts and other pious donations, the dowry of each nun, when she takes the veil, amounts to three thousand dollars; and many females who have been possessed of large sums have declared their whole property to have been their dowry—thus preventing the possibility of a law-suit, and often depriving, by this subterfuge, poor relatives from enjoying what they had long hoped for at the death of the possessor.

Nuns, as well as friars, have one year of probation, as novices, before they can profess or take the veil, which seals their doom for life. When a female chooses to become a nun she is usually dressed in her best attire, and attended by a chosen company of friends, whom she regales at her own house, or at that of some acquaintance; in the evening she goes to the[Pg 249] church of the nunnery, and is admitted into the lower choir by a postern in the double gratings; she retires, but soon re-appears dispossessed of her gay attire, and clothed in the religious habit of the order, without either scapulary or veil, and then bids adieu to her friends, who immediately return to their houses, whilst the nuns are chaunting a welcome to their new sister. At the expiration of a year, the novice is questioned as to the purity of her intentions, by the Mother Abbess, or Prioress; and if she express a desire to profess, a report is made to the Prelate of the order, who is the bishop, or his delegate, or the provincial prelate of the monastic order; for some nunneries are under the jurisdiction of the ordinary, or bishop, and others under that of the regulars of their own order. The evening before the day appointed for the solemn ceremony of taking the veil, the prelate, accompanied by the chaplain of the nunnery, and the parents and friends of the nun, goes to the gate or locutory of the nunnery, and the novice is delivered to him by the Mother Abbess and community, in their full habits of ceremony; she is then led to the church, when the prelate seating himself, the chaplain reads to her the institute or laws and regulations of the order; he[Pg 250] questions her as to her own will, explains to her the duty of the profession she is going to embrace, and warns her not to be intimidated by threats, nor hallucinated by promises, but to say whether by her own consent, free will, and choice she have determined to become a sister of the order, and a professed spouse of Christ, according to the spirit of the Church. If she answer in the affirmative, she is re-conducted to the locutory, where she spends the evening with her friends, or, if she desire it, she can go to the house of her parents, or visit other religious houses. Early the next morning the novice makes her private vows of chastity, poverty, obedience and monastic seclusion, in the hands of the Mother Abbess, the whole sisterhood being present. At a later hour the prelate and the officiating priests attend the church, and high mass is celebrated; the novice is now presented at the communion grating, where she receives the sacrament from the prelate; she then retires, and the rules of the order are again read to her, and if she still give her assent to them, she kisses the rules and the missal. A funeral pall is spread on the floor of the choir, on which the novice lies down, and is covered with another; the knell for the dead is tolled by the nunnery[Pg 251] bells, the nuns holding funeral tapers in their hands, with their veils down, chaunting a mournful dirge, after which a solemn requiem is performed by the priests and the choir. The novice rises, assisted by the nuns, and the prelate, going to the communion table, takes a small veil in his hands, and chaunts the anthem, "Veni sponsa Christi." The novice approaches the table, the veil is laid on her head, and a lighted taper put into her hand, ornamented as a palm, after which she is crowned with flowers. The Mother Abbess next presents her to each nun, whom she salutes, and lastly the Abbess. She then bows to the prelate, priests, and her friends, and retires in solemn procession, the whole community chaunting the psalm, "Laudate Domini."

Much has been said and written respecting nuns and nunneries, and most unfeeling assertions have been made both with regard to the cause and effect of taking the veil; but, from what I have heard and seen, these assertions are generally as false as they are uncharitable; they are too often the effusions of bigots, who endeavour to load with the vilest epithets as well the cloistered nun, the devout catholic, and the pious protestant, as the immoral libertine. They apply to themselves the text,[Pg 252] "he that is not for me, is against me," and every thing that militates against their own peculiar doctrines must be wrong. I never knew a nun who repented of her vows, and I have conversed with hundreds: many have said that they doubted not but that happiness was to be found without the walls, and discontent within, but that neither could be attributed exclusively to their being found in or out of a nunnery. Let those who would revile the conduct of their fellow creatures look to their own; let those who pity, search at home for objects: they who would amend others, should set the example. If we suppose that some of the inmates of cloisters are the victims of tyranny, we should recollect how many others are sacrificed at the shrine of avarice to the bond of matrimony! for the vows at the altar are alike indissoluble, and their effects are often far more distressing.

The vows of a friar are similar to those of the nuns; but owing perhaps to the door of the convent being as open as that of the choir, they are not so religiously fulfilled. The friars may indeed be considered as a nuisance, for they are generally formed of the dregs of society. When a father knows not what to do with a profligate son, he will send him to a convent, where having passed his year in the noviciate, he [Pg 253]professes, and relying on his convent as a home, he becomes a drone to society, a burden to his order, and a disgrace to his own character. It was well said, by Jovellanos, that "friars enter their convent without knowing each other, live without loving one another, and die without bewailing one another." I have nevertheless known many virtuous and learned men among the hooded brethren, but rarely have I heard any one state, that he did not regret having taken the solemn oath that bound him to the cloister, and made him one of a fraternity which he could not avoid disliking. It generally happens, that the respectable individuals who assume a religious habit apply themselves to study, and by becoming lecturers, or getting a degree of D. D. in the University, they escape the drudgery of a hebdomadary, and take a seat in the chapter of the order.

The hospital of San Andres is appropriated to white people; it has several large neat wards, with clean beds; these are placed in small alcoves on each side the ward, and are so constructed, that in case of necessity, another row of beds can be formed along the top of the alcoves; it contains about six hundred beds, a number which can be doubled. The wards are well ventilated from the roof, and are kept[Pg 254] wholesome. When a patient enters, he has a bed assigned him; his clothes are taken away, deposited in a general wardrobe, and not returned to him until orders are given by the physician or surgeon. The sick are not allowed to have any money in their possession, nor are visitors permitted to give them any thing, without the consent of one of the major domos, or overseers. A good garden, called a botanic garden, belongs to the hospital; also an amphitheatre, or dissecting room. The college of San Fernando, built by the Viceroy Abascal, for the study of medicine and surgery, adjoins this hospital, and here the students practise. It has also a department for drugs, where all the prescriptions are attended to by regular professors. The druggists, as well as the physicians and surgeons, are subject to examination in the university, and cannot practise without permission from the college of physicians, to whose annual visits they are liable, for the purpose of examining their drugs. No physician or surgeon is allowed to have drugs at his own house, or to make up his own prescriptions: even the barbers, who are phlebotomists, are examined by the board of surgeons.

The hospital of San Bartolome is for [Pg 255]negroes and other people of colour; if they are free, they are received gratis, but if slaves, their owners pay half a dollar a day for the time they remain. St. Ana is for indians, and was founded by an indian lady, called Catalina Huanca. This casica was very rich, and besides this pious establishment she left large sums of money for other charitable uses; but her most extraordinary bequest was a sum for forming and paying the body guard of the Viceroy, both the halberdiers and the cavalry, consisting of a hundred men. The hospital del Espiritu Santo is for sailors, and a portion of the wages is deducted, called hospital money, from the pay of every sailor who enters the port of Callao. San Pedro is part of the convent bearing the same name, formerly belonging to the Jesuits, and now occupied by the congregation of San Felipe Neri. This hospital is for poor clergymen. San Pedro de Alcantara, and la Caridad, are both for females, and San Lazaro for lepers. Particular care is taken in the different hospitals, as well to the administration of medicine and surgical operations, as to the diet, cleanliness, ventilation, and comfort of the sick.

Besides these hospitals, there are the convalescencies of Belen and San Juan de Dios, under the management of the friars of the two[Pg 256] orders. More particular attention is paid here to the sick than in the hospitals; any individual is received on paying half a dollar a day, or through the recommendation of one of the benefactors. I was twice in San Juan de Dios, and received every assistance and indulgence that I had a right to expect.

The college of Santo Toribio is a tridentine seminary, where young gentlemen are educated principally for the church; four collegians attend mass at the cathedral every morning, for the purpose of being initiated into the ceremonies of their future professions. Their habit is an almond coloured gown, very wide at the bottom, and buttoned round the neck; when spread open its form is completely circular, having a hole with a collar in the centre; this is called the opa. A piece of pale blue cloth, about eight inches broad, is passed over one shoulder, then folded on the breast, and the end thrown across the opposite shoulder, the two ends hanging down behind the bottom of the opa. On the left side of this cloth, called the beca, the royal arms are embroidered. A square clerical cap or bonnet of black cloth is worn on the head. This college bears the name of its founder, and is supported by rents appertaining to it; there is also a subsidy paid annually by each beneficed[Pg 257] curate in the archbishopric, and a certain sum by each collegian.

The college of San Carlos is called the royal college; it was founded by the Jesuits, under the title of San Martin, but after the extinction of that order it was changed to San Carlos. The principal studies in this college are a course of arts and law; but theology is also taught. The dress is a full suit of black, a cocked hat, dress sword of gold or gilt, and formerly the royal arms suspended at a button-hole on the left side by a light blue ribbon. The college is capacious, having a chapel, refectory, garden, baths, different disputing rooms, and a good library, containing many prohibited French and other authors. San Carlos is supported by a yearly stipend from the treasury, assisted by what the collegians pay for their education. Lectures are delivered by pasantes, or the head collegians, to the lower classes; for which they receive a pecuniary reward, and wear as a distinguishing badge, a light blue ribbon or scarf, crossing from the left shoulder to the right side, to which the arms are suspended instead of the button-hole.

In the college del Principe, young noble indian caciques are educated for the church; their dress is a full suit of green, a crimson[Pg 258] shoulder ribbon and cocked hat. That of San Fernando, for medicine, has for dress a full suit of blue, yellow buttons, the collar trimmed with gold lace, and a cocked hat.

All the secular colleges have a rector and vice-rector, who are secular clergymen; some of the lecturers are also clergymen, but more commonly collegians pasantes. There is a proviso in the synodal laws for collegians from Santo Toribio and San Carlos; among those who receive holy orders benefices are insured to a certain number. In what was the palace of the Viceroy, is a nautical academy, where several young men study astronomy, navigation, &c.: it has a good stock of instruments, maps, and charts. Many of the maps are original, from surveys made at different times, and which have not been published.

The university stands in the plasa de la inquisicion. It is a handsome building, containing several good halls, beside the public disputing room, which is fitted up with desks and benches, tribunes, galleries, &c.; a neat chapel, a small cloister, and an extensive library. The rector enjoys a good salary, and has many perquisites; one is elected by the professors every three years, and the one chosen is alternately a secular priest and a layman. The professors'[Pg 259] chairs are sinecures, for the professors never lecture, and only attend on days of public disputation, or when degrees are conferred. Degrees of bachelor and master are granted by the rector, on paying the fees. That of doctor in any faculty requires a public examination, and plurality of votes of the examiners and professors in the faculty of the degree solicited. Previous to the examination the rector holds a table of the points of controversy; the candidate pricks into one of them, and is obliged to defend this point on the following day, at the same hour. The discussion is opened by the candidate with an harangue in Latin, which lasts an hour, after which the point is discussed in forma scholastica by the candidate and the examiners; this lasts another hour, when the rector and professors retire, and vote the degree. On the following day the candidate presents a thesis to the rector, who reads it, and challenges the students who are present to dispute it. This act is generally opened by the candidate with an elegant speech in Latin; after which he supports his argument against the wranglers who may present themselves. If the degree be voted him, he goes up to the rector, who places on his head the bonnet, which bears in deep silk fringe from the centre the [Pg 260]distinguishing colour of the faculty, blue and white for divinity, red for canons, green for jurisprudence or law, and yellow for medicine. The young doctor takes his place on his proper bench, and is complimented by the senior professors of the faculty; when the whole company adjourns to a splendid collation prepared by the new brother of the bonnet and fringe.

This university, now under the title of San Marcos, was founded in 1549 by a bull of Pius V. with the same privileges as those enjoyed by that of Salamanca in Spain; it was, till 1576, in the hands of the Dominican friars; but by an edict of Felipe III. it was placed under the royal patronage, and built where it at present stands. It has produced many great scientific characters, the portraits of several of whom adorn the walls of the principal hall. Among the faculty, those whose talents are most conspicuous are, in theology, Rodrigues, rector of San Carlos; in law, Vivar, rector of the college of advocates; Unanue, president of the college of physicians, protomedico, and director of San Fernando; Valdes, president of the board of surgeons: (he is a man of colour, the first who has taken the degree of doctor in the university); Parades, professor of mathematics; and many others, who are famous in the pulpit, the forum or the hospitals.

[Pg 261]

In the same square are the holy tribunal, whence the plasa derives its name, and the hospital of la Caridad: it is often called the plasa of the three cardinal virtues—Faith, the inquisition; Hope, the university; and Charity, the hospital.

I shall now describe the inquisition as it was, "bearing its blushing honours thick upon it," or rather, what I saw of it when summoned to appear before that dread tribunal; and also what I saw of it after its abolition by the Cortes.

Having one day engaged in a dispute with Father Bustamante, a Dominican friar, respecting the image of the Madonna of the Rosary, he finished abruptly, by assuring me that I should hear of it again. On the same evening I went to a billiard-room, where the Count de Montes de Oro was playing. I observed him look at me, and then speak to some friends on the opposite side of the table. I immediately recollected the threat of Father Bustamante—I knew, too, that the count was alguazil mayor of the inquisition. I passed him and nodded, when he immediately followed me into the street. I told him that I supposed he had some message for me; he asked my name, and then said that he had. I said I was aware of it, and ready to attend at any moment. Considering for a short time, he observed, "this is a[Pg 262] matter of too serious a nature to be spoken of in the street," and he went with me to my rooms. After some hesitation, his lordship informed me that I must accompany him on the next morning to the holy tribunal of the Faith; I answered that I was ready at any moment; and I would have told him the whole affair, but, clapping his hands to his ears, he exclaimed "no! for the love of God, not a word; I am not an inquisitor; it does not become me to know the secrets of the holy house," adding the old adage, "del Rey y la inquisicion, chiton,—of the King and the inquisition, hush. I can only hope and pray that you be as rancid a Christian as myself." He most solemnly advised me to remain in my room, and neither see nor speak to any one—to betake myself to prayer, and on no account whatever to let any one know that he had anticipated the summons, because, said he, "that is certainly contrary to the laws of the holy house." I relieved him from his fears on this point, and assured him, that I should return with him to the coffee-house, and that I would remain at home for him on the following morning at nine o'clock. At the appointed hour, an under alguazil came to my room, and told me that the alguazil mayor waited for me at the corner of the next street. On meeting him[Pg 263] there, he ordered me not to speak to him, but to accompany him to the inquisition. I did so, and saw the messenger and another person following us at a distance. I appeared unconcerned until I had entered the porch after the count, and the two followers had passed. The count now spoke to me, and asked me if I were prepared; I told him I was: he then knocked at the inner door, which was opened by the porter. Not a word was uttered. We sat down on a bench for a few minutes, till the domiciliary returned with the answer, that I must wait. The old count now retired, and looked, as he thought, a long adieu; but said nothing. In a few minutes a beadle beckoned me to follow him. I passed the first and second folding doors, and arrived at the tribunal: it was small, but lofty, a scanty light forcing its way through the grated windows near the roof. As I entered, five Franciscan friars left the hall by the same door—their hoods were hung over their faces—their arms folded—their hands hid in their sleeves—and their cords round their necks. They appeared by their gait to be young, and marched solemnly after their conductor, a grave old friar, who had his hood over his face, but his cord round his waist, indicating that he was not doing penance. I[Pg 264] felt I know not how—I looked upon them with pity, but could not help smiling, as the idea rushed across my mind, that such a procession at midnight would have disturbed a whole town in England, and raised the posse comitatus to lay them. I turned my eyes to the dire triumvirate, seated on an elevated part of the hall, under a canopy of green velvet edged with pale blue, a crucifix of a natural size hanging behind them; a large table was placed before them, covered and trimmed to match the canopy, and bearing two green burning tapers, an inkstand, some books, and papers. Jovellanos described the inquisition by saying it was composed of un Santo Cristo, dos candileros, y tres majderos—one crucifix, two candlesticks, and three blockheads. I knew the inquisitors—but how changed from what at other times I had seen them! The puny, swarthy Abarca, in the centre, scarcely half filling his chair of state—the fat monster Zalduegui on his left, his corpulent paunch being oppressed by the arms of his chair, and blowing through his nostrils like an over-fed porpoise—the fiscal, Sobrino, on his right, knitting his black eyebrows, and striving to produce in his unmeaning face a semblance of wisdom. A secretary stood at each end of the table; one of them bad me[Pg 265] to approach, which I did, by ascending three steps, which brought me on a level with the above-described trinity of harpies. A small wooden stool was placed for me, and they nodded to me to sit down; I nodded in return, and complied.

The fiscal now asked me, in a solemn tone, if I knew why I had been summoned to attend at this holy tribunal? I answered that I did, and was going to proceed, when he hissed for me to be silent. He informed me, that I must swear to the truth of what I should relate. I told him that I would not swear; for, as I was a foreigner, he was not sure that I was a catholic; it was therefore unnecessary for me to take that oath which, perhaps, would not bind me to speak the truth. At this time a few mysterious nods passed between the fiscal and the chief inquisitor, and I was again asked, whether I would speak the truth: I answered, yes. The matter at last was broached; I was asked if I knew the reverend father Bustamante? I replied, "I know friar Bustamante, I have often met him in coffee houses; but I suppose the reverend father you mean is some grave personage, who would not enter such places." "Had you any conversation with father Bustamante, touching matters of religion?" "No, but [Pg 266]touching matters of superstition, I had." "Such things are not to be spoken of in coffee houses," said Zalduegui. "No," I rejoined, "I told father Bustamante the same thing." "But you ought to have been silent," replied he. "Yes," said I, "and be barked at by a friar." Zalduegui coloured, and asked me what I meant by laying such a stress on the word friar. "Any thing," said I, "just as you choose to take it." After questions and answers of this kind, for more than an hour, Abarca rang a small bell; the beadle entered, and I was ordered to retire. In a short time I was again called in, and directed to wait on Sobrino the following morning at eight o'clock, at his house: I did so, and breakfasted with him.[6] He advised me in future to avoid all religious disputes, and particularly with persons I did not know, adding, "I requested an interview, because on the seat of judgment I could not speak in this manner. You must know," said he, "that you are here subject to the tribunal of the Faith, you, as well as all men who live in the dominions of his Catholic Majesty; you must, therefore, shape your course accordingly." Saying[Pg 267] this he retired, and left me alone to find my way out of the house, which I immediately did. In the evening I went to a coffee house, where I saw my friend, friar Bustamante; he blushed, but with double civility nodded, and pointed to a seat at the table at which he was sitting. I shrugged my shoulders, and nodded significantly, perhaps sneeringly; he took the hint, and left the room. Soon afterwards I met the old Count de Montes de Oro, who looked, hesitated, and in a short time passed me, caught my hand, which he squeezed, but spoke not a word.

The act of the Cortes of Spain which abolished the inquisition, and which, during its discussion, produced many excellent though over-heated speeches, was published in Lima just after the above occurrence. The Señora Doña Gregoria Gainsa, lady of Colonel Gainsa, informed me that she and some friends had obtained permission of the Viceroy Abascal to visit the ex-tribunal; and she invited me to accompany them on the following day, after dinner. I attended, and we went to visit the monster, as they now dared to call it. The doors of the hall being opened, many entered who were not invited, and seeing nothing in a posture of defence, the first victims to our fury were the[Pg 268] table and chairs: these were soon demolished; after which some persons laid hold of the velvet curtains of the canopy, and dragged them so forcibly, that canopy and crucifix came down with a horrid crash. The crucifix was rescued from the ruins of inquisitorial state, and its head discovered to be moveable. A ladder was found to have been secreted behind the canopy, and thus the whole mystery of this miraculous image became explainable and explained:—a man was concealed on the ladder, by the curtains of the canopy, and by introducing his hand through a hole, he moved the head, so as to make it nod consent, or shake dissent. In how many instances may appeal to this imposture have caused an innocent man to own himself guilty of crimes he never dreamt of! Overawed by fear, and condemned, as was believed, by a miracle, falsehood would supply the place of truth, and innocence, if timid, confess itself sinful. Every one was now exasperated with rage, and "there are yet victims in the cells," was universally murmured. "A search! a search!" was the cry, and the door leading to the interior was quickly broken through. The next we found was called del secreto; the word secret stimulated curiosity, and the door was instantly burst open. It led to the archives. Here were heaped,[Pg 269] upon shelves, papers, containing the written cases of those who had been accused or tried; and here I read the name of many a friend, who little imagined that his conduct had been scrutinized by the holy tribunal, or that his name had been recorded in so awful a place. Some who were present discovered their own names on the rack, and pocketed the papers. I put aside fifteen cases, and took them home with me; but they were not of great importance. Four for blasphemy bore a sentence, which was three months' seclusion in a convent, a general confession, and different penances—all secret. The others were accusations of friars, solicitantes in confesione, two of whom I knew, and though some danger attended the disclosure, I told them afterwards what I had seen. Prohibited books in abundance were in the room, and many found future owners. To our great surprise we here met with a quantity of printed cotton handkerchiefs. These alas! had incurred the displeasure of the inquisition, because a figure of religion, holding a chalice in one hand and a cross in the other was stamped in the centre: placed there perhaps by some unwary manufacturer, who thought such devout insignia would insure purchasers, but who forgot the heinousness of blowing the[Pg 270] nose or spitting upon the cross. To prevent such a crime this religious tribunal had taken the wares by wholesale, omitting to pay their value to the owner, who might consider himself fortunate in not having his shop removed to the sacred house. Leaving this room we forced our way into another, which to our astonishment and indignation was that of torture! In the centre stood a strong table, about eight feet long and seven feet broad; at one end of which was an iron collar, opening in the middle horizontally, for the reception of the neck of the victim; on each side of the collar were also thick straps with buckles, for enclosing the arms near to the body; and on the sides of the table were leather straps with buckles for the wrists, connected with cords under the table, made fast to the axle of an horizontal wheel; at the other end were two more straps for the ancles with ropes similarly fixed to the wheel. Thus it was obvious, that a human being might be extended on the table, and, by turning the wheel, might be stretched in both directions at the same time, without any risk of hanging, for that effect was prevented by the two straps under his arms, close to the body; but almost every joint might be dislocated. After we had discovered the diabolical use of this piece of machinery, every one shuddered, and [Pg 271]involuntarily looked towards the door, as if apprehensive that it would close upon him. At first curses were muttered, but they were soon changed into loud imprecations against the inventors and practisers of such torments; and blessings were showered on the Cortes for having abolished this tribunal of arch tyranny. We next examined a vertical pillory, placed against the wall; it had one large and two smaller holes; on opening it, by lifting up the one half, we perceived apertures in the wall, and the purpose of the machine was soon ascertained. An offender having his neck and wrists secured in the holes of the pillory, and his head and hands hidden in the wall, could be flogged by the lay brothers of St. Dominick without being known by them; and thus any accidental discovery was avoided. Scourges of different materials were hanging on the wall; some of knotted cord, not a few of which were hardened with blood; others were of wire chain, with points and rowels, like those of spurs; these too were clotted with blood. We also found tormentors, made of netted wire, the points of every mesh projecting about one-eighth of an inch inward, the outside being covered with leather, and having strings to tie them on. Some of these tormentors were of a sufficient size for the waist, others[Pg 272] for the thighs, the legs and arms. The walls were likewise adorned with shirts of horse hair, which could not be considered as a very comfortable habit after a severe flagellation; with human bones, having a string at each end, to gag those who made too free a use of their tongues; and with nippers, made of cane, for the same purpose. These nippers consisted of two slips of cane, tied at the ends; by opening in the middle when they were put into the mouth, and fastened behind the head, in the same manner as the bones, they pressed forcibly upon the tongue. In a drawer were a great many finger screws; they were small semicircular pieces of iron, in the form of crescents, having a screw at one end, so that they could be fixed on the fingers, and screwed to any degree, even till the nails were crushed and the bones broken. On viewing these implements of torture, who could find an excuse for the monsters who would use them to establish the faith which was taught, by precept and example, by the mild, the meek, the holy Jesus! May he who would not curse them in the bitterness of wrath fall into their merciless hands! The rack and the pillory were soon demolished; for such was the fury of more than a hundred persons who had gained admittance, that had they been constructed of iron they[Pg 273] could not have resisted the violence and determination of their assailants. In one corner stood a wooden horse, painted white: it was conceived to be another instrument of torture, and instantly broken to pieces; but I was afterwards informed, that a victim of the inquisition, who had been burnt at the stake, was subsequently declared innocent of the charges preferred against him, and as an atonement for his death, his innocence was publicly announced, and his effigy, dressed in white, and mounted on this horse, was paraded about the streets of Lima. Some said that the individual suffered in Lima, others, that he suffered in Spain, and that by a decree of the inquisitor-general this farce was performed in every part of the Spanish dominions where a tribunal existed. We proceeded to the cells, but found them all open and empty: they were small, but not uncomfortable as places of confinement. Some had a small yard attached; others, more solitary, had none. The last person known to have been confined was a naval officer, an Andalusian, who was exiled in 1812 to Boca Chica.

Having examined every corner of this mysterious prison-house, we retired in the evening, taking with us books, papers, scourges, [Pg 274]tormentors, &c., many of which were distributed at the door, particularly several pieces of the irreligious handkerchiefs. The following morning the archbishop went to the cathedral, and declared all those persons excommunicated, vel participantes, who had taken and should retain in their possession any thing that had belonged to, or had been found in the ex-tribunal of the inquisition. In consequence of this declaration, many delivered up what they had taken; but with me the case was different—I kept what I had got, in defiance of flamines infernorum denounced by his grace against the renitentes and retinentes.

It is said, that when Castel-forte was Viceroy in Lima, he was summoned by the inquisition, and attended accordingly. Taking with him to the door his body-guard, a company of infantry, and two pieces of artillery, he entered, and laying his watch on the table, told the inquisitors, that if their business were not despatched in one hour, the house would be battered down about their ears, for such were the orders he had left with the commanding officer at the gate. This was quite sufficient; the inquisitors rose, and accompanied him to the door, too happy when they beheld the backs of his excellency and his escort.

[Pg 275]

During my residence in Lima, I saw two men publicly disgraced by the inquisition; the one for having celebrated mass without having been ordained, and the other for soothsaying and witchcraft. They were placed in the chapel of the tribunal at an early hour in the morning, each dressed in a sambenito, a short loose tunic, covered with ridiculous paintings of snakes, bats, toads, flames, &c. The pseudo priest had a mitre of feathers placed on his head, the other a crown of the same. They stood in the centre of the chapel, each holding a green taper in his hand. At nine o'clock one of the secretaries ascended the pulpit, and read the cause for which they were punished. The poor mass-sayer appeared very penitent, but the old fortune-teller, when some of his tricks were related, burst into a loud laugh, in which he was joined by most of the people present. Two mules were brought to the door, and the two culprits were tied on their backs, having their faces towards the tails. The procession then began to move: first several alguazils, with the Count de Montes de Oro at their head; next the mules, led by the common hangman; while the inquisitors, in their state coaches, brought up the rear. Two friars of the order of St. Dominick carried on each side the coaches large branches of palm.[Pg 276] In this order they marched to St. Dominick's church, and were received at the door by the provincial prelate and community: the culprits were placed in the centre of the church, and the same papers read from the pulpit, after which the men were sentenced to serve in the hospitals during the will of the inquisitors.

To those who visit Lima, it may perhaps be interesting to know, that the stake at which the unfortunate victims of inquisitorial tyranny were burnt was near the ground on which the plasa de toros, bull circus, now stands; and that at the foot of the bridge, at the door of the church, de los desamparados, of the abandoned, they were delivered to the ordinary ministers of justice for execution.

It is well known, that many exaggerated accounts have been given of the inquisition, tending more to create doubts, than to establish the truth of the inhuman proceedings of that tribunal. I have stated this fact elsewhere, not with the view of palliating the proceedings, but to put readers on their guard, neither to believe nor disbelieve all that is written. That enough may be said to make humanity shudder, and still more remain untold, is proved by what I saw in the Pandemonium of Lima. But the inquisitors knew too well, that those who had[Pg 277] undergone the pains and torments which they inflicted would be apt to divulge them, so that it was their interest either to be sparing of torture, or to prevent a discovery by sacrificing the victim.

When the beloved Ferdinand abolished the Cortes and the constitution in 1812 he restored the inquisition, and often in Madrid personally presided at its sessions. This was not however sufficient to encourage its ministers to proceed with that rigour they had been wont to exercise; they had been once dethroned, and were not certain of their own stability. In Lima the monsters were tame, nay harmless; but this proceeded from fear. No doubt Ferdinand, like his predecessor, Pedro, and the inquisitors, like their founder, St. Dominick, wished for the arrival of a time when they could repeat, "nothing rejoices my soul so much as to hear the bones of heretics crackling at the stake." To the credit of the new governments in South America, the inquisition has been every where abolished, and all spiritual jurisdiction re-invested in the bishops.

The casa de los huerfanos, foundling hospital, is an establishment that does honour to its founder, who was an apothecary. All white children are received by tapping at a small [Pg 278]revolving window, and placing the child on it when it turns. They are brought up and educated, the males to the age of fourteen, when they are apprenticed to some trade, and according to the rules of the college of medicine, two are received there every two years. The females have a dowry of one thousand dollars each on their marriage, and if they become nuns, there is another charitable institution, founded by the same individual, to which they apply, and the annual dowries, being five of one thousand dollars each, are decided by chance, the names of the solicitors being put into a vase, and drawn in a manner similar to a lottery. Charles IV. declared all foundlings to be noble, for the purpose of their being eligible to any situation. Before the establishment of the foundling hospital, many children were laid at the doors of the wealthy inhabitants, and they were always taken care of. In small towns this practice still occurs, but they are more frequently exposed near the huts of the indians, or slaves; and as the exposed are generally, or I may say always white, they are received, and their foster-parents often treat them with greater kindness than their own children, shewing a kind of predilection for the foundlings. Civilized whites may vaunt of their pious establishments, but let them turn their[Pg 279] eyes to the rude hut of an indian, robbed of his country and of his native privileges; or to that of a negro, deprived of the blessings of liberty by the overwhelming power of white men, and behold a female mingling her tears with those of a white child, because she is unable to provide for it what by whites she herself has lost—food, clothing and education! But human nature, not civilized humanity, is the temple of piety.

The weekly lottery in Lima is an excellent establishment; the tickets cost one real one-eighth of a dollar each; the prizes are, one of a thousand dollars, two of five hundred, and the remainder is divided into smaller sums. There are but few individuals, however poor they may be, who cannot purchase one or two tickets weekly, and many slaves have procured their manumission by means of this lottery. I was passing the fountain belonging to the convent of San Juan de Dios, when two negroes were disagreeing about the water; an old friar persuaded them to be quiet and friendly; a seller of lottery tickets happened to pass at the time, and the two negroes joined in buying a ticket, which an hour afterwards was drawn a prize of a thousand dollars. In the afternoon the negroes were free, having purchased their liberty; for which piece of good fortune the old[Pg 280] friar put in his claim, as being the principal mover.

According to the Spanish laws, a master is obliged to sign the deed of manumission, if the slave can emancipate himself at a fair valuation; and if the master refuse, the slave may deposit the sum in the public treasury, and the receipt is a sufficient voucher for his liberty.

The Mint was established in Lima in 1565; in 1570 it was removed to Potosi, but re-established in Lima in 1603. It is a large building, containing all the necessary offices. The machinery was formerly worked by mules, eighty being daily employed, till the year 1817, when Don Pedro Abadia being the contractor for the coinage, Mr. Trevethick directed the erection of a water wheel, which caused a great saving of expense. The assaying, melting, rolling, cutting, weighing, stamping and milling, are all carried on in different apartments by black men, principally slaves; but the different offices of superintendance are filled by white men. The whole is under the direction of an intendant, and subaltern officers. The coinage is contracted for, and sold to the highest bidder, who is allowed a per centage on all the gold and silver that is coined, which in the year 1805 was as follows:—

[Pg 281]

Lima owes to the Viceroy Abascal, Marquis de la Concordia, the erection of a place for the interment of all those who die in the city and suburbs; it is called the pantheon. Situated on the outside of the walls, it is sufficiently large to contain all the dead bodies for six years, without removal; when this becomes necessary, the bones are taken out of the niches, and placed in the osariums. Many of the rich families have purchased allotments for family vaults, having their names inscribed above. The building is a square enclosure, divided into several sections; in the wall are niches, each sufficient to hold a corpse, and the divisions are also formed by double rows of niches built one above another, some of them eight stories high, the fronts being open. The walks are planted with many aromatics and evergreens. In the centre is a small chapel, or rather altar, with a roof: its form is octagonal, so that eight priests can celebrate mass at the same time. The corpse is put into the niche with the feet foremost, if in a coffin, which seldom happens, except among the richer classes, the lid is removed, and a quantity of unslaked lime being thrown on each body, its decay is very rapid. For the conveyance of the dead several hearses of different descriptions are provided, belonging[Pg 282] to the pantheon, and they are not permitted to traverse the streets after twelve o'clock in the day.

Before the establishment of this cemetery, all the dead were buried in the churches, or rather, placed in vaults, many of which had wooden trap-doors, opening in the floors; and notwithstanding the plentiful use of lime, the stench and other disgusting effects were sometimes almost insufferable. When the first nun was to be carried to the pantheon, great opposition was made by the sisterhood; but the Viceroy sent a file of soldiers, and enforced the interment of the corpse in the general cemetery.

[Pg 283]

CHAPTER XIII.

The Population of Lima....Remarks....Table of Castes....The Qualifications of Creoles....Population and Division....Spaniards....Creoles, White....Costume....Indians....African Negroes....Their Cofradias, and royal Personages....Queen Rosa....Creole Negroes....Mestiso....Mulattos....Zambos....Chinos....Quarterones and Quinterones....Theatre....Bull Circus....Royal Cockpit....Alamedas....Bathing Places....Piazzas Amancaes....Elevation and Oration Bells....Processions of Corpus Christi, Santa Rosa, San Francisco, and Santo Domingo....Publication of Bulls....Ceremonies on the Arrival of a Viceroy.

There are few cities in the world whose population exhibits a greater variety of shade or tint of countenance than Lima, or, perhaps, a greater contrast of intellectual faculty, if the rules established by physiognomists may be relied on. But these arbiters of physiognomy have been white men, and there appears to be a considerable portion of egotism attached to their opinions. They have not only erected their own tribunal, and instituted their own code of laws, but they have presided, judged, and sentenced in favour of themselves. By giving to the facial line or indicator of talent and genius a particular direction, the European white has been able to place himself at the head, and to degrade the black, or negro of Africa, by[Pg 284] placing him at the bottom of the list. Probably the success of the Europeans in their wars and conquests, and in their advancement in the arts and sciences, may give considerable support to this classification. By drawing an horizontal line that shall touch the base of the cranium, and intersecting it by another drawn from the forehead and touching the extremity of the upper lip, the statuaries have found the supposed angle of human perfection. The Greeks fixed this angle at 100°; the Romans at 95°; and according to this rule, the European face varies between 80° and 90°; the Asiatic between 75° and 80°; the American, having the forehead more flattened, between 70° and 75°; and, lastly, the Negro between 60° and 70°. By this mode of judging, we find the European at the head, and the rude semi-brutal negro at the bottom. But how disconcerted the lovers of this criterion must feel, if any credit can be given to what has been asserted of the Egyptians, the founders and promoters of the arts and sciences. Colonies from Egypt and the east, led by Pelasgus, Cecrops, Cadmus, &c., were the tutors of the Greeks, whom they found on their arrival more ignorant than Columbus, Cortes and Pizarro found the Americans, at the discovery and conquest of their country. Yet Herodotus, l. 11, p. 150, says, that the Egyptians were black,[Pg 285] with woolly, curled black hair; and Blumenbach asserts, that having dissected several Egyptian mummies, he observed that they belonged to the negro race, from their elevated pomulos, thick lips, and large flat noses. The Copts also, who are descendants of the Egyptians, have the aspect of mulattos, and appear to belong to the negro race.

I have repeatedly observed, that a negro born in Peru of African parents shews a greater development of the human faculties than is exhibited by either of his parents; nay, even his corporeal agility appears to have increased, and certainly his share of civilized vices is augmented; yet I cannot suppose that these proceed from any other source than an imitation of examples placed before him, without any change in the facial angle!

For an examination of the influence of the configuration of the human face, or of its colour, on the intellectual faculties, no place is more à propos than Lima; and perhaps a few remarks upon this subject will be acceptable to those who feel themselves interested in such speculations.

The annexed table shews the mixture of the different castes, under their common or distinguishing names.[Pg 286]

This table, which I have endeavoured to make as correct as possible, from personal observation, must be considered as general, and not including particular cases. I have classed the colours according to their appearance, not according to the mixture of the castes, because I have always remarked, that a child receives more of the colour of the father than of the mother.

It may be correct to state, that the creoles from either European or creole parents, are endowed[Pg 287] with more open generosity than the Spaniards, and that they are of a more active and penetrating genius, but not so constant in their pursuits. Much has been said against the creoles, or natives of the colonies by those of the parent states; their descriptions, however, are rather accordant with their wishes than the real character of the people whom they undertake to pourtray. Writers ought not to sully their pages either by affirming untruths or uttering biassed opinions. De Pauw says, "that all the American races are of a degenerated and inferior order;" this is undoubtedly false, for I have known several individuals who have borne down the restrictions of colonial law, and become eminent both in the arts and sciences: Mexia eclipsed many of the most famous Spanish orators in the late Cortes; and Morales was elected president of the Regency. It is well known also, that the contest in the colonies, where the natives have fought for and gained their independence, brought to light the talent and genius of many both in the cabinet and in the field, whose names would have remained unknown, had not their abilities been thus called into action. The coarse and foul caricature of De Pauw, may be contrasted with the over-coloured picture of M. de Bercey, and a medium I think would form[Pg 288] a correct outline. "Those whom we are accustomed to call barbarians and savages are infinitely less entitled to these epithets than ourselves, notwithstanding the refinement and civilization we boast. Equally, if not more exempted from prejudice, the Americans neither create factitious wants, nor seek imaginary sources of happiness." I have observed the young men in the colleges of Lima, as well as in other cities of South America, and I must affirm, that their minds are stored with both just and clear ideas; and surely these are the principal indications of good taste, and the characteristics of true genius. But several causes have contributed to damp the career of literature; among others we may reckon a scanty supply of books, a total want of philosophical instruments, the restrictions of the inquisition, and the prohibitory laws. Learning has indeed hitherto been discountenanced, for when some of the collegians of San Carlos harangued the Viceroy Gil de Lemos, he inquired of the rector, what sciences were taught in the college, and being briefly informed, he returned "tu, tu, tu, let them learn to read, write, and say their prayers, for this is as much as any American ought to know!" The college del Principe has produced many indians who have shone both in the pulpit and at the bar; and[Pg 289] among the negroes and the mixed castes, several individuals of merit, both in medicine and surgery, have been distinguished. Many also exist who, if they have not been conspicuous in any department of the sciences, undoubtedly owe their failure to the Spanish colonial laws, which have shut all preferments against them. Yet who can read the harangues of Colocolo to the Araucanian senate, without declaring them to be as worthy of the poetical pen of Ercilla, as those of Nestor were of the pen of Homer?

Robertson states the population of Lima in 1764 at 54,000; but in 1810 it was estimated at 87,000, at which time the deputies of the Cortes were elected. Of this number about 20,000 are whites, the remainder negroes, indians, and mixed breeds, or castes. I shall briefly particularize the most striking features in the population, according to my own observations.

Among the inhabitants of this city, there are sixty-three noblemen, who enjoy titles either of count or marquis, the greater part of whom are natives of America, and about forty noblemen, or mayorasgos, without titles; a number of knights of the different Spanish orders of Catalrava, Alcantara, Santiago, Malta, and Charles III. Many of the nobility are descendants of[Pg 290] the conquerors. The most ancient families are those of Villafuerte (marquis), Lurigancho (count), and Montemira (marquis). One of the families in Lima traces its descent with undeniable certainty from the Incas. Ampuero the founder married at the time of the conquest a coya, or princess, sister to Atabalipa, and the Kings of Spain granted at different times many distinguishing prerogatives and honours to this family, from which the marquis of Montemira is now the lineal descendant. The manners of the nobility are courteous in the extreme, and their complaisance and affability to strangers know no limits; their general conduct also seems to be as free from haughtiness as from flattery, and their politeness, candour and magnificence must charm every stranger who visits them. These qualities were particularly shewn to the officers of several of H. B. M. ships of war who were at Lima during the time I resided there.

Lima is the birth-place of the only person in the Spanish colonies who has been canonized by the Roman church: Santa Rosa de Santa Maria; she is the patroness of Peru, and her festival is celebrated with great solemnity. It is said by some that she foretold the independence of her country, asserting, that after the domination of[Pg 291] the Kings of Spain had lasted as long as that of the Incas, the sceptre would drop from their hands. This prophecy was printed in the first edition of her life in 1662, but was expunged from all the succeeding ones.

Saint Thoribius de Mogroviejo, archbishop, and St. Francis Solano, of the order of Franciscans, flourished here, but both were natives of Spain.

This city has also produced many other persons of virtuous and literary fame: the most conspicuous among whom are—

Besides these and several other eminent persons, Lima has given birth to six archbishops, three of whom were conventual priests; and to fifty-two bishops, twenty-five of whom were regulars of the different conventual orders.

The Spaniard who arrived at Lima brought with him either some commission from the government of Spain, or an intention of residing in the country for the purpose of gain. Of the first class, however low the appointment might be, the individual conducted himself towards the natives with a haughty superiority, which to an impartial spectator was truly disgusting; he assumed the Don if he excused the Señor, and was never addressed without one or both of these appendages to his name; indeed el Señor Don was more common in the streets of Lima, than at the court of Madrid. The second class often consisted of sailors, who ran away from their ships at Callao, and got places as servants in a pulperia (a shop where spirits, wines, spices, sugar, and all common place articles are sold), a bakehouse, or a farm. If industrious, they[Pg 293] soon obtained as much as was necessary to establish themselves, and many amassed considerable fortunes, married advantageously, and remained in the country; knowing full well, that in their own they would neither be admitted into such society as they enjoyed here, nor be treated with that deference to which they had become habituated. All this would be excusable enough, if the beauty, riches, and comforts of Spain—its learned societies, noble families, and enlightened population, were not the universal topic of their conversation and their universal song of praise. I have seen many of this class who, having been taught to read and write in America, and acquired riches, have purchased an order of knighthood! for although it was pretended, that nobility of descent must be proved before any of the military orders could be obtained, yet a Spaniard has purchased dispensation, and thus laid the foundation of a noble family.

All Spaniards in America fancied themselves to belong to a race of beings far superior to those among whom they resided. I have frequently heard them say, that they should love their children with greater ardour if they had been born in Europe; and during the struggle in different parts of the colonies between the[Pg 294] royalists and the patriots, I have known more than one Spaniard assert, that if he thought his children would be insurgents he would murder them in their beds. A Spaniard would solicit countrymen of his own to marry his daughters, preferring these without any trade or fortune, to a creole possessed of both; indeed they had one powerful inducement to make this election; the Spaniard would be more likely to procure riches; and, generally speaking, they considered nothing else worthy their attention, thus in cases of matrimony, the inclinations of the daughters were not often consulted. The Spaniards appeared to form a separate society, not only in their own houses and in the public walks, but even in the coffee houses, where the creoles were seldom seen at the same table. This visible antipathy was carried to such an extent, after the beginning of the dissensions, that several Spaniards, although some of them had children born in Lima of creole mothers, formed an agreement, and bound themselves by an oath and fine, not to take any native of the country into their employ. This determination became public in the city, and, after the patriot troops entered, was the cause of the most severe insults to its authors. It is well known, however, that in a reverse of fortune, no man is[Pg 295] more docile or more servile than a Spaniard, who will, according to his own adage, besar la mano que quisiera ver cortada—kiss the hand he would wish to see cut off.

A creole of Lima in many respects partakes of the character of an Andalusian; he is lively, generous, and careless of to-morrow; fond of dress and variety, slow to revenge injuries, and willing to forget them. Of all his vices, dissipation is certainly the greatest: his conversation is quick and pointed—that of the fair sex is extremely gay and witty, giving them an open frankness, which some foreigners have been pleased to term levity, or something a little more dishonourable, attaching the epithet immoral to their general character—an imputation they may deserve, if prudery and hypocrisy be the necessary companions of virtue; but they certainly deserve it not, if benevolence, confidence, unsuspecting conviviality, and honest intention, be the true characteristics of morality. The creoles are generally kind and good parents, very affectionate and indulgent to their families; and this conduct, with few exceptions, insures the love, respect, and gratitude of their children. I have often heard a creole ask his son, "Who am I?" and receive the endearing answer, "my Father and my Friend." It [Pg 296]frequently happens, through vanity or weakness, that a creole mother teaches her daughters to call her sister, which may be construed into the desire of not wishing to be considered old; but if this really be a crime, in what part of the world are females innocent? I have no hesitation in asserting, that any impartial person who shall reside long enough among South Americans to become acquainted with their domestic manners, will declare, that conjugal and paternal affection, filial piety, beneficence, generosity, good nature and hospitality, are the inmates of almost every house. I have no doubt, too, that these virtues will continue here, until civilization and refinement shall drive them from their abode in the new world, to make room for etiquette, formality, becoming pride, prudery and hypocrisy from the old. Then, the children of the first families in Lima (whom I have often seen rise from the table, and carry a plateful of food to a poor protegée beggar, seated in the patio or under the corridor, wait and chat with the little miserable till it had finished, and return to the table) will look on such objects with disdain, because mamma has subscribed a competent sum to a charitable institution, and made that sum known to the world through the medium of the newspapers!—I cannot avoid[Pg 297] fearing that this modern improvement will supersede their own pure, but almost antiquated customs.

This picture may appear to some highly coloured; but I speak from experience, and could relate innumerable instances of the practice of all the social virtues which I have mentioned: sufficient, I am sure, to convince the most hardened sceptic. I arrived at Lima a prisoner, pennyless, and, as I thought, friendless; but in this I was deceived; I owe to persons whom I had never seen, and of whose existence I was then ignorant, such friendship, kindness, and pecuniary relief while in prison, and generous and kind protection afterwards, as I hope will never be eradicated from my bosom; and yet I trust, that I neither do, nor ever can, attribute to the creoles virtues which they do not possess: it is my duty, as an author, to speak the truth, however my gratitude and affection might incline me to conceal their failings.

Gambling is carried on to a great extent in Lima, but much more in the higher circles than in the lower. No public gaming houses are permitted by the government, and the police officers are on the alert wherever a house is suspected; but private parties are very common,[Pg 298] particularly at the country houses of the nobility, and at the bathing places of Miraflores, Chorrillos and Lurin. The tables, although in the houses of noblemen, are free to all—the master and the slave, the marquis, the count, the mechanic, and the pedlar, mix indiscriminately. This vice is generally confined to the men; but some females now and then join in these fashionable amusements.

Having observed, that the female creoles are kind mothers, it is scarcely necessary to say, that adultery is rare. One would think that the exclamation of the elder Cato to some young Romans was here observed: "courage, my friends, go and see the girls, but do not corrupt the married women." Concubinage is common, or perhaps only more public than in Europe, where civilization appears to have established the law, that to sin in secret is not to sin at all. It is true, that scandal often aggravates the crime, which is certainly mollified by the sincere regard which the father generally entertains for his natural children; making their happiness a principal object of his attention, and frequently at last legitimating them either by marriage or by will.

The creoles are careful of the education of their children, and will strain every nerve to[Pg 299] support them at college until they have finished their studies, and are thus able to enter the church, to follow the profession of the law, or to practise in medicine. The education of the daughters generally devolves on the mother: proper schools for their instruction are very rare; so that, excepting a little drawing, dancing, and music, for which purposes good masters are scarce, the needle claims the greater portion of their time; and from the highest to the lowest ranks they are continually employed in embroidery or other kinds of needlework, at which they are very dexterous. The necessary accomplishments of reading and writing are, however, never dispensed with among the higher and middle orders.

The white inhabitants of Lima have sallow complexions, having very little colour on their cheeks; but, to the credit of the ladies, they are not in the habit of using an artificial substitute; their hair and eyes are black, the latter full and penetrating, which, with good teeth, form very interesting countenances. The profusion of beautiful black ringlets over their foreheads appears as if formed to prevent a stranger from being over-dazzled by those sparkling eyes they are intended, but in vain, to hide. Their figures are extremely genteel, though rather small and slender. Their feet are remarkably diminutive,[Pg 300] and the ease and elegance of their gait is not to be surpassed.

When I arrived in Lima, in 1804, the long Spanish cloak was worn by all classes of men; but in 1810 it was so little used as a dress, that it was rarely seen. When used, it was put on merely to supply the place of a great coat, or confined to a few of the old Spaniards, who are as great enemies to innovation as the Chinese. The English costume is now quite prevalent, and as many dandies crowd the streets of Lima as those of London. The walking dress of the females of all descriptions is the saya y manto, which is a petticoat of velvet, satin, or stuff, generally black or of a cinnamon colour, plaited in very small folds, and rather elastic; it sits close to the body, and shews its shape to the utmost possible advantage. At the bottom it is too narrow to allow the wearer to step forward freely, but the short step rather adds to than deprives her of a graceful air. This part of the dress is often tastefully ornamented round the bottom with lace, fringe, spangles, pearls, artificial flowers, or whatever may be considered fashionable. Among ladies of the higher order the saya is of different colours—purple, pale blue, lead colour, or striped. The manto is a hood of thin black silk, drawn round the[Pg 301] waist, and then carried over the head: by closing it before, they can hide the whole of the face, one eye alone being visible; sometimes they show half the face, but this depends on the choice of the wearer. A fine shawl or handkerchief hanging down before, a rosary in the hand, silk stockings and satin shoes, complete the costume.

The hood is undoubtedly derived from the Moors, and to a stranger it has a very curious appearance; however, I confess that I became so reconciled to the sight, that I thought and still think it both handsome and genteel. This dress is peculiar to Lima; indeed I never saw it worn any where else in South America. It is certainly very convenient, for at a moment's notice a lady can, without the necessity of changing her under dress, put on her saya y manto, and go out; and no female will walk in the street in any other in the day time. For the evening promenade an English dress is often adopted, but in general a large shawl is thrown over the head, and a hat is worn over all; between the folds of the shawl it is not uncommon to perceive a lighted cegar; for although several of the fair sex are addicted to smoking, none of them choose to practise it openly.

When the ladies appear on public occasions,[Pg 302] at the theatre, bull circus, and pascos, promenades, they are dressed in the English or French costume, but they are always very anxious to exhibit a profusion of jewellery, to which they are particularly partial. A lady in Lima would much rather possess an extensive collection of precious gems than a gay equipage. They are immoderately fond of perfumes, and spare no expense in procuring them: it is a well known fact, that many poor females attend at the archbishop's gate, and after receiving a pittance, immediately purchase with the money agua rica, or some other scented water. Even the ladies, not content with the natural fragrance of flowers, add to it, and spoil it by sprinkling them with lavender water, spirit of musk, or ambergris, and often by fumigating them with gum benzoin, musk and amber, particularly the mistura, which is a compound of jessamine, wall flowers, orange flowers and others, picked from the stalks. Small apples and green limes are also filled with slices of cinnamon and cloves. The mixture is generally to be found on a salver at a lady's toilette; they will distribute it among their friends by asking for a pocket handkerchief, tying up a small quantity in the corner, and sprinkling it with some perfume, expecting the compliment, "that it is most delicately seasoned."

[Pg 303]

The indians who reside in Lima have become such exact imitators of the creoles, in dress and manners, that were it not for their copper-coloured faces it would be difficult to distinguish them. I shall at present, however, defer any particular description of this part of the inhabitants of South America. The principal occupation of the indians who reside in Lima is the making of fringes, gold and silver lace, epaulettes, and embroidery; some are tailors, others attend the business of the market, but very few are servants or mechanics.

The African negroes, owing to the kind treatment they receive, appear to be completely happy. On their arrival they used to be exposed for sale in some large house, and the first attention of their purchasers was to have them taught the necessary prayers and rudiments of the Christian religion, a task which generally fell to the lot of the younger branches of the family. I have often seen the children of noblemen, as well as those of the wealthy inhabitants, instructing their African slaves in the Christian duties; for it is here considered quite disgraceful to have a negro in the house for any length of time without being baptized; and this ceremony cannot be performed until they are first prepared for it by being taught their prayers and the[Pg 304] catechism. They are then taken to the parish church, and examined by the priest, and if he find that they are sufficiently instructed, he christens them, some of the oldest and most steady of the slaves belonging to the family standing as sponsors, on whom the duty of teaching them afterwards devolves. It very seldom happens that, after a year's residence in a Christian family, an African is not fully prepared to receive the communion.

In the suburbs of San Lazaro are cofradias or clubs belonging to the different castes or nations of the Africans, where they hold their meetings in a very orderly manner, generally on a Sunday afternoon; and if any one of the royal family belonging to the respective nations is to be found in the city, he or she is called the King or Queen of the cofradia, and treated with every mark of respect. I was well acquainted with a family in Lima, in which there was an old female slave, who had lived with them for upwards of fifty years, and who was the acknowledged Queen of the Mandingos, she being, according to their statement, a princess. On particular days she was conducted from the house of her master, by a number of black people, to the cofradia, dressed as gaudily as possible; for this purpose her young mistresses[Pg 305] would lend her jewels to a considerable amount, besides which the poor old woman was bedizened with a profusion of artificial flowers, feathers, and other ornaments. Her master had presented her with a silver sceptre, and this necessary appendage of royalty was on such occasions always carried by her. It has often gratified my best feelings, when Mama Rosa was seated in the porch of her master's house, to see her subjects come and kneel before her, ask her blessing, and kiss her hand. I have followed them to the cofradia, and seen her majesty seated on her throne, and go through the ceremony of royalty without a blush. On her arrival, and at her departure, the poor creatures would sing to their music, which consisted of a large drum, formed of a piece of hollow wood, one end being covered with the skin of a kid, put on while fresh, and braced by placing it near some lighted charcoal; and a string of catgut, fastened to a bow, which was struck with a small cane; to these they added a rattle, made of the jaw-bone of an ass or a mule, having the teeth loose, so that by striking it with one hand they would rattle in their sockets. For a full chorus, they sometimes hold a short bone in their hand, and draw it briskly backward and forward over the teeth: it does not produce much harmony, it is[Pg 306] true; but if David found harmony in his harp, Pan in his pipes, and Apollo in his lyre; if a shepherd find music in his reed, and a mandarin in the gong, why should not the Queen of Mandingo find it in the jaw-bone of an ass or a mule!

The walls of the cofradias are ornamented with likenesses in fresco of the different royal personages who have belonged to them. The purpose of the institution is to help those to good masters, who have been so unfortunate as to meet with bad ones; but as a master can object to selling his slave, unless he prove by law that he has been cruelly treated, which is very difficult, or next to impossible, the cofradias raise a fund by contributions, and free the slave, to which the master cannot object; but this slave now becomes tacitly the slave of the cofradia, and must return by instalments the money paid for his manumission.

I shall not attempt to defend all the actions of the Africans in a state of slavery; but I must say, that when they are treated with compassionate kindness, they are generally faithful and honest; frequently become personally attached to their master, and though they may be sometimes loath to exert themselves in laborious tasks to serve him, yet in an emergency of danger they would often die for him. On the contrary, when[Pg 307] harshly and unjustly treated they become stubborn in the greatest degree, and the master is only secure from personal violence through the irresolute temper of the slave and his fear of punishment. But place a white man in the same situation, and what, let me ask, would be the line of conduct he would pursue?

The negro creole is generally more athletic and robust than his African parents; he has no more virtues than they have, but he has commonly more vices; he seems to be more awake to revenge, and less timid of the consequences; he considers himself as better than the bozales, the name given to African slaves, and will rarely intermarry with them.

The mestiso is generally very strong, of a swarthy complexion, and but little beard; he is kind, affable and generous, and particularly inclined to mix in the society of white people; very serviceable, and something like the gallegos in Spain. In some parts of the interior of the country there are great numbers of mestisos; here their colour is whiter, and they have blue eyes and fair hair during childhood, but both become darker as they advance in years.

The mulatto is seldom so robust as his parents; he appears of a delicate constitution, and in his mental capacities is far superior to the[Pg 308] negro; indeed when assisted by education he is not inferior to a white man. Fond of dress and parade, of a fiery imagination and inclined to talk, he is often eloquent, and very partial to poetry. Many mulattos in Lima obtain a good education by accompanying their young masters to school while children, and afterwards attending on them at college. It is very common at a public disputation in the university, to hear a mulatto in the gallery help a wrangler out with a syllogism: they are generally called palanganos, which is a local term, signifying a chatterer. Many of the surgeons here are mulattos, and frequently do great honour to themselves, and credit to their profession. Some of the females have agreeable countenances, and fine figures; they are witty and generous, and remarkably faithful in their connexions; they are very fond of dress, dancing, and public amusements, where they generally appear with their curly hair scarcely reaching to their shoulders, adorned with jessamine and other flowers. In the evening they will sometimes fill their hair with jessamine buds, which in the course of an hour will open, and present the appearance of a bushy powdered wig. They are often the confidential servants in rich families, and have the direction of all domestic concerns. [Pg 309]Occasionally they are the duennas of the young ladies, and not unfrequently sisters to them; but a very just law decrees manumission to a female slave, if she can only prove that she has had a criminal connexion with her master.

The zambos are more robust than the mulattos, they are morose and stubborn, partaking very much of the character of the African negro, but prone to more vices. A greater number of robberies and murders are committed by this caste than by all the rest, except the chino, the worst mixed breed in existence:—he is cruel, revengeful, and unforgiving; very ugly, as if his soul were expressed in his features; lazy, stupid, and provoking. He is low in stature, and like the indian has little or no beard, but very harsh black hair, which is inclined to curl.

The quarteron and quinteron are often handsome, have good figures, a fair complexion, with blue eyes and light coloured hair; they are mild and obliging, but have not the intrepidity nor lively imagination of the mulatto.

I have not attributed drunkenness to any of the castes, for excepting that of the African negro it is not common: perhaps the example of the abstemious Spaniards is the cause of this sobriety.

The principal place of public amusement in[Pg 310] Lima is the theatre, which is a small but commodious building; its figure is nearly a semicircle, having the stage for its diameter. The boxes, of which there are two rows, are all private, being separated from one another by slight partitions: they will each hold eight persons very comfortably. The pit is filled with benches, which have backs, and are most conveniently divided into seats by low arms. This part of the theatre exclusively belongs to the men; but no soldiers, sailors, or people of colour, without they be genteelly dressed, are admitted. Behind the pit and under the lower tier of boxes is an area for the lower classes of men; the gallery is the part appropriated to women of the lowest order. The Viceroy's box was on the left side of the stage, and the nearest to it: thus his Excellency gave his right side to no one; it was neatly fitted up, with a crimson velvet canopy over it, and hangings of the same colour on the outside, with a state chair, and others for his family, gentlemen in waiting, and pages. The box for the cabildo is in the centre, in the front of the stage. A guard of soldiers always attends on the nights of performance, which are Thursdays and Sundays, and every great festival, except during Lent, when the theatre is closed. The scenery is not despicable, and I have seen some good[Pg 311] performers, both comic and tragic; but these are principally Spaniards.

The bull circus is a capacious building; with rooms in the lower parts, having a sufficient open space to witness the fight; over these are eight rows of seats, rising one above another; and behind them are the boxes, or rather galleries, where the principal spectators take their stations, and to which all the youth and beauty of Lima, in their richest attire, resort. The gallery for the Viceroy is opposite to the door where the bulls enter: it is large and handsome. The area is eighty yards in diameter, and in the centre is a safety station, formed by driving poles into the ground, at a sufficient distance from each other to allow a man to pass when he is closely pursued by a bull.

Scarcely any person speaks of the Spanish diversion of bull-fighting without pretending to be shocked; but the same person will dilate on a boxing-match with every symptom of delight. I have seen Englishmen shudder and sympathize with a horse wounded by a bull, who would have been delighted to have seen Spring "darken one of Langan's peepers." When we have nothing to correct at home let us find fault with our neighbours; for my own part, I am a friend to bull-fights, but an enemy[Pg 312] to pugilistic homicide. If the amateurs of this "manly exercise" assert, that it teaches a man how to defend himself against another, I reply, that bull-fighting teaches him how to defend himself against a furious animal.

I shall not give a precise detail of this spectacle; but merely notice a few circumstances connected with it. At three o'clock, the circus, which holds nearly twenty thousand persons, is generally full. The spectators are of every colour—we have the European white, the American Indian, and the African negro, with all the shades produced by their mixture, and all are dressed in as fine attire as they can afford. One or two companies of soldiers attend, and after performing some fanciful evolutions in the arena, they take their stations, the band of military music being placed in front of the Viceroy's gallery. On the arrival of his excellency the trumpets sounded, the fighters, on foot and on horseback, handsomely dressed in pink and pale blue satin, with cloaks of the same stuff, began to parade the area; the first bull immediately entered, often very gaily caparisoned—his horns sheathed in silver, the body covered with a loose cloth of tissue, brocade, or satin, having on his back a silver filigree basket filled with artificial flowers or fireworks. He is at[Pg 313] first baited by holding a cloak to him, at which he butts, when the baiter, drawing himself on one side, shakes it over his head as he passes: at a signal from one of the regidores, who presides as umpire, the man appointed kills the bull, either by running him through with a sword, receiving him on the point of a strong lance, or, crossing him when at full speed at a cloak presented to him, he stabs him behind the horns, and the ferocious animal experiences so sudden a check, that he frequently falls dead at the feet of the matador. Six horses drawing a small car immediately enter, and the horns of the dead bull being secured by hooks and a chain, he is dragged out, and another brought in. The annual fightings are on the eight Mondays next after Christmas, and the number of bulls killed each afternoon, from three to six o'clock, is generally sixteen or eighteen.

The royal cockpit is a daily resort, excepting Sundays. Many good mains of cocks are fought, and an afternoon seldom passes without four or five pair being matched. The pit is surrounded with ranges of seats, above and behind which is a range of galleries. Every cock has one large lancet-shaped spur fastened to his leg, his own spur being first cut off: for this operation, as well as for placing the game within[Pg 314] the ring, several fancy men attend, and one of the regidores always acts as umpire, and is paid for performing this judicial duty. The cockpit, as well as the theatre, belongs to the hospital of San Andres.

There are several places in the suburbs for skittles and bowls; but they are more frequented by Spaniards, particularly Biscayans, than by creoles.

The public walks, paseos, are part of the Callao road, as far as the willows extend. The new alameda, which has a double row of high willows, a coachway between them, and foot walks on each side, with two ranges of seats built of brick, is about a mile in length along the river side, having a very commodious cold bath at the farther end, formed by a spring of beautiful limpid water. One large bath is walled round, with a covering of vines over a trellis roof. There are also twenty small private baths, to which a great number of people resort during the summer. The water after supplying the baths is employed in turning a corn-mill, and then in the irrigation of several gardens. The old alameda is also in the suburbs of San Lazaro: it is about half a mile long, has a double row of willows and orange trees on each side, enclosing shady foot walks with stone benches, and a carriage-way in[Pg 315] the middle. There are three old fountains in the carriage-way, and a beautiful view of the convent and church of San Diego at the northern extremity, having the beaterio, house of female seclusion, called the Patrocinio, with a neat chapel, on one side, and the small chapel and convent of the recoleta de los Agonizantes, on the other. On one side of this alameda the Viceroy Amat had built a large shallow reservoir or basin, with some beautiful lofty arches, like a portico, in the Grecian order, at one end; also the necessary pipes were laid for conveying water to the top of the central arch, from whence it was to have fallen into the basin, forming a most beautiful cascade; but he was superseded before the work was finished; and, as one Viceroy has seldom attended to any thing left unfinished by his predecessor, this work, like the road to Callao begun by the Viceroy Higgins, remains unfinished.

To these public paseos such numbers of the fashionable inhabitants resort on Sundays and other holidays, particularly in the afternoons, that as many as three hundred carriages may sometimes be counted: the richer tradesman in his calesa, drawn by one mule; the nobleman in his coach and two; the titled of Castile in a coach and four; and formerly, the Viceroy[Pg 316] in his coach and six; he being the only person in Lima, excepting the archbishop, who enjoyed this distinction. Gentlemen seldom go in the coaches, so that the beauty of Lima have the temporary privilege of riding alone, and nodding without reserve to their amorous galanes, who parade the side walks. The paseo de los alcaldes, the procession of new mayors, is in the old alameda, and is always an occasion of great bustle, being on new year's day. The Viceroy never attended, because his dignity would have been eclipsed by the brilliant liveries and gay appearance of the alcaldes.

The principal bathing places are Miraflores, one league from the city: it is a pretty village, with several handsome ranchos, or cottages. Chorrillos, two leagues from Lima; a large village, with a very neat church, being a parish of indians. Here the descent to the sea is very commodious, and those who prefer bathing to gaming generally visit this place; but there is nevertheless a considerable portion of the latter fashionable amusement here. Lurin is about seven leagues from the capital, it is also a parish of indians, and a place of great resort for the higher classes of gamesters:—the distance precludes a too numerous concourse of the lower orders of society.

[Pg 317]

The piazzas of the plasa mayor are crowded every night from seven o'clock till ten with the frail part of the female sex. A range of tables with ices, lemonade, and other refreshments stand on the outside of the piazzas, with benches for the weary and thirsty to rest upon. At eight o'clock the retreta, the different bands of military music, leave the palace door: this is a great attraction, and forms an excuse for many a fair visitor to attend the piazza. The bridge, as has been already mentioned, is another place for evening chit chat. The piazzas are the genteel lounge on a Sunday and the morning of a holiday, when they are generally much crowded.

The paseo de las lomas, or de los amancaes, as it is called, is a visit to the hills on the north side of Lima on the days of St. John and St. Peter. The amancaes, yellow daffodils, being then in flower, the hills are covered with them. At this time of the year the cattle are driven from the farms to the mountains to feed; for as soon as the garuas, fogs, begin, they are covered with verdure, so that the principal incitement is to drink milk, eat custards, rice-milk, &c. In the evening it is very amusing to see thousands of people in coaches, on horseback, and on foot, returning to the city,[Pg 318] almost covered with daffodils, of which each endeavours to collect the largest quantity.

One of the peculiarities which excites the attention of a stranger in Lima is the tolling of the great bell of the cathedral at about half-past nine in the morning: at this time the host at high mass is elevated; the oracion bell is rung at sunset. In the morning the bustle and noise in the market may be loud enough to astound an unaccustomed observer, but the bell tolls, and instantaneously all is silent as the tomb—not a whisper, not a footstep is heard; as if by enchantment all in a moment becomes motionless; every one takes off his hat, many kneel till the third knell is heard, when the bustle, noise, and confusion again commence. In the evening the scene is repeated, the oracion bell tolls, and motion ceases in every direction; the buyer and the seller stand like statues, and the half spoken word hangs on the lips until the third knell is heard, when crossing themselves devoutly, they bow to each other, and a general "good night," buena noche, sets them at liberty again to follow their avocations. I never could help admiring this method of reminding every individual to thank his Creator for blessings received during the day, and to crave his kind[Pg 319] protection during the night. I have often been pleased with the solemnity produced, for, without entering any particular place of worship, a place perhaps where the tenets are contrary to the religious creeds of many individuals, all

may pray and praise in the manner their inclination or fancy may direct them. If the curfew of England were tolled for the same purpose it would perhaps be more consonant to the use of bells placed in a building dedicated to God, than to the now obsolete order for extinguishing fires, of which not one in a hundred knows the origin.

Respecting the feasts of the church, that of Corpus Christi is very splendid. The procession leaves the cathedral attended by all the civil and military authorities holding large wax tapers, the different orders of friars, the dean and chapter, and the archbishop, under a splendid canopy, supported by twelve priests in their robes of ceremony, his grace bearing the host or consecrated wafer, which is deposited in a superbly rich hostiarium. The military force is drawn up in the square, or plasa mayor, and after kneeling and pointing their bayonets to the ground, the banners and flags being prostrated[Pg 320] as the sacrament passes, they all join in the procession, falling in at its rear; and when the archbishop turns round at the principal porch and blesses the people, the artillery and musquetry fire a salute. The most particular feature in this procession is the assistance of all the clubs or cofradias of the Africans: each separate company has its appropriate national music and songs, some of them carrying wooden idols on their heads, and dancing about with them among those who belong to their confraternity.

Santa Rosa, being a native of Lima, and patroness of America, has a solemn feast and procession from the church of Santo Domingo to the cathedral on the last day of August. It is generally attended by a great number of ladies, wearing wreaths of red and white artificial roses round their waists and the bottom of their sayas. The Viceroy and the tribunals also attended in this procession.

There are many other processions which it would be useless and unentertaining to mention. Those of San Francisco and Santo Domingo present the peculiarity of having the two effigies carried from their respective churches, so as to meet in the plasa mayor, where they salute each other by bows, &c., and are then carried to the church where the feast is [Pg 321]celebrated. The host gives his right side to the guest, and after the feast is concluded he accompanies him home to his own church. On the day of San Francisco the friars of the order regale all the prisoners in the different gaols with a good dinner; and those of Santo Domingo do the same on the day of their patriarch.

The publication of the bulls, once in two years, happened on the day of St. Thomas the Apostle. The commissary-general was received at the door of the cathedral under a pall or canopy: he carried a bull of the crusade hung round his neck, and proceeded to the high altar, where he delivered it to the notary-public of the crusade, who, although a civilian, ascended the pulpit, and read the address of the commissary-general to the congregation. After this high mass was celebrated, and an appropriate sermon preached, setting forth the virtue of the bulls, and the great benefit derived from their purchase. This discourse in the year 1804 was rather ridiculous, because the King had raised the price of the bull of the crusade, and the good priest had not only to exhort the faithful to continue the holy practice of purchasing the bull, but to reconcile them to the additional tax imposed. This, he said, was to supply[Pg 322] his Catholic Majesty with money for the purpose of carrying on the war against the English and other heretics. Such is the belief in the efficacy of these bulls, and so great is the revenue derived from the sale of them, that the new governments of Chile, Buenos Ayres, and, I was told, of Mexico and Colombia, re-printed them, and for some time continued the hoax. A priest in Chile, of whom I inquired whether the new government had a right to profit by a papal dispensation granted to the King of Spain, their enemy, answered me very archly, that a bull of the patria was as good as a bull of the pope; and that if the Viceroy Pesuela had a right to take the money from the treasury of the crusade at Lima, for the purpose of paying the expedition sent against Chile, the government of Chile had only followed the Christian-like example of their forefathers, who came to America for the purpose of preaching the gospel, and thus saving from the power of satan the souls of millions of infidels; but, continued he, laughing most heartily, if they try it again, I dare say they will find themselves like the man who went for wool and returned shorn: que fue por lana, y volvio trasquilado.

I was at Lima when the Viceroy Abascal made his public entrance, and also when the[Pg 323] Viceroy Pesuela entered, who was probably the last that ever will enter, (La Serna, the nominal Viceroy, being no better than a traitor to Spain, having assumed the authority after he deposed Pesuela) I shall therefore give a short description of this formal ceremony.

On the arrival of the new Viceroy at Mansanilla, about four miles from Lima, he sent an officer, with the title of Ambassador, to inform his predecessor, that it being the will and pleasure of his Majesty that he should take upon himself the government of the kingdom of Peru, he should enter the capital the day following; a circumstance of which he begged leave to apprize his Excellency, that he might be prepared to resign the command, because his authority would cease: such being the orders of the Sovereign. The Viceroy immediately sent a messenger to his successor, to compliment him on his safe arrival. The two persons chosen by the chiefs for this ceremony were rewarded by them respectively with minor governments in Peru, this being the general custom; so that the first and the last act of a Viceroy was to confer a favour on some protegée. On the following morning the Viceroy Marquis de Aviles had an interview with his successor Abascal, but he returned to dinner at the palace, while[Pg 324] his successor partook of a splendid dinner at Mansanilla, to which the principal nobility were invited. In the afternoon the Viceroy Aviles went in state to meet Abascal; they met on the road, and each alighted from his carriage: Aviles here presented Abascal with a gold headed cane or bâton, the insignia of the government of the kingdom; they then stepped into each other's coach, and entered the city, which on this occasion was splendidly adorned, all the streets through which the cavalcade passed being hung with tapestry, silk curtains, and other gay hangings. The steeples of the churches were ornamented with flags, and every bell was ringing. When the Viceroy Marquis de la Palata entered Lima in 1682, the streets through which the procession passed were all paved with bars of silver. The new Viceroy proceeded to his palace, where one of the alcaldes, deputed for the purpose, waited his arrival, and received and acknowledged him on the part of the city. On the following day all the courts, civil and ecclesiastical, bodies corporate, and communities waited on him, and at ten o'clock accompanied him to the cathedral, where Te Deum was chaunted. On his return to the palace the archbishop called on the Viceroy, who immediately afterwards returned[Pg 325] the compliment; this is the only visit which a Viceroy paid. At twelve o'clock the new Viceroy went in state to the chamber of the audience, and took the oath of administration. The Viceroy Abascal dispensed with many ceremonies which Pesuela did not; I shall therefore subjoin them.

A few days after the arrival of Pesuela in Lima, a day was fixed for his entrance in state; the streets and steeples were ornamented as on the public entrance, with the addition of several triumphal arches, one with a gate was placed close to the church of Montserrat, near to the city wall. The Viceroy left the city early in the morning for Callao, and visited the fortifications; at nine o'clock he returned, and having arrived at the gate, which was shut, the captain of the escort alighted and knocked; the captain of the guard at the gate opened the postern, and asked who was there? Being answered, the Viceroy and captain-general of the kingdom, he closed the postern. The principal alcalde now advanced and passed the postern, and the Viceroy alighted from his horse, and the gate was thrown open: the alcalde then presented a golden key to the Viceroy, who, and his retinue of chamberlain, groom, chaplain, physician and pages, mounted their gaily caparisoned horses,[Pg 326] prepared by the city, and the procession began in the following order:—

The cavalry then in the city; four pieces of artillery and the necessary artillery-men; the city militia; the troops of the line; the colleges, the university, the professors being dressed in the habits of their respective professions; the chamber of accompts; all the members of the audience, with their togas and golas, mounted on horses covered with black velvet embroidered trappings; the magistracy in crimson velvet robes, lined with crimson brocade, and small black caps on their heads. Eight members of the corporation, regidores, walked supporting an elegant crimson and gold canopy over the head of the Viceroy on horseback, and the two alcaldes in their magisterial robes, acted as equerries to his Excellency, holding the reins of his horse. The whole cavalcade was closed by the body guard of halberdiers and that of cavalry. It passed through several of the principal streets, and halted in the plasa mayor, in front of the cathedral, where the archbishop and chapter received the Viceroy as Vice-patron, and one of the minor canons offered incense to him at the door. Being seated, Te Deum was chaunted, after which the Viceroy mounted his horse and proceeded to his palace, where a splendid [Pg 327]dinner was provided for him by the city. On the evening of this and the two following days grand balls and routs were given at the palace to the nobility, and free admittance to the tapadas was granted to the galleries, corridors, and gardens. The tapadas are females who are either not invited, or their rank does not allow them to attend in public, but who come to the fête covered, so as to prevent their being known; a great deal of vivacity and spirited wit is often heard among them. This manner of being present at any public entertainment is general in South America, and it is almost impossible to prevent it.

Three days of bull fighting followed in honour of the Viceroy, and two in honour of the ambassador who brought the news of his arrival; all at the expence of the cabildo. These were held in the plasa mayor, which was converted into a temporary circus on the occasion; there were also performances at the theatre on the evenings of the same days.

The university prepared for Pesuela a poetical wrangle, adapted to display the ingenuity and learning of the professors and members. The rector published the themes, and an account of the different prizes, which consisted of pieces of plate. On the day appointed, the cloister[Pg 328] and courts of the university were adorned with splendid magnificence; the pillars and walls were hung with emblematical devices, and with shields containing poetical inscriptions in Latin and Spanish. On the entrance of the Viceroy, he was conducted to the rectoral chair, ornamented for the occasion, which with the canopy, cushions, and table cover, had a most magnificent appearance. The rector took his seat opposite to his Excellency, and in a formal manner expressed the happiness which the university enjoyed in the presence of its Vice-patron, with more flattery and more adulation than ever were uttered by any other man. Several of the professors next addressed him, in speeches as fulsome as need be; after which the rector rose, and presented to Pesuela, on a silver salver of great value, four nominations to the degree of doctor, which he had the privilege to give to any of his protegées, certain that in their examination they would not only pass for the nominations, but be excused the payment of the honorarium, which is about a thousand dollars for each diploma. The Viceroy was then conducted to the library, where a grand collation was set out for himself and suite, after partaking of which he retired to his palace. In the evening there was a splendid assembly, and refresco,[Pg 329] a cold collation, prepared for those who had the honour of an invitation, as well as the tapadas, who attend uninvited. On the following day the salver, which cost two thousand dollars, was presented to the Viceroy, with the nominations, by two deputies from the university. A few days afterward the rector waited on the Viceroy and presented him with a printed copy of the speeches, poetry, &c. elegantly bound, and covered with crimson velvet, with gold clasps and other ornaments.

The colleges and convents had similar days of poetical contest, and each of them presented his Excellency with an ornamented copy of their effusions.

Flattery in these cases knows no limits. All the prize productions were signed with the names of the different individuals belonging to the family of the Viceroy; so that all the prizes, being as I have said pieces of plate, valuable both for the metal and workmanship, go to the palace.

[Pg 330]

CHAPTER XIV.

Fruits in the Gardens of Lima....Flowers....Particular Dishes, or Cookery....Chuno, dried Potatoes....Chochoca, dried Maize....Sweetmeats....Meals....Diseases....Medical Observations....On the Commerce of Lima....Profitable Speculations.

The south and east sides of Lima are covered with gardens and orchards of the most delicious fruits, both tropical and equinoctial; towards the east there are several gardens within the walls; but the greater number are on the outside. Among the fruits known in European gardens, and produced in great perfection at Lima, are several varieties of the grape; for the colonial laws of Spain have not prohibited the cultivation of the vine in Peru and Chile, as they have done in Mexico and New Grenada. Olives grow in great abundance and of an excellent quality; they are not preserved here, as in France, while small and green, but are left on the trees till they are ripe, and are then pickled in salt and water; others are pressed and dried, when they take the appearance of prunes. Oil is made in considerable quantities,[Pg 331] but it is not so fine nor so good as the French or Italian oils. The first olive was brought to Peru in 1560 by Don Antonio de Ribera, a native of Lima. Apples and pears prosper extremely well, though but few varieties are cultivated. Peaches and apricots do well; of the former here are many varieties; some called aurimelos and priscos are very delicate. Nectarines, plums and cherries are scarce, and only to be found in a few places; I have seen them in the gardens of Don Pedro de la Presa, who laid out a most magnificent garden and orchard in the suburbs of San Lazaro; besides which he built a stately house, and expended on both more than two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. One of the gardens is called de Don Jaime, the other is at Miraflores. Gooseberries or currants I never saw in any part of South America, excepting some small plants brought to Chile for Lord Cochrane, which, owing to inattention, died. A wild species of currant, however, is common in some parts both of Peru and Chile, but the fruit is small and bitter, perhaps through want of cultivation. Several kinds of melons are produced in great abundance and of fine flavour; the sandias, water melons, are large and good. Figs are most plentiful, and well flavoured. The pomegranates[Pg 332] are fine and full of juice; the quinces also grow very large.

Among the tropical and equinoctial fruits, the plantain and banana ornament the orchards with their large green leaves, being the emblem of luxuriant fertility: this luscious and wholesome fruit ministers to the appetite of the rich, and satisfies the hunger of the poor. No native will drink water immediately after eating the plantain, nor any thing but water after the banana.

Much has been said respecting the banana by several writers. Forster and other naturalists pretend that it did not exist in America before the conquest; but I consider the existence of it in the river Ucayale, where it was found cultivated by the first missionaries, as well as in some of the more internal parts of Maynas, and by Count Ruis in the valley of St. Ana, to the eastward of Cusco, when first explored, and by myself in Archidona and Napo, to the eastward of Quito, at Cocaniguas and Pite to the westward—I look upon these facts as sufficient proofs to the contrary; but what will place beyond a doubt, that the banana and plantain are indigenous, is, that I have found beds of leaves of both these plants in the huacas at Paramongo. Four varieties of the musa are known in Lima, the platano arton (musa paradisiaca), the[Pg 333] camburi or largo (musa sapientum), the dominico or guinea (musa regia), and the maiga of the sea, called de la isla, the first plants being brought from Otaheite, in the frigate Aguila, in 1769. Garcilaso de la Vega, and Father Acosta, also assert, that the banana was cultivated before the conquest. The former says, that in the warm and temperate regions it constituted one of the principal sources of nourishment of the natives; and the latter speaks of its being grown in the mountains of las Emeraldas, where I have seen it myself, and particularly in some old plantations, now uncultivated, called by the natives Incas vicuri, bananas of the Incas. The sour and the sweet oranges, lemons, limes, citrons, and shaddocks, grow in all the gardens, and contribute greatly to their beauty. The trees at the same time are loaded with delicious and beautiful fruit, both ripe and green; their delicate white flowers, in clusters, shedding their perfume around: indeed, nothing can exceed the beauty and fragrance of these trees during the greater part of the year. I have seen orange trees, from forty to fifty feet high, covered with large bunches of ripe oranges; but the gardeners generally keep them at from ten to twenty feet high, because they then bear more fruit, and also of a better quality.[Pg 334] The Lucuma is a large tree: the fruit is round, and about the size of an orange; it has a green skin or rind, and contains three large kidney shaped kernels covered with a very hard shell: the eatable part is of a deep yellow colour, in substance and appearance not unlike the yolk of a hard boiled egg: it is dry, and to my taste not very palatable; but it is esteemed by many.

The Palta, alligator pear or vegetable marrow, is sometimes round, and sometimes pear shaped: the tree is large and handsome, the fruit is contained in a coriaceous rind, having in the centre a large kernel, of a brown colour and very harsh taste. It is often used as a dye, when it gives a nankeen colour. It is also used for marking linen; this is effected by spreading the linen over the kernel, and with a pin pricking through it into the kernel an indelible mark is obtained. The eatable part of the fruit is delicious; it is seasoned with salt, pepper, &c. according to the palate, and its taste is similar to marrow: few persons approve of this fruit at first, but almost all become passionately fond of it afterwards. The pacay is a moderately sized tree; its fruit is contained in a large green pod—there are several varieties—the pod of one is sometimes more than a yard long and three inches broad. The[Pg 335] eatable part is a soft, cotton-like substance, which is sweet and juicy. It envelops a black bean, and these frequently germinate in the pods, and have a very curious appearance. The guayaba, guaba, grows in great abundance, and here there are several varieties, some of which are very good. The granadilla is a creeping plant, one of the varieties of the passion flower; the fruit is of the shape and size of a duck's egg; the shell is rather hard, of a brown hue, and contains a very delicate substance full of small black seeds, in taste not unlike that of a ripe gooseberry. Another variety of this fruit has a thick rind, the interior being much like the common granadilla: it is called de quixos, because, very probably, the first seed was brought from the woods in the province of Quixos. The tumbo or badea is another variety, but the fruit is as large as a moderate sized melon, which it nearly resembles when cut, except that the seeds are of a brownish colour. It is commonly prepared for the table by cutting the fleshy substance or outside into small slices, and mixing them with the juicy inside and seeds, adding to it sugar, wine, and spices; and in this state it is really delicious. The palillo is the delicate custard-apple, which is very sweet and fragrant. The females of[Pg 336] Lima often dry the rind or skin, and burn it with other perfumes. The capuli is the cape gooseberry; it grows on a small bush, and when ripe has an agreeable acid taste. The chirimoya is often called the queen of fruits, and it undoubtedly deserves that name. The tree is low and bushy; the flower is composed of three triangular fleshy leaves; the appearance is mean, but its fragrance surpasses that of any other flower which could be mentioned; however, it only continues in perfection for one evening—indeed the fragrance is so great, that one flower will scent a large room, and particularly if it be warmed by enclosing it in the hand. The fruit has somewhat the shape of a heart—the exterior is green, with a reticulated appearance, occasioned more by brownish lines on the fruit than by any indented marks, like the pine-apple: it contains several blackish seeds, about the size of horse beans; but the larger the fruit the fewer are the seeds. The eatable part is extremely delicate; it resembles a custard in substance, and is generally eaten with a spoon. On the arrival of the first Spaniards in Peru, the description they sent of this fruit to Spain was, that it was a net filled with honey; for they knew of nothing else to which they could compare it. Their weight in Lima is from one[Pg 337] to three pounds each; but in the woods of Huanuco and Loxa they are often found to weigh from fifteen to twenty pounds each and even more. The guanabana, or sour sop, has greatly the appearance of the chirimoya; but the fruit is generally larger as well as the flower, which is also quite different. The fruit of the guanabana often grows on the main trunk of the tree and on the largest branches, whilst the other grows on the branches when they are two years old. The guanabana has a grateful acid taste, and is often dissolved in water, which is afterwards strained and sugar added to it, forming an agreeable beverage: a very good jelly is also made from it as a preserve, which is most delicately transparent. The pepino is an egg-shaped fruit, and smells like a cucumber. Here are several varieties, and when ripe they have a sweet but peculiar taste, between the raw vegetable and fruit: they are considered unwholesome, and often called mata serranos, mountaineer killers; because these people when they come down to the coast eat large quantities of them, on account, perhaps, of their cheapness: they bring on intermittent fevers, dysentery, &c. The piña, pine-apple, is not cultivated in Lima, but brought from the neighbouring valleys, where the climate is hotter. It does not thrive[Pg 338] well, but it certainly would if a little care were taken of the plants during the season when the easterly winds blow; for these winds are often very sharp after passing over the Cordilleras. The date does not flourish in Lima, owing to the same cause.

The orchards here, unlike those of Europe, are always beautiful; excepting the foreign fruit trees, which give a wintry appearance when their branches become naked by the falling of the leaves, all the others are evergreens, and appear in the pompous garb of spring during the whole year. The new leaves take possession of their inheritance before the death of their predecessors; and the inflorescence and fructification in many trees follow the example of the leaf. The highly rich green of the banana and plantain, their enormous leaves rustling with every breeze, and discovering their pendent bunches of fruit; the orange tree enamelled with green and white and gold; the pomegranate with its crimson bell; the shady chirimoya breathing aromas to the evening breeze; the tripping granadilla stretching from tree to tree, and begging support for its laden slender branches; the luxuriant vine creeping over trellises, and hiding under its cooling leaves the luscious grape—are beauties certainly[Pg 339] not to be surpassed; but these, and all these, are found in every garden in the valley through which the Rimac meanders.

The flower gardens here contain most of the varieties seen in our gardens in England, excepting the family of ranunculuses and tulips, neither of which did I ever see in South America; indeed, the climate is so favourable to all kinds of vegetation, where water can be procured for irrigation, that little care is required; but less than what is necessary is usually bestowed. The ladies are passionately fond of flowers, and will give very high prices for them. I have known a white lily, a little out of season, sold for eight dollars; and good hyacinths for two or three dollars each; and I am certain that a clever gardener and florist, who would take to Lima a stock of seeds and roots, would very soon amass a considerable fortune. I have observed that the generality of the flowers of indigenous plants are yellow; and it is a common saying, oro en la costa, plata en la sierra, gold on the coast, silver in the mountains, where the general colour of wild flowers is white. The floripondio is very much admired by many for its fragrance: it partakes of that of the lily; the tree is bushy, and grows about ten feet high. The flowers are white, each[Pg 340] about eight inches long, bell shaped, and hang in clusters: one tree will scent a large garden; but if there are more the smell is overpowering, and produces headache. The suche is a great spreading tree, and is filled with clusters of flowers, each about two inches in diameter, which are the largest kind, and others about an inch: they are bell-shaped, and of a fleshy substance; some are white, others yellow, and others of a pink colour; all are very fragrant. The aroma bears a number of round yellow flosculous flowers, deserving their name, for they are most delicately fragrant.

The inhabitants of Lima have many dishes peculiar to the place. The Spanish olla podrida, called puchero, is found almost on every table: it is composed of beef, mutton, fowl, ham, sausage, and smoked meats, mixed with casava root, sweet potatoe, cabbage, turnips and almost any vegetables, a few peas, and a little rice—these are all well boiled together, and form the standing family dish: bread or vermicelli soup is made from the broth. Lahua is a thick porridge from the flour of maize boiled with meat, particularly fresh pork or turkey, and highly seasoned with the husks of the ripe capsicum. Carapulca consists of dried potatoes, nuts, or garbansas, parched and[Pg 341] bruised, and afterwards boiled to a thick consistency with meat, like the lahua. Pepian is made from rice flour, and partakes of the ingredients of the lahua and the pepian; it is a very favourite dish, and the natives say, that on being presented to the pope by an American cook, he exclaimed, felice indiani, qui manducat pepiani! Chupi, which is made by cooking potatoes, cheese and eggs together, and afterwards adding fried fish, is a favourite dish, not only on days of abstinence, but during the whole year. Guinea pigs, cuis, make a very delicate dish; they are roasted, and afterwards stewed with a great quantity of capsicum pods, pounded to the consistency of paste: sometimes potatoes, bruised nuts, and other ingredients are added. This is the favourite picante, and to my taste is extremely delicate. Many more dishes, peculiar to the country, are seen on the tables, all of which are seasoned with a profusion of lard, and not a small quantity of garlic and capsicum.

I have mentioned dried potatoes—they are thus prepared: small potatoes are boiled, peeled, and then dried in the sun, but the best are those dried by the severe frosts on the mountains; they will keep for any length of time, and when used require to be bruised and soaked. If introduced as a vegetable substance in long sea[Pg 342] voyages, I think the potatoe thus prepared would be found wholesome and nourishing. The dried potatoe is sometimes ground into flour; this is called chuno, and is used to make a kind of porridge, either with or without meat.

The maize, whilst green, is prepared in the same manner, by boiling the cobs, cutting off the grains and drying them; this is called chochoca, and is cooked like the chuno.

Great quantities of pumpkins and gourds are eaten, and form the principal part of the vegetable food of the poor classes; they are large, plentiful and cheap, and will keep nearly the whole year if placed in a dry room. Maize and beans, frijoles, are in general use among the lower classes, indeed I may say among all classes, but they are the common food of the slaves: the bean is considered very nutritious, and those who have been accustomed to eat it prefer it to any other vegetable, and use it as an equivalent for animal food.

An abundance of sweetmeats is eaten in South America, more, I believe, than in any other country, and particularly in Lima, where there is such a variety of fruit, and such plenty of sugar; but there is a great defect in the preserves, which are always too sweet, either from a superabundance of sugar, or by [Pg 343]destroying the flavour of the fruit before it is preserved; the citron and shaddock, which have a taste so agreeable and even powerful, always lose it when preserved. A paste is made by pounding together equal weights of blanched almonds and sugar; it is then packed in chip boxes, and will keep for a long time; by dissolving a small quantity in water, an excellent substitute for milk is formed, which is very palatable with tea, and would be found useful in long voyages.

The usual breakfast hour at Lima is eight o'clock; they seldom take more than a cup of thick chocolate with toast, and a glass of cold water afterwards; or sometimes a little boiled mutton, fried eggs, ham, or sausage. The dinner hour is one o'clock. It is a very plentiful meal, and may indeed be considered the only one during the day; soup and puchero are generally the first dishes, the rest come to table indiscriminately, and fish is not unfrequently the last, excepting sweetmeats, after which a glass of cold water is always drunk. Coffee is often brought in immediately after dinner; but in the higher classes the company rise from table and adjourn to another room, where coffee and liquors are placed. Fruit is commonly introduced between the services, as it is considered[Pg 344] more wholesome to eat it then than afterwards. In the evening a cup of coffee or chocolate is taken, or a glass of lemonade, pine-apple water, almond milk, or some other refreshing drink, and among the higher circles chocolate and ices are served up.

The following account of the diseases prevalent in Lima is from Dr. Unanue:—

"Heat and humidity are the two great causes of disease in this climate; the first predisposes and the second excites it. The suavity of the climate promotes the pleasures of Venus, and produces those of Ceres, and both contribute to enervate and relax the tone of the human frame. The first symptoms of debility present themselves in the digestive organs, and many infants, constitutionally weak, die of convulsions produced by indigestion: epileptic affections are very common when children begin to eat ordinary food. Young people suffer much from cholics, particularly in autumn, owing to the debility of the stomach, caused by excessive transpiration; indeed the inhabitants of Lima are so well aware of the weakness of their digestive organs, that they attribute every indisposition to empacho, indigestion. Owing to the same constitutional weakness of the stomach, youth are very apt to become afflicted with[Pg 345] phthisis and asthma, and many who escape from these affections, if they indulge their passions, are afterwards borne down by obstructions of the abdominal viscera and dropsies, which, owing to the dampness of the climate, are incurable. The functions of the internal and external vessels becoming inverted, those being surrounded by a body of water, these augment it incessantly by absorbing an abundance from the humid atmosphere. Lima is often called el pais de los viejos, the country of old people, because they generally live abstemiously, and instances of extreme longevity are not uncommon."

An extract from medical observations made by Dr. Unanue, in the year 1799, may serve to convey an idea of the particular diseases prevalent during the different seasons, beginning with the month of January, at which time the summer solstice commences.

"In January the small pox made its appearance, hemorrhages and bilious diarrhœas were common; these were followed by eruptive fevers in February. During this and the succeeding month violent catarrhs and coughs were prevalent, particularly among children, and those adults who were affected with asthma suffered very much. In some years, when the summers[Pg 346] have been oppressively warm, copious perspirations and lipirias (cholera morbus) have been known to afflict many persons, but they were not observed in 1799.

"During March, April, and the beginning of Autumn, intermittent fevers were very common, particularly the tertian, often accompanied with dysentery; in May and the beginning of June dry and violent coughs were observed, that produced an irritation of the throat and sometimes small ulcers.

"During July quinsies afflicted several people, and cutaneous eruptions (exanthemata milliaria) were frequent, intestinal inflammations and dysentery were also prevalent; and during the months of August and September pulmonic inflammations and pleurisies were frequent.

"Inflammations of the lungs were common during the month of October, as also bilious diarrhœa; during this month the autumnal tertian began to disappear; in November many died of the dysentery, and cutaneous eruptions were very common. Out of 4229 patients received into the hospital of San Andres this year 317 died."

I have observed that syphilis is never very virulent in Lima and on the coasts of Peru, but[Pg 347] in the interior, particularly in cold situations, it is more prevalent and more severe.

Berrugas, warts of a peculiar kind, are common in some of the valleys of the coast. They are supposed to be caused either by drinking or being washed by the waters of certain rivers. The first symptoms are most excruciating pains in the legs, thighs and arms (the parts where the warts generally make their appearance), which frequently last for one or even several months. When the warts begin to appear the pain is relieved, and when they burst a large quantity of blood is discharged, the pain ceases, and the patient recovers. No medicines are ever administered for this disease, the natives believing that patience is the only remedy. They carefully keep themselves warm, and avoid wetting themselves, because it often produces spasms, and sometimes death.

In 1803 a new disease made its appearance during the summer in the valley of Huaura, and proved mortal to many individuals, particularly indians and negroes, to whom it seemed to be almost confined; for few or no white people were infected by it. The first appearance was a small pustule, the centre depressed, bearing a small purple spot; as it extended, several other small pustules arose on the edges of the original[Pg 348] one, filled with a limpid fluid; these pustules increased to a large size, having the resemblance of blisters raised by burning. If an incision were made in the part affected, no blood flowed, nor did the patient feel the operation; the flesh had a spongy appearance, and a very pale red colour. If not relieved, the patient usually died between the fifth and tenth day, and sometimes earlier. The method of cure adopted was the total extraction of the diseased part, and the application of a poultice. This disease was called by the natives grano de la peste, pest pimple.

The uta is another disease known in some of the valleys of Peru. It is supposed to proceed from the sting of a small insect; however the fact has never been ascertained. The first appearance is a small, hard, red tumour; this bursts, and the fluid it contains produces an incurable sore, which gradually extends, and at last occasions the most aggravated sufferings, till death brings relief to the afflicted patient.

I shall conclude my account of Lima with some observations on its commerce, particularly that part which is interesting to British manufacturers.

Callao being the principal port of Peru, and the only one denominated abilitado general, or[Pg 349] free for the ingress and egress of vessels to and from every part of the Spanish dominions, Lima was consequently the general market for all foreign as well as home commerce, and here the traders from the provinces repaired with such productions as were destined for exportation, as well as to purchase a stock of manufactured goods, either foreign or from other parts of the country, besides such raw materials as were necessary for mining tools and those of husbandry.

Owing to the diversity of the climates in the Vice-royalty of Peru, all kinds of European manufactured goods find a ready sale; those from England are mostly preferred to any other: indeed many can only be procured from that country; and the supplying of those by Great Britain to a population of a million and a half of people must be considered as a means of extending her commerce, and the decided preference given to them must be highly flattering as well as beneficial to the British nation.

On entering a house in Lima, or in any other part of Peru that I visited, almost every object reminded me of England; the windows were glazed with English glass—the brass furniture and ornaments on the commodes, tables, chairs, &c. were English—the chintz or dimity hangings, the linen and cotton dresses of the females, and[Pg 350] the cloth coats, cloaks, &c. of the men were all English:—the tables were covered either with plate or English earthenware, and English glass, knives, forks, &c.; and even the kitchen utensils, if of iron, were English; in fine, with very few exceptions, all was either of English or South American manufacture. Coarse cottons, nankeens, and a few other articles were supplied by the Philippine company. Spain sent some iron, broad cloth, Barcelona prints, linen, writing paper, silks, and ordinary earthenware. From the Italians they had silks and velvets; from the French, linens, lace, silks and broad cloth; from Germany, linens (platillas), common cutlery and glass; every thing else was either English or of home manufacture.

I do not hesitate to assert, that goods of a superior quality always meet with early purchasers, because those who can afford to buy foreign goods always inquire for the best; and the more modern and fashionable the goods are, the better and the quicker is the sale. Thick broad cloths, in imitation of the Spanish San Fernando cloth, are best for the interior; and thin fine cloth, in imitation of the French sedan cloth, is most suitable for Lima. The Manchester broad flannels, either twilled or plain, with a long nap, dark and light blue,[Pg 351] crimson and pink, bright green, pale yellow, brown, white, and any shades or half colours, are very saleable commodities, either on the coast or in the interior. Kerseymeres, cords, and velveteens; Irish linens and common lawns cut into pieces of eight yards each, in imitation of the French bretagnes and estopillas; coarse linen in pieces of about thirty yards, imitating the German platillas; and fine Scotch cambrics, as well as table linen, sheeting, &c., meet a great demand. All kinds of cotton goods, particularly stockings, muslins, and fashionable prints of delicate colours; also dark blue prints with small white sprigs, &c., which are used for mourning by every class, are in common use among the poor; besides dimities, jeans, and white quilts (Marseilles), which are all very saleable articles. Silks, damask (crimson), ribbons, particularly narrow, and good velvets (black), are in great demand. Glass and earthenware, all kinds of hardware and cutlery (few forks), mechanics' tools, large hammers and wedges for the miners, spades, shovels, pickaxes, &c.; quicksilver, in the mining districts, also iron and steel, are saleable articles. Trinkets are not in much estimation, because the inhabitants seldom wear any that are not of gold and precious gems. Hats are well made in[Pg 352] Lima, and the materials are of the best quality. Shoes and boots are another manufacture in which the natives excel, and their materials are tolerably good. The cordovans from Lambayeque are excellent. Drugs are extremely dear, for even those produced in different parts of the Spanish colonies are generally first sent to Europe, and thence back again, except, in Lima, the chinchona bark, sarsaparilla, copaiva balsam, guaiacum, and some others, the produce of Peru.

I shall have occasion to mention, at different places, the utility that would result from the introduction of machinery, not only as it was evinced at the date of my narrative, but as rendered more apparent by the subsequent political changes of the country.

In Lima, an intelligent Spaniard, Don Matias de la Reta, established looms and other machinery for weaving cotton sail-cloth, and some coarse articles of the same material. At his death the manufactory was abandoned; but there is no doubt that the plan would have answered well had the projector lived. At present (1824) a pottery or manufactory of common earthenware would be a very lucrative establishment; as also, a work for ordinary glass ware; because the materials for both may be[Pg 353] had conveniently, and of good qualities: the consumption of both is very great, and their prices comparatively high. Indeed, if the introduction of either will pay the freight and other indispensable charges, it is evident that a speculation of this kind could not fail. All the earthenware for ordinary purposes is manufactured here; but it is heavy, and very clumsy: however, as it is, large quantities are sent to different parts of the country.

Good steady mechanics—carpenters, cabinet makers, millwrights, blacksmiths, whitesmiths, silversmiths, watchmakers or repairers, shoemakers, and tailors, would meet with constant work and good wages; but it would be advisable for each artificer to take a supply of tools with him. I mention this on account of the changes that have occurred in the governments; because during the colonial system, a foreigner was liable to be ordered to leave the country at a very short notice; but, notwithstanding that risk, several were established in Lima in 1808 and the succeeding years, and were never interrupted.

The subjoined is an account of the prices of some articles, which will convey an idea of the profits derived by the merchants, principally[Pg 354] old Spaniards, before the revolutions in America affected this market.

Good broad cloth, per yard, from 18 to 20 dollars.—Kerseymeres from 7 to 10—Broad coloured flannels from 3 to 4—Fine Irish Linen from 3 to 4—Fine German platillas from 1½ to 3—Ordinary German platillas from 1 to 2—Fine French lawn from 3 to 4—Fine French cambric from 10 to 12—Printed calicoes 2 to 3½—Fine printed calicoes from 3 to 4½—Fine muslins from 3 to 5—Fine cambric muslins from 3 to 5—Silk velvet from 10 to 12—Fine velveteens 2½ to 4. Blue and white earthenware plates, per dozen, from 12 to 18 dollars—Common German half-pint glasses from 8 to 12—Common knives with bone handles from 10 to 12—Common knives with wood handles from 6 to 8.

Much has been said by every writer on South America respecting the Spanish colonial restrictions. They certainly were, like all others, most severe, until experience proved to the government of the parent state, that it was not the welfare of the individuals or of particular companies or corporations employed in commerce, that could enrich the government. The Conde de Aranda, when prime minister in Spain, was well apprized of this truth, and what was really sound policy in him was called liberality. However, as Peru was at so great a distance from Europe, she never was so much oppressed as those colonies on the opposite side of the new world.

The returns from this market have been gold, silver, and tin; bark, cocoa, cotton, vicuña wool, sheep wool, and some drugs.

[Pg 355]

CHAPTER XV.

Visit to Pisco....Town of Pisco....Bay of Pisco....Curious Production of Salt....Huano....Huanaes....Vineyards, Brandy....Vineyards de las Hoyas....Fruits....Chilca, Village of Indians....Leave Lima, Road to Chancay....Pasamayo House....Nina de la Huaca....Maize, Cultivation Use of Huano....Hogs....On the produce of Maize....Different kinds of....Time of Harvesting....Uses of....Chicha of....Sugar of....Town of Chancay....Colcas....Town of Huacho....Chacras of the Indians....On the Character of the Native Indians....Refutation of what some Authors have said of....Manners and Customs of....Tradition of Manco Capac....Ditto Camaruru....Ditto Bochica....Ditto Quitzalcoatl....These Traditions favourable to the Spaniards....Government of Manco Capac....Representation of the Death of the Inca....Feast of Corpus Christi at Huacho....Indian Dances....Salinas.

During my residence in Lima, I availed myself of an invitation to visit the city of Pisco, about fifty leagues to the southward. This place, although it bears the name of a city, is only a miserable village. The present town is situated about two leagues to the northward of the old one. It was sacked in 1624 by the Dutch pirate, James Hermit Clark—in 1686 by Edward David—and in 1687 it was entirely demolished by an earthquake; after which, the[Pg 356] new town was begun to be built, about a league from the shore.

The bay is very large, and the anchorage good, but the landing is difficult near the small battery, erected for the purpose of protecting the landing place; it is better however at las Palmas, about two leagues higher up the bay, called la Paraca, and fresh water, which is very difficult to procure near the fort, may be had here. At the southern extremity of the bay, beneath a bed of broken indurated clay and sand stones, a stratum of salt is found, extending from fifty to one hundred yards from the sea, and sometimes more. On removing the upper covering of sand, the broken stones and the clay, the salt is discovered, forming a kind of small white columns, about three or four inches long, the upper part curling, as it were, and hanging downwards again, the whole appearing somewhat like a cauliflower. It is extremely white, and composed of transparent filaments not so large as a human hair. I examined these slender bodies with a good lens; they all appeared perfectly cylindrical and hollow, closely placed together, but not attached to each other, for by a slight pressure they separated, assuming the appearance of asbestos. The salt is as palatable as the common culinary salt, dissolves slowly[Pg 357] in a large quantity of cold water, and is not at all deliquescent from absorption. It is seldom used by the inhabitants, except when there is a scarcity of salt from Huacho.

Some small islands at the entrance to the bay of Pisco are famous for the manure which they produce, and which is embarked and carried to different parts of the coast, and often into the interior on the backs of mules and llamas. The quantity of this manure is enormous, and its qualities are truly astonishing; of this I shall have occasion to speak when treating of the cultivation of maize at Chancay. Several small vessels are constantly employed to carry it off; some of the cuts, where embarkation is convenient, are from forty to fifty feet deep, and their bottom is yet considerably above the level of the sea.

This valuable production appears to be the excrement of sea birds, immense numbers of which frequent and breed on the islands; and the accumulation is doubtless owing to the total absence of rain. It is of a pale brown colour when dry, and easily reducible to powder; when fresh it has rather a reddish appearance; the surface stratum for a foot deep is whitish, and contains feathers, bones of birds, and shells of eggs. It is asserted, that the huano, the[Pg 358] name by which this production is known, is certainly fossil earth; but the quality of the upper stratum, which although at first white, gradually inclines to yellow, being incontestibly the excrement of birds, and equal to the other, the subject seems to demand a stricter scrutiny.

A species of birds frequenting these islands in great abundance is called huanay: hence the original name of the matter now used as manure. The bird is of black plumage, is as large as the seagull, and breeds during the whole year, with this peculiarity, that each nest, being only a hole in the huano, contains a fledged bird, an unfledged one, and one egg; whence it appears, that there is a constant succession, without the old birds undergoing the confinement of brooding their eggs. The indians take many of the young birds, salt them, and consider them a great delicacy; however they have a strong fishy taste.

The principal produce of the neighbourhood of Pisco, including the valleys of Chincha and Cañete, is vines, from which about one hundred and fifty thousand gallons of brandy are annually made. The brandy is kept in earthen jars, each holding about eighteen gallons. The vessels are made in the neighbourhood; their shape is that of an inverted cone, and the inside is coated with a species of naptha. The brandy, generally[Pg 359] called pisco, from the name of the place where it is made, is of a good flavour, and is not coloured, like the French brandy. One kind, made from the muscadine grape, and called aguardiente de Italia, is very delicate, possessing the flavour of Frontignac wine, and is much esteemed. Little wine is made, and that little is of a very inferior quality; it is generally thick and sweet, owing perhaps to the juice of the grape being boiled for a considerable time before it is fermented.

Near to Pisco is a vineyard called de las hoyas, of the pits, or holes; these are excavations made originally by the indians, or aborigines, who being well versed in agriculture, cleared away the sand, and opened a species of pits, in search of humidity. This immense labour was occasioned by the difficulty or impossibility of procuring water from the river Cañete for irrigation. The original use of the hoyas was perhaps the growth of maize or camotes; but vines are now planted in them, which produce most abundantly, requiring no other cultivation or care than merely pruning, for the branches are allowed to stretch along the sands.

The vine planters monopolized the making of spirituous liquors in Peru. They procured from the King of Spain, Carlos III., a royal order,[Pg 360] prohibiting the manufacture of any ardent spirit in Peru, except from the grape; and the importation of spirits subjected the importers to very severe penalties; for having also represented to the pope, Clement XIV., the destructive qualities of any other spirituous liquors in Peru, the royal order was backed by a papal excommunication, fulminated against all contrafactors and contraventors.

Dates abound, and when properly dried are superior to those of the coasts of Barbary. Here are many prolific plantations of olives; the figs are also very good, and pine-apples prosper well.

In the valley of Chincha are several large sugar plantations; two belong to the Count de Montemar y Monteblanco, and one near the coast, called Caucato, to Don Fernando Maso, where there is an extensive manufactory of soap. The number of slaves on the plantations of Chincha, Pisco, and Cañete is estimated at about eight thousand.

Between Pisco and Lima there is an indian village, called Chilca; it is on a sandy plain, devoid of water as well as vegetation; the natives often procure water by digging pits in the sand, but these sometimes fail them, and they are then obliged to fetch this indispensably necessary article from the Cañete river, a distance[Pg 361] of five leagues. The principal occupation of the inhabitants is fishing; they are very averse to the society of the whites, so much so that they allow none to reside in their village; even their parish priest is an indian cacique, a native of the village, whose education, and the expences of his ordination were paid by a subscription raised by them for the purpose.

Five leagues to the northward of Lima is the small port of Ancon, the residence of a few indian fishermen; the anchorage is good, and the landing is excellent. A few large fig trees grow on the sand, near the beach, the fruit of which is extremely delicate.

The road leading from Ancon to Chancay is over very deep sand; some parts of the road are level, while others lead over hills of sand, quite bare in summer or during the dry season: but scarcely do the garuas, fogs, make their appearance, when the whole is covered with the most luxuriant vegetation; at which time the cattle is driven on them from the neighbouring farms.

Near to Chancay, before crossing the small river, stands the old family residence of the Marquis of Villafuerte, almost in ruins; this is the case with many of the country seats belonging to the nobility of Lima, who have no idea of country pleasures, nor of rural beauties. Many[Pg 362] of the principal country houses are built on the ruins of some ancient building of the indians: these people never encroached on cultivated lands, but fixed their residence either on the declivities where they could not procure water for irrigation, or on the tops of the hills; which is a convincing proof of their great economy, and leads us to surmise that the population of this country was very extensive before the conquest. This estate, called Pasamayo, is principally destined to the breeding of hogs for the Lima market.

Pasamayo house, standing on the top of a hill, commands a noble prospect of the sea, as well as of the valley of Chancay, in which there is a small parish of indians, called Aucayama, most delightfully situated: in 1690 the tribute roll contained three thousand seven hundred indians, but it is at present (1805) composed of only one hundred and seventy. Of this decrease in the indian population I shall have occasion to speak afterwards, when at Huacho. The valley of Chancay contains some fine plantations of cane, and sugar manufactories; as also extensive pastures of lucern for cattle; and very large quantities of maize and beans are grown in the neighbourhood.

This valley is the birth place of the celebrated Niña de la huaca, young lady of the[Pg 363] huaca, taking her name from the huaca, the farm where she was born. She stood six feet high, which was a very extraordinary stature, as the Peruvian females are generally low. Extremely fond of masculine exercises, nothing was more agreeable to her than to assist in apprehending runaway slaves, or in taking the robbers who sometimes haunt the road between this place and Lima. She would mount a spirited horse, al uso del pais, astride, arm herself with a brace of pistols, and a hasta de rejon, a lance, and with three or four men she would scour the environs of the valley and the road to Lima, where she became more dreaded than a company of encapados, or mounted police officers. I visited her at her residence, and found her better instructed in literature than the generality of the native females; she was frank, obliging, and courteous, managing her own estate, a sugar plantation, to the best advantage, superintending the whole of the business herself.

The quantity of maize cultivated in the ravine, quebrada, and on the plains of Chancay, is very great; but the cultivators are indebted to the huano from the islands of Pisco and Chincha for their abundant harvest. I have seen the fields quite yellow, from the parched state of the plants, when they were about a foot high, having[Pg 364] four or five leaves each, at which time they are manured, by opening a hole at the root of every three or four plants, for they grow in clusters of this number, and putting into it, with the fingers, about half an ounce of huano, which is covered with a little earth, thrown on by the foot. The field is then irrigated as soon as possible; and in the course of ten or twelve days the plants will be more than a yard high, of a most luxuriant green colour, and the stalks pregnant with the cobs of corn. A second quantity of huano is now applied in the same manner, and the ground again irrigated; and thus the most abundant crops are produced, yielding from one thousand to twelve hundred fold. The cobs are frequently fourteen and even sixteen inches long, well set with grain, and the grain very large. Beans are often planted with the maize, by which means a double crop is produced; but in this case the maize is not so prolific, nor are the beans so good, because the best quality of the bean is grown without irrigation, being sown long before the garuas disappear, and being ripe earlier than the maize.

Chancay is famous for the breeding and feeding of hogs for the Lima Market: the hogs are all black, with little or almost no hair, short[Pg 365] snouts, small pointed ears, and of a low stature; but they become so amazingly fat, that they can scarcely walk; and as their value depends on the quantity of fat which they yield, it is the principal object of the feeder to bring them to this state as soon as possible. When killed, the whole of the body is fried, and the fat is sold as lard for culinary purposes. The consumption of lard in every part of Peru is enormous, and it is principally owing to the abundance of maize that the hacendados, farmers, enjoy this lucrative trade.

Maize grows on the ridges of the Cordilleras where the mean temperature is about 48° of Fahrenheit, and on the plains or in the valleys where it is 80°,—where the climate is adverse to rye and barley, and where wheat cannot be produced, either owing to the heat or the cold, this grain, whose farinaceous property has the greatest volume, produces its seed from 150 to 1200 fold. Thus it may be said to be the most useful grain to man; and it is peculiarly adapted to the country in which it was planted by the provident hand of nature. On this account, the maize occupies in the scale of the various kinds of cultivation a much greater extent on the new continent than that of wheat does on the old.

[Pg 366]

It has been erroneously stated, that maize was the only species of grain known to the Americans before the conquest. In Chile, according to Molina, the mager, a species of rye, and the tuca, a species of barley, were both common before the fifteenth century; and as there was neither rye nor barley, it is evident that if they were common even after the conquest, and not European grain, that they were indigenous. In Peru the bean and quinua were common before the conquest, for I have frequently found them in the huacas, preserved in vases of red earthenware. Some writers have pretended that the maize, which is also a native of Asia, was brought over by the Spaniards to their colonies in the new world. This is so evidently false, that it does not deserve contradiction: indeed, if the aborigines were destitute of maize, beans, plantains, and all those articles of food which have been said to be introduced by the Europeans, a new query would arise—on what did the numerous population of indians feed? For what purpose did they cultivate such large tracts of land, and why procure water for irrigation on the coasts of Peru with such immense labour, and such extraordinary ingenuity? Why did the [Pg 367]Peruvians always build their houses in such sterile situations as labour could never have made fertile?

I have enumerated five varieties of maize in Peru; one is known by the name of chancayano, which has a large semi-transparent yellow grain; another is called morocho, and has a small yellow grain of a horny appearance; amarillo, or the yellow, has a large yellow opaque grain, and is more farinaceous than the two former varieties: blanco, white; this is the colour of the grain, which is large, and contains more farina than the former; and cancha, or sweet maize. The last is only cultivated in the colder climates of the sierra, mountains; it grows about two feet high, the cob is short, and the grains large and white: when green it is very bitter; but when ripe and roasted it is particularly sweet, and so tender, that it may be reduced to flour between the fingers. In this roasted state it constitutes the principal food of the serranos, mountaineers, of several provinces. It is considered a delicacy at Lima and all along the coast, and without a bag full of this roasted maize a serrano never undertakes a journey. It is sometimes roasted, and reduced to coarse flour, like the ulpa in Chile, and is then called machica.

[Pg 368]

According to the climate, and the kind of maize, its state of perfection or ripeness varies very much—from fifty days to five months. The morocho is ripe within sixty days in climates that are very hot and humid, as for instance at Guayaquil, and on the coast of Choco: the blanco within three months, in the vicinity of Lima and on the Peruvian coast, valles: and the chancayano in about five months. The last is the most productive, and the best food for cattle, poultry, &c.

Although wheat and barley are cultivated in different parts of Peru, maize is generally considered the principal harvest; and where barley is even commoner than maize, (as in some of the more elevated provinces of the interior, and where it constitutes the principal article of food for the indians) they all greatly prefer the maize, if attainable, and will always exert themselves to cultivate a small patch of ground for this grain. Thus, where it is not used for daily food, or calculated upon as an article of trade, it is considered as a species of luxury. Among the indians and poor people on the coast it supplies the place of bread; for which purpose it is merely boiled in water, and is then called mote. Puddings are also made of it, by first taking off the husk. This operation is performed[Pg 369] by putting a quantity of wood ashes into water with the maize, exposing it to a boiling heat, and washing the grain in running water, when the husks immediately separate themselves from the grain, which is afterwards boiled in water, and reduced to a paste by bruising it on a large stone, somewhat hollowed in the middle, called a batan. The bruiser, or mano, handle, is curved on one side, and is moved by pressing the ends alternately. I have been the more particular in describing this rude mill, because it was undoubtedly used by the ancient Peruvians, having been found buried with them in their huacas; and because it may serve some curious investigator in comparing the manners of these people with those of other nations. By the same implements they pulverized their ores for the extraction of gold and silver; and to this day many of their batanes of obsidian and porphyry remain near to the mountain in the neighbourhood of Cochas; but the bruisers have never been discovered. That these stones were used for the purpose just mentioned is obvious, from the relics of a gold mine being here visible; besides, I have several times found fragments of gold ore in this place.

After the paste is made from the boiled maize it is seasoned with salt and an abundance of[Pg 370] capsicum, and a portion of lard is added: a quantity of this paste is then laid on a piece of plantain leaf, and some meat is put among it, after which it is rolled up in the leaf, and boiled for several hours. This kind of pudding is called tamal, a Quichua word, which inclines me to believe, that it is a dish known to the ancient inhabitants of the country.

Sweet puddings are made from the green corn, by cutting the grains from the cob, bruising them, and adding sugar and spices, after which they are boiled or baked. Choclo, being the Quichua name for the green cobs, these puddings, if boiled in the leaves that envelop the cob, are called choclo tandas, bread of green maize, and also umitas.

This useful grain is prepared for the table in many different ways, and excellent cakes and rusks are made from the flour, procured from the grain by various means. A thick kind of porridge, called sango, is made by boiling the flour in water, which constitutes the principal food of the slaves on the farms and plantations. Another sort, similar to hasty-pudding, is common in many places, but particularly in Lima; it is called masamorra, and the people of Lima are often ironically denominated masamorerros, eaters of masamorra. The grain is bruised and[Pg 371] mixed with water; it is thus allowed to ferment until it become acid, when it is boiled, and sweetened with sugar. It resembles Scotch sowins.

A great quantity of maize is also made into a fermented beverage, called chicha. The grain is allowed to germinate, and is completely malted; it is then boiled with water, and the liquor ferments like ale or porter; but no other ingredients are added to it.

Chicha is the favourite drink of all the indians, and when well made it is very intoxicating. In some parts of Peru the natives believe that fermentation will not take place if the malted grain be not previously subjected to mastication; from this circumstance many old men and women assemble at the house where chicha is to be made, and are employed in chewing the jora, or malt. Having masticated a sufficient quantity they lay the chewed substance in small balls, mouthfuls, on a calabash; these are suffered to dry a little, after which they are mixed with some newly made chicha while it is warm. When travelling I always inquired if the chicha was mascada, chewed, and if it were I declined taking any;—however, as the question seemed to express a dislike, I was often assured it was not mascada when it probably was. No spirituous liquor is extracted from it, on account[Pg 372] of the prohibition. Two kinds of chicha are usually made from the same grain—the first, called claro, is the water in which the malt has been infused; this is drawn off, and afterwards boiled. In taste it has some resemblance to cider. The second kind is made by boiling the grain with the water for several hours, it is then strained and fermented, and is called neto; the residue or sediment found in the bottom of the jars is used in fermenting the dough for bread, which when made of maize is called arepa; and that of wheat, in the Quichua language, tanda.

This beverage was well known to the ancient inhabitants before the conquest; for I have drunk, at Patavilca and Cajamarca, chicha that had been found interred in jars in the huacas, or burying places, where it must have remained upwards of three centuries. Garcilaso de la Vega relates, that the manufacture of intoxicating liquors, particularly the vinapu and sora, was prohibited by the Incas; and this part of Peru was annexed to their government in the time of Pachacutec, the tenth Inca of Peru.

The Peruvians, as well as the Mexicans, made sugar from the green stalks of the maize plant, and sold it in their markets—Cortes, in one of his letters to the Emperor Charles V., speaks of it. At Quito, I have seen the green[Pg 373] canes brought to market, and have frequently observed the indians sucking them as the negroes do the sugar cane.

The town Villa de Chancay stands about a league and a half from the Pasamayo river, and fifteen leagues from Lima. It was founded in 1563 by the Viceroy Conde de Nieva, who intended to form a college and a university here, but this intention was never fulfilled. It has a large parish church, a convent of Franciscans, dedicated to San Diego, and a hospital, managed by friars of San Juan de Dios. The town contains about three hundred families, some of which are descendants of noblemen, although perhaps by African favourites.

Chancay is pleasantly situated, about a league from the sea; its port is small, the anchorage bad, and the landing difficult. Its market is abundant in fish, flesh-meat, vegetables, and fruit: of the latter considerable quantities are carried to Lima; it is also famous for delicate sweet cakes, called biscochos. This is the capital of a district, which contains thirty-seven settlements, of different climates, because part of it is mountainous. The subdelegado, or political governor of the district, generally resides at Chancay, besides whom there are two alcaldes or mayors annually elected in the town.

[Pg 374]

At a short distance is Torre blanca, the seat of the Conde de Torre blanca, Marquis of Lara; and an excellent farm-house at Chancaillo; not far from which, and near the sea, are the colcas, deep pits dug in the sand. These pits have been surrounded with adobes, sun-dried bricks; and they are reported to have been granaries belonging to the army of Pachacutec, when this Inca was engaged in the conquest of the Chimu of Mansichi.

Fourteen leagues from Chancay stands the indian village Huacho; it is situated in a delightful valley, watered by the Huaura, which rises in the province of Cajatambo, and in its course to the sea irrigates more than thirty thousand acres of land. The village contains about four thousand inhabitants, all indians; it has a large parish church and three small chapels, besides a chapel of ease at Lauriama, where mass is celebrated on Sundays and festivals. The principal employment of the natives is the cultivation of their chacras, small farms, cutting salt at the salinas, fishing, and making straw hats, at which they are very dexterous. The hats are not made of plat: they begin at the centre of the crown, and continue the work by alternately raising one straw and depressing another, inserting or taking out straws, as the[Pg 375] shape requires it, till the hat is finished. These hats are generally made either of fine rushes which grow on swampy ground, or of mocora, the produce of a palm tree, in the province of Lambayeque.

The chacras, plots of ground distributed to the indians by the government, and held during life, are supposed to be an equivalent for the tribute; and indeed they are an excellent compensation, for the produce is usually worth six times more than the sum paid, leaving at least five-sixths for the expences or trouble of cultivation. To the great credit of the indians no land is any where kept in better condition, nor more attention paid to the crops, which generally consist of wheat, maize, beans, camotes, yucas, pumpkins, potatoes, and many kinds of vegetables. There is an abundance of fruit trees, the produce of which is often carried to Lima. The hedges are almost entirely composed of those trees, such as the orange, lime, guava, pacay, palta, &c. In some places the vine and the granadilla are seen creeping about, craving support for their slender branches, as if unable to sustain the burthen of fruit they are destined to bear. The maguey is much cultivated in the hedges; besides this destination it produces cordage for general uses, and the[Pg 376] flower stems growing twenty feet high serve as beams for the houses, and other similar purposes; being, if kept dry, of almost everlasting duration.

I had an excellent opportunity here of observing the character, manners, and customs of the indians, with whom I was very much pleased. They are kind and hospitable, but timidity and diffidence make them appear reserved and somewhat sullen. Their maxims are founded on their own adage—convince me that you are really my friend, and rest secure: has ver que eres mi amigo, y hechate a dormir. Whether this distrust be a natural characteristic trait, or whether it be the result of the privations they have suffered since the Spaniards became their masters, it is difficult to decide; but at all events it surely cannot be called a crime.

The indians on the coast of Peru are of a copper colour, with a small forehead, the hair growing on each side from the extremities of the eyebrows; they have small black eyes; small nose, the nostrils not protruding like those of the African; a moderately sized mouth, with beautiful teeth; beardless chin (except in old age) and a round face. Their hair is black, coarse, and sleek, without any inclination to curl; the body is well proportioned, and the[Pg 377] limbs well turned, and they have small feet. Their stature is rather diminutive, but they are inclined to corpulency, when they become inactive, and it is a common saying, that a jolly person is tan gordo como un cacique, as fat as a cacique. The perspiration from their bodies is acetous, which some have supposed to be caused by a vegetable diet. In the colder climates, although in the same latitude, the complexion of the indians is lighter, owing perhaps to the cold; however, the Araucanians, who enjoy a much colder climate, are of a dark copper colour.

I shall here endeavour to refute some of the aspersions thrown by several writers upon the character of the Peruvian indians, whom I hope to place, in the estimation of unbiassed men, in a situation more honourable to human nature than they have yet enjoyed; and thus one of my principal objects for publishing this narrative will be obtained.

M. Bouguer says, that "they are all extremely indolent, they are stupid, they pass whole days sitting in the same place, without moving, or speaking a single word." I believe I may state, that in all hot climates an inclination to indolence is common, nay even natural; a hot climate precludes bodily exertion, unless[Pg 378] the cravings of nature are satisfied with difficulty, and as this is not the case in Peru, half the vice, if it be a vice, disappears at once; add to this, that they have no motive to exertion above supplying the wants of nature—no stimulus—no market for an excess of produce, or the supplying of artificial wants—and the cause for indolence exists as necessarily as a cause for industry is found where the contrary happens. If a climate demand only a shade from the sun or a shelter from the rain, why should men build themselves stately or close habitations? Where nature spontaneously produces the requisite articles of food, competent to the consumption of the inhabitants, why should they exert themselves to procure a superfluous stock? and particularly where an introduction of new articles in succession is entirely unknown. What to M. Bouguer and others has appeared stupidity, perhaps deserves the name of indifference, the natural result of possessing all the means for satisfying real wants, and an ignorance of artificial ones. But if real stupidity be meant, I must aver that I never observed it either among the wild tribes of Arauco on the river Napo, or in those of the coasts of Choco. I recollect very well an indian, called Bravo, who was accused at Pomasqui of having stolen the[Pg 379] mule which he had brought from the valleys to the eastward of Quito, laden with fruit. At the moment the accusation was laid before the alcalde, the indian threw his poncho or mantle over the head of the mule, and then desired the challenger to say of which eye his mule was blind? He answered, of the left. Then, said the indian, taking off the poncho, this mule cannot be yours, because it is blind of neither. That any beings endowed with speech should "sit whole days without speaking a word," is indeed the acme of taciturnity; but as M. Bouguer was perhaps ignorant of the language of the people he describes, he may probably deserve the same compliment from them. I found the Araucanians prone to talk; indeed eloquence is considered an accomplishment among them, and extremely necessary among the mapus, or chiefs. The Peruvians are neither silent in their meetings nor when travelling; however, they have little inquisitiveness, nor do they break out into soliloquys on the beauties of the surrounding scenery; but they converse freely on common place topics, particularly with a white man, if they find that he deigns to enter into conversation with them. Several of the tribes in Archidona and Napo, who are in their free state, certainly did not merit the accusation of[Pg 380] dumb stupidity; for although unacquainted with their languages, I tried to converse with them in Quichua, aided by signs, and I really discovered more intelligence among them than I had a right to expect. What is often considered a step towards civilization or to social life, is a pastoral one; but if we search for it in a country where animals capable of domestication do not exist, we have no right to consider the inhabitants as barbarous, because they are not possessed of flocks and herds; nor do human beings deserve that epithet, who will share what they are possessed of with a stranger; and such hospitality I have frequently experienced. The kindness which these men show to the dog is no small proof of their sensibility; they will take long journeys to procure one, and value it as much as a lady esteems her lap dog. The utility of the animal may perhaps be said to be the chief motive of the indian's attachment; and what other motive has the shepherd or the herdsman?

M. Bouguer continues, "they are totally indifferent to wealth and all its advantages. One does not know what to offer them to procure their services; it is in vain to offer money, they answer, that they are not hungry." Wealth, in the general acceptation of the word, can procure[Pg 381] no advantages to men who have no means of disposing of it. Where there is no market, money can purchase nothing; and where the natural wants are abundantly supplied, and men's desires have not created artificial ones, a market is superfluous and useless; but wherever the indians can exchange the produce of the country they inhabit for whatever pleases them, they are always anxious to do it. The Logroño indians trade with the city of Cuenca; the Yumbos, Colorados, and Malabas with Quito; the Chunchos, Pehuenches, Huilliches, and other tribes with Conception; the Orejones with Huanuco; and numerous other tribes frequent the settlements nearest to them, for the purpose of bartering their commodities for others which are either useful or ornamental. Had M. Bouguer offered them beads, hawks' bells, machetes, large knives, bows, arrows, or poison for their darts, he would have obtained their services.

Dr. Robertson considers the indians to have been, at the time of the conquest by the Spaniards, less improved and more savage than the inhabitants of any part of the globe; but he afterwards limits this charge to the rudest tribes; a limitation which was very necessary, for the purpose of palliating what I cannot help believing to be a false accusation. He could not mean[Pg 382] the tribe of the Muysca indians, who have left the fewest remains of their ingenuity, much less the Peruvians; and in Mexico, some of their cities were equal to the finest in Spain, according to the accounts given by Cortes, in his reports to the Emperor Charles V. These reports, and the yet existing monuments of labour and ingenuity, speak strongly in opposition to Robertson's statement.

Ulloa says, "one can hardly form an idea of them different from what one has of the brutes." Paul III. thought differently, when, by his celebrated bull, he declared them worthy of being considered as human beings. Ulloa might have said, with more truth, one can hardly form an idea of treatment more brutal than that which many of them receive. In the interior of Peru, as Ulloa speaks of the Peruvians, they were degraded by the mita, a scion of the law of repartirnientos, distribution of indians at the time of the conquest. By this law, the men were forced from their homes and their families to serve for a limited time an imperious master, who, if he approved of their labour, took care to advance them a little money or some equivalent above what their wages amounted to, and then obliged them to serve him until the debt was liquidated. By this time another debt was contracted;[Pg 383] and thus it was that they became worse than slaves, except in the name. I have been on several estates in different parts of Peru and Quito where the annual stipend of an indian was no more than eighteen or twenty dollars; with which pittance he had probably to maintain a wife and family, besides paying his annual tribute of five or seven dollars and a half to the King. The result was generally this:—the father died indebted to his master, and his children were attached to the estate for the payment. I would now ask Don Antonio Ulloa, who are the brutes? The hut of one of these miserable indians consists of a few stones laid one upon another, without any cement or mortar, thatched over with some long grass or straw, which neither defends the unhappy inmates from the wind nor the rain; and such is the case on the paramos, or bleak mountains. One small room contains the whole family; their bed, a sheep skin or two, their covering, the few clothes which they wear during the day, for they have no others; their furniture, one or two earthen pots; and their food, a scanty provision of barley. Who that is possessed of Christian charity could witness this, and, instead of pitying their miserable condition, call them brutes? If of these Ulloa says, "nothing disturbs the tranquillity of their[Pg 384] souls—equally insensible to disasters and to prosperity," his observation is just. Born under the lash of an imperious master, subject to the cruelty of an unfeeling mayordomo, they had no disasters to fear, because their condition could not possibly be rendered worse: with prosperity they had been totally unacquainted, it was a blessing which had fled the land they were born to tread, or rather it had been transferred to usurpers.

Ulloa continues, "though half naked, they are as contented as a monarch in his most splendid array." And does the Spaniard imagine, that these miserable men are destitute of corporal feeling as well as of intellectual sensibility? Does neither the bleak wind nor the cold rain make any impression on them? Can content be the companion of the half-naked, half-starved slave? It may be the gloom of despair that hangs on their countenances; but it is certainly not the smile of content. "Fear makes no impression on them, and respect as little." This rhapsody is taken from the mouth of some Spanish master, as a palliative of his own cruel conduct. "Their disposition is so singular, that there are no means of influencing them, nor of rousing them from that indifference, which is proof against all the endeavours of the wisest[Pg 385] persons. No expedient which can induce them to abandon that gross ignorance, or lay aside that careless negligence which disconcert the prudent, and disappoint the care of such as are attentive to their welfare." If a man be so oppressed by a tyrannical and proud master, that he finds himself lower in his estimation than the cattle which he tends—so worn down with hunger, cold, and fatigue that he is only anxious for the approach of night or of the grave,—what can rouse him from that indifference or despondency which Señor Ulloa describes? Now this has been the state of the South American indian on the large farms, and in the obrages, manufactories. He dreads to finish his task early, fearful of an increase of labour; he dares not appear cheerful, because it might be called impudence by his overseer; he dares not be cleanly or well clothed, because the first condition would be considered a negligence of his duty to his master, or an attention to his own comforts, and the second the result of theft. Then, what, let me ask, is left, but misery in appearance, and wretchedness in reality? I well remember what the pious Dr. Rodrigues said to me at Quito:—"Not half the saints of the Romish Church, whose penitent lives placed them in the calendar and on our altars, [Pg 386]suffered greater privations, in the hopes of enjoying everlasting glory, than one of these indians does through fear of offending a cruel master, or for the purpose of increasing his wealth." "How dear," added he, "has the religion of Christ cost these once happy innocent creatures, and at what an usurious price it has been sold to them by the proud pedlars who imported it. Oh! heaven," exclaimed he, "till when! till when! hasta quando! hasta quando!" Well too do I remember, when passing, with the Conde Ruis de Castilla, by the cloth manufactory of San Juan, near Riobamba, an old indian woman, who was tending a flock of sheep, and spinning with her distaff and spindle, her head uncovered, her grey locks waving wildly in the wind, and her nakedness not half concealed by an old coarse anaco, running to his excellency, and on her knees exclaiming, with sobs and tears, "bless your worship, I have seen seven viracochas who came to govern us, but my poor children are still as naked and as hungry as I was when I saw the first; but you will tell the King of this, and he will make me happy before I die; he will let us leave San Juan; oh! taita ya, taita ya—oh! my father, my father."

"No expedient can induce them to lay aside their gross ignorance," says el Señor Ulloa.[Pg 387] What expedients have been tried? No schools have been established for them; no persons employed to teach them, except an old man or a friar, who once a week teaches them their prayers; and I can safely aver, that thousands of indians employed by white people live and die in their service without ever seeing any other book than the missal on the altar, or their master's account book on his table.

But let us turn from this loathing sight, and look to indians where they are blessed with a greater portion of rational liberty, where they are considered more on a level with their white neighbours, and have more opportunities of evincing that they are not a disgrace to human nature, nor beneath the merited name of men.

The towns of Huacho and Eten, inhabited almost exclusively by indians, may serve to pourtray the character of these people when in society. I have already mentioned their employment at Huacho; to which may be added the manufacture of many articles of cotton at Eten, such as napkins, tablecloths, and counterpanes, some of which are remarkably fine, and ornamented with curious figures interwoven, somewhat like damask. I have seen their felt or frieze counterpanes sell for twenty or twenty five dollars each. They also make large floor[Pg 388] mats of junco, a species of fine rush, and they manufacture hats. These are sufficient proofs, that when an indian reaps the benefit of his labour he is not averse from work.

Ulloa has also mistated the character of the American indian, in asserting, "that he will receive with the same indifference the office of an alcalde or judge, as that of a hangman." An indian alcalde is as proud of his vara, insignia of office, as any mayor of England is of his gown, and always takes care to carry it along with him, and to exact that respect which he considers due to him in his official capacity. When the Oidor Abendaño passed through the indian town of Sechura, in 1807, he had neglected to take the necessary passport from the Governador of Paita; the indian alcalde requested to see it; the Oidor informed him that he had not one; adding, that he was one of the ministers of the royal audience of Lima; and I, said the indian, am the minister of justice of Sechura, and here my vara is of more importance than your lordship's. I shall therefore insist on your returning to Paita for your passport, or else of sending some one for it: two of my bailiffs will wait on you, my lord, till it is procured, as well as for the purpose of preventing you from pursuing your journey without it.

[Pg 389]

The number of indians who receive holy orders, natives of the coast as well as the interior, is a convincing proof that they are not destitute of understanding, nor incapable of at least becoming literary characters, if not learned men. Some have also shone at the bar, in the audiences of Lima, Cusco, Chuquisaca, and Quito; among these was Manco Yupanqui, of Lima, protector-general of indians, whom I knew. He was a good Latin scholar, was well versed in the English and French languages, and considered the only good Greek scholar in the city. I knew also Don Jose Huapayo, Vice-rector of the college del Principe, a pasante of San Carlos, a young man of natural talents, which were well cultivated.

Extreme cowardice has also been attributed to the indians; but this imputation very indifferently accords with the tribes of Araucania, Darien, &c. During the present contest in South America the indians have sustained more than their share of fighting; and had the unfortunate Pumacagua of Cusco, or Pucatoro of Huamanga, been supplied with arms and ammunition, they would not have been subdued by Ramires and Maroto.

The indians who reside among the creoles and Spaniards on the coasts of Peru and in the[Pg 390] province of Guayaquil are docile, obliging, and rather timid. Their timidity has been the cause of their being supposed totally indifferent to what passes; indeed, as I have before said, there does not appear to be any eager curiosity about them, they have little to satisfy; but at its lowest ebb, this disposition surely can only be termed apathy. They are industrious in the cultivation of their farms and gardens; attentive to their other occupations, and faithful in their engagements; they know the value of riches, strive to obtain them, and are fond of being considered rich, although they never boast of being so. Infidelity between man and wife is very rare; they are kind parents, which generally makes their children grateful as well as dutiful. Robertson says, that "chastity is an idea too refined for a savage." I must beg leave to state, that his compilation, founded on Spanish writings, is not always deserving of credit. Had Dr. Robertson travelled over half the countries he describes, or observed the native character of the people which he has depicted, he would have expressed himself in very different terms. Chastity is more common, and infidelity more uncommon, among the Peruvians than in most countries of the old world. The same author remarks, "in America, even among the rudest[Pg 391] tribes, a regular union between husband and wife was universal, and the rights of marriage were understood and recognized." This surely is a proof that chastity was known among these savages; and I cannot conceive that polygamy, when sanctioned by law or custom, is any objection to chastity.

They are cleanly in their persons, and particularly so in their food; abstemious in general, but at their feasts inclined to gluttony and drunkenness; although disposed to the latter vice in a considerable degree, they are not habitual drunkards, and the females are so averse from it, that I never saw one of them intoxicated. I often observed, when living among the indians, that they slept very little; they will converse till late at night, and always rise early in the morning, especially if they have any work that requires their attention; such as irrigating their fields, when water can only be obtained at night, or tending their mules on a journey. In such cases they will abstain from sleep for three or four nights successively, without any apparent inconvenience, and they seldom or never sleep during the day. Both males and females adhere to one kind of dress, which varies little either in towns or villages. The men of Huacho wear long blue woollen trowsers,[Pg 392] waistcoat, and sometimes a jacket; a light poncho, and a straw hat, but they are without either shoes or stockings, except some of the old men who have been alcaldes, and who afterwards wear shoes adorned with large square silver buckles when they go to church or to Lima. The alcaldes also usually wear a long blue Spanish cloak. The dress of the females is a blue flannel petticoat, plaited in folds about half an inch broad, a white shirt, and a piece of flannel, red, green, or yellow, about two yards long and three quarters of a yard broad; this they put over their shoulders like a shawl, and then throw the right end over the left shoulder, crossing the breast. They wear ear-rings formed like a rose or a button, the shank being passed through the aperture made in the ear, and secured by a small peg passed through the eye of the shank; they have also one or more rosaries, which like the ear-rings are of gold, and hang round their necks with large crosses, medals, &c. They seldom wear shoes, except when they go to church, and then often only put them on at the door; stockings they never wear. The hair both of the men and women is generally long; the former have one plat formed with the hair of the forehead, at the top of the head, and another with the rest behind, and both are [Pg 393]fastened together at the ends; the women plat their hair in a number of very small tresses, but comb the whole from the forehead backwards. There is a considerable portion of superstition among them; old women are always afraid of being considered witches, and when a person dies his death is generally attributed to witchcraft. A widow will often, while lamenting the death of her husband, throw out a volume of abuse against some female who, as she imagines, had cast an evil eye on him. When a person praises a child or even a young animal, a by-stander will exclaim, God protect it! Dios lo guarda! to avert its being withered by an evil eye. They are considered as neophytes, and the inquisition has no power over them, nor are they included among the bull buyers. As to their religion, they are particularly attentive to all the outward forms, and strict in their attendance at church; but an instance of cunning in evading a reprimand from the rector happened at this town. An indian being questioned by the cura, rector, why he did not attend mass on a day of precept, to hear mass and work, replied, "that he had fulfilled the commandment of the church, for as he did not intend to work, mass was undoubtedly excused by the precept."

I observed at Huacho one of the ancient rites[Pg 394] of the Peruvians; it was the ñaca feast. A child never has its hair cut till it is a year old, or thereabouts; the friends then assemble, and one by one take a small lock and cut it off, at the same time presenting something to the child. This ceremony among the ancient Peruvians was practised at the naming of the child, and the name was generally appropriate to some particular circumstance which occurred to the child on that day. The seventh Inca was called Yahuar Huacar, weeper of blood, because on that day drops of blood were observed falling from his eyes; and Huascar, the fourteenth Inca, was so named because the nobles on this day presented him with a golden chain called a huasca, after the ceremony of cutting the ñacas.

At this village I heard for the first time the oral tradition of the first Inca, Manco Capac; it was afterwards repeated to me by indians in various parts of the country, and they assured me that it was true, and that they believed it. A white man, they say, was found on the coast, by a certain Cacique, or head of a tribe, whose name was Cocapac; by signs he asked the white man who he was, and received for answer, an Englishman. He took him to his home, where he had a daughter; the stranger lived with him till the daughter of the Cacique bore him a[Pg 395] son and a daughter, and then died. The old man called the boy Ingasman Cocapac, and the girl Mama Oclle; they were of a fair complexion and had light hair, and were dressed in a different manner from the indians. From accounts given by this stranger of the manner in which other people lived, and how they were governed, Cocapac determined on exalting his family; and having instructed the boy and girl in what he proposed to do, he took them first to the plain of Cusco, where one of the largest tribes of indians then resided, and informed them that their God, the sun, had sent them two of his children to make them happy, and to govern them; he requested them to go to a certain mountain on the following morning at sunrise, and search for them; he moreover told them that the viracochas, children of the sun, had hair like the rays of the sun, and that their faces were of the colour of the sun. In the morning the indians went to the mountain, condor urco, and found the young man and woman, but surprised at their colour and features, they declared that the couple were a wizard and a witch. They now sent them to Rimac Malca, the plain on which Lima stands, but the old man followed them, and next took them to the neighbourhood of the lake of Titicaca, where another[Pg 396] powerful tribe resided; Cocapac told these indians the same tale, but requested them to search for the viracochas on the edge of the lake at sunrise; they did so, and found them there, and immediately declared them to be the children of their God, and their supreme governors. Elated with his success, Cocapac was determined to be revenged on the indians of Cusco; for this purpose he privately instructed his grandchildren in what he intended to do, and then informed the tribe that the viracocha, Ingasman Cocapac, had determined to search for the place where he was to reside; he requested they would take their arms and follow him, saying, that wherever he struck his golden rod or sceptre into the ground, that was the spot where he chose to remain. The young man and woman directed their course to the plain of Cusco, where having arrived, the signal was given, and the indians here, surprised by the re-appearance of the viracochas, and overawed by the number of indians that accompanied them, acknowledged them as their lord, and the children of their God. Thus, say the indians, was the power of the Incas established, and many of them have said, that as I was an Englishman, I was of their family. When H. B. M. ship Breton was at Callao, some of the officers accompanied me one[Pg 397] Sunday afternoon to the Alameda at Lima; on our way we were saluted by several indians from the mountains, calling us their countrymen, and their relations, begging at the same time that we would drink some chicha with them.

There is a curious analogy between this tradition and one that I had from the mouth of Don Santos Pires, at Rio de Janeiro, in 1823. He told me, that before the discovery of the Brazils, an Englishman had been shipwrecked, and fell into the hands of the Coboculo indians; he had preserved or obtained from the wreck a musket and some ammunition, with which he both terrified and pleased the indians, who called him Camaruru, the man of fire, and elected him their king. He taught them several things of which they were before ignorant (as did Manco Capac and Mama Oclle the Peruvians); he was alive at the conquest of the country, and was carried to Portugal, when Emanuel granted him a valley near to Bahia, independent of the crown. Don Santos is the brother of the Baron da Torre, both lineal descendants of Camaruru, of which he boasted not a little, adding, that to the present time none of the lineal descendants had ever married a Portuguese.

The Muysca indians of the plains of Cundinamarca have a white man with a beard,[Pg 398] called Bochica, Nemquetheba, or Suhé, for under these different names he is spoken of, as their legislator. This old man, like Manco Capac, taught them to build huts and live in communities, to till the ground, and to harvest the produce; as also to clothe themselves, with other comforts; but his wife, Chia, Yubecayguaya, or Huythaca, for she is also known by three different names, was not like Mama Oclle, who taught the females to spin, to weave, and to dye the cloths. Chia, on the contrary, opposed and thwarted every enterprize for the public good adopted by Bochica, who, like Manco Capac, was the child of the sun, dried the soil, promoted agriculture, and established wise laws. The Inca did not separate the ecclesiastical authority from the political, as Bochica did, but established a theocracia. The first opened an outlet to the lake Titicaca, for the benefit of his subjects, at a place now called Desaguadero, the outlet; while the latter, for the same purpose, opened the lake of Bogotá, at Tequendama. The Inca bequeathed his sovereign authority to his son, while Bochica named two chiefs for the government, and retired to Tunja, holy valley, where he lived two thousand years, or, as other traditions state, where his descendants governed the Muysca tribe for two thousand years. The[Pg 399] first of these successors was called Huncahua, and the rest Huncas, which was the name of the holy city; but the Spaniards have changed the name to Tunja.

The Mexicans have likewise a bearded white man as a legislator, called Quatzalcoatl; he was the high priest of Cholula, chief of a religious sect, and a legislator; he preached peace to men, and prohibited all sacrifices to the Deity, excepting the first fruits.

We have here the tradition of four white men distinguished by the people of the new world, as having beards, a circumstance as remarkable to them, as it was visible, for they being beardless, would consequently be surprised at seeing men whose faces bore what they would be led to consider a feature so distinguishing. Two of these are said to have been Englishmen. Of the laws established by Camaruru I have no information, but those established by Manco Capac I know have no analogy, nor do they bear any resemblance to those of any of the northern governments, except, setting aside lineal descent, the papal, where the spiritual authority is exercised by the King of Rome. This coincidence of four men, bearing the same mark of a beard, three of whom were priests and legislators,[Pg 400] occurred at places the most distant from each other, the one at Rio de Janeiro, in latitude 22° 54´ 10´´ S., longitude 42° 43´ 45´´ W.; one at Cusco in lat. 13° S., long. 81° W.; one at Cundinamarca in latitude 4° 35´ N., long. 74° 8´; and the other at Cholula in latitude 19° 4´ N., longitude 98° 14´ W.

The traditions of Manco Capac, Bochica, and Quatzalcoatl agree in predicting the arrival of bearded men at some future period, and the conquest of the different countries by them; which predictions operated strongly in favour of Pizarro, Benalcazar, and Cortes, and produced that submission of the Peruvians, Muyscas, and Mexicans, which finally laid the foundation of the degraded state of their descendants.

From some accounts of the government of the Incas of Peru, it is easy to observe how well acquainted they were with the natural character of the people whom they had to govern. The whole empire was modelled like a large monastic establishment, in which each individual had his place and his duty assigned to him, without being permitted to inquire into the conduct of his superiors, much less to question the authority of the high priest, or to doubt the justness of his mandates. Passive obedience to the decrees of their master could not but crush the[Pg 401] germ of enterprize and ambition. Thus it is that the Peruvian indians are destitute of an active love for their country, and incapable of any exertion, unless roused by the orders of a Superior. Patient in adversity, and not elated with prosperity, their most indifferent actions are regulated by almost superstitious precision. Their veneration for the memory of their Incas is beyond description, particularly in some of the interior districts, where his decollation by Pizarro is annually represented. In this performance their grief is so natural, though excessive, their songs so plaintive, and the whole is such a scene of distress, that I never witnessed it without mingling my tears with theirs. The Spanish authorities have endeavoured to prevent this exhibition, but without effect, although several royal orders have been issued for the purpose. The indians in the territory of Quito wear black clothes, and affirm that it is mourning for their Incas, of whom they never speak but in a doleful tone. I cannot quit this subject without again saying, that from the unconquered tribes to the east and the west of Quito, both from those who were subject to the laws of the conquerors, as well as the warlike tribes of Arauco, I received the kindest treatment, and a degree of respect to which I was in no[Pg 402] way entitled; and I hope I shall never permit ingratitude to guide either my pen or my tongue when their character is discussed.

Among the feasts which the indians of Huacho celebrate, that of Corpus Christi deserves to be spoken of. Besides the splendid decorations of the church, at the gratuitous expence of the indians, there are at the houses of the Mayordomos, Alfereces, and Mayorales sumptuous dinners, from the feast to the octave, provided for all persons who choose to partake of them. They consume an enormous quantity of their favourite beverage, chicha, of which I have been assured, that a thousand jars, each containing eighteen gallons, have been drunk at one feast; and I do not doubt it, for besides the natives, numbers of people flock to the feast from the surrounding villages, and many come from Lima. At these dinners there are always several dishes of guinea pigs, stewed, and seasoned with an abundance of capsicum. Indeed, an indian of the coast of Peru never dispenses with this picante at a feast; and I must acknowledge that I became almost as partial to it as any indian.

During the week the village is enlivened with different companies of dancers: one called huancos is composed of eight or ten men; they[Pg 403] have large crowns of ostrich feathers (from the plains of Buenos Ayres) on their heads; the quills are fastened in a roll of red cloth, which contains not less than five hundred long feathers dyed of various colours, but particularly red. They have small ponchos of brocade, tissue, or satin; on their legs they wear leather buskins, loaded with hawks' bells; their faces are partly covered by a handkerchief tied high above their mouths; and they carry as arms a cudgel, and bear on the left arm a small wooden buckler. They dance along the streets to the sound of a pipe and tabor, keeping pace to the tune, that the bells on their legs may beat time to the pipe and tabor.

When two companies of these dancers meet, neither will give way for the other to pass, and the result is, the cudgels are applied to open it. Some of their skirmishes produce broken heads and arms, although they are very dexterous in guarding off the blows with their small bucklers; but no intreaties nor threats from magistrates, who have sometimes interfered, can appease or separate them, until the criollaos appear, when, as if by magic, each party dances along quite unconcerned.

The criollaos go by pairs, accompanied by a pipe and tabor. They have small helmets on[Pg 404] their heads, a poncho like the huancos, and a short petticoat; they carry in their right hands a small wooden sword, in their left a bunch of flowers, and they dance to a melancholy tune, while that of the huancos is very lively. They are the peace makers, and such respect is paid to their interference, that not a blow is struck after their arrival; but neither threats nor intreaties will hurry them on to the place of action.

The chimbos are very gaily dressed: they have crowns ornamented with all the jewellery which they can borrow; necklaces, ear-rings, bracelets, and rosaries are fastened on them in abundance, and when these cannot be procured, they have holes drilled in doubloons and new dollars, with which they load them. I have seen fifty of each on one crown. Their dress is a gay poncho, with wide Moorish trowsers; and their music consists of one or more harps or guitars. For the purpose of dancing along the streets, two boys support the bottom of the harp, whilst the top is fastened with a handkerchief tied round the neck of the player.

All these dance before the procession, which, considering the smallness of the town, is very splendid. A double row of indians, the men on one side and the women on the other, with[Pg 405] large lighted wax tapers, often as many as two thousand, go before; in the centre are indian boys and girls, burning perfumes in small incense burners, and strewing flowers. A rich pall with six silver cased poles is carried over the priest bearing the host, by the Mayordomos, Alfereces, and Mayorales; and the procession is closed with all the music they can muster. In the course of the procession, as well as every night during the octave, great quantities of fireworks are burnt.

Longevity is common among the Peruvian indians. I witnessed the burial of two, in a small village, one of whom had attained the age of 127, and the other of 109; yet both enjoyed unimpaired health to a few days within their decease. On examining the parish books of Barranca, I found, that in seven years, eleven indians had been buried, whose joint ages amounted to 1207.

The diseases most incidental to the indians, both along the coast of Peru and in the interior, are of an inflammatory nature—consumptions in puberty, and pleuritic affections in old age. With what certainty the origin of syphilis has been traced to America, I know not; but the wild tribes of Arauco, Archidona, Napo, in the vicinity of Darien, and [Pg 406]several others, as well as those that live in small settlements among the Spaniards, are totally unacquainted with it; and although I have been particularly inquisitive on this head, I never could hear of one solitary instance of the disease, except in large towns and cities, and then it was limited to a certain class, where it was likely to be most prevalent.

The great decrease of indian population in Peru may almost be called alarming; many theories have been published respecting it, but in my opinion none have given the true cause. Some have attributed it to the introduction of the small pox; but the virulence of this disease was mitigated, as in Europe, by inoculation, and latterly by the introduction of vaccination, which at a great expence was carried from Spain in 1805, by the order of Charles IV. Not less than eighty boys were sent over in a vessel of war, for the purpose of preserving the fluid by transferring it from one to the other; and a tribunal was formed in Lima, of which the Viceroy was the president, having professors with competent salaries, for the preservation of this magnum Dei donum, as it was justly called in the royal order. On examining some church books, I found that the number of deaths was not uncommonly augmented when the small pox was[Pg 407] prevalent, although undoubtedly for several years after the conquest many people died of it through ignorance of the method of treatment. Perhaps, too, superstition and fear made the healthy abandon the sick, to avoid the contagious effects of what appeared to them to be a disease brought by the Spaniards for their destruction. Of this idea they were doubtlessly possessed, for while Valdivia was at Talcahuano, several indians took up their residence in the town with the Spaniards, until on the arrival of a vessel from Peru with provisions, a barrel of lentils fell on the ground and burst; the grains appeared to the terrified indians to be a new importation of the small pox, on which account they all immediately fled, and carried the appalling news to their countrymen.

Others have attributed this decrease to the number of indians who died in the mines, being driven there by the laws of repartimiento, distribution, and mita, temporal labour: these also belong to the first years after the conquest. Some have fancied that a social life does not agree with their nature; but this is equally trifling, because the comforts, conveniency, and regularity of such a life cannot be detrimental to human nature; besides, those who were latterly subject to the Spanish domination in Peru, were[Pg 408] formerly subject to that of the Incas, and the decrease was as visible on the coast, where the indians may be said to be their own masters, as in the interior, where many are not. Perhaps the introduction of spirituous liquors may have tended to diminish the population; if so, this is almost an incurable evil; and certainly the division of the country, or the cultivated lands into large estates, as they were granted to many of the conquerors and first settlers, was a pernicious error, the fatal effects of which are often felt, and are inimical to the increase of population.

About three leagues to the south of Huacho are the salinas, or plains of salt. This natural production is covered with sand, in some places thicker than in others; under this is a stratum of solid salt, from eight to twelve inches thick. For the purpose of taking it up, it is marked out into square pieces, by chopping it gently with an axe; a bar of iron is then introduced underneath the salt, and the squares are turned over to dry; beneath the solid salt the ground is quite soft and rather watery, which allows the salt to separate from the bed with much facility. After three years have expired, the salt is again in a state to be cut; and from this small plain, which is not more than five miles square,[Pg 409] salt enough is extracted for the consumption of the greater part of Peru and Chile. It is carried into the interior on the backs of mules, and to different places on the coast by shipping, for which there is an excellent port called de las Salinas, though some go to that of Huacho, which is not so commodious.

[Pg 410]

CHAPTER XVI.

Villa of Huaura....Description....Village of Supe....Ruins of an Indian Town....Huacas, Burying Places....Bodies preserved entire....Village of Barranca....Earthquake in 1806....Barranca River....Bridge of Ropes....Village of Pativilca....Sugar Plantation....Produce and Profit....Cane cultivated....Mills....Sugar-house....Management of Slaves....Regulations, &c. of Slaves.

Two leagues to the northward of Huacho is the villa or town of Huaura; it consists of one long street and about two thousand inhabitants, some of whom are respectable creole families; it has a parish church, a convent of Franciscan friars, and a hospital. Owing to the situation of this town, having a range of high hills between it and the sea, and which keep off the sea breeze, it is very sultry; to this circumstance a cutaneous disease is attributed, which leaves a bluish mark on the skin. It is most prevalent among the mulattos; and on those negroes who are affected by it a stain is left which is almost white, and is called by the natives carati.

Near to Huaura is a plantation, the ingenio, formerly belonging to the Jesuits; here the cane is crushed by cylinders put in motion by a[Pg 411] water wheel, which is said to be the first ever constructed in Peru.

A very handsome brick bridge of one arch, the centre of which was forty-seven yards above the bed of the river, and the span twenty-six yards wide, was erected at the entrance of the town; it was thrown down by an earthquake on the 1st of December, 1806, and the old wooden bridge, which had formerly a redoubt to guard it, has been repaired.

The English pirate Edward David took Huaura and sacked it in 1685, putting to death the alcalde de la hermandad, Don Bias Carrera, whom he had made his prisoner; this so terrified the inhabitants that they immediately abandoned the town, nor could they be persuaded to avail themselves of the drunken state of the sailors during the night to revenge the injuries they had suffered; they were fearful of being captured and treated in the same manner as their alcalde. The charter of villa was taken from the town by the King, but afterwards restored.

The valley of Huaura extends about twelve leagues to the eastward, and contains many excellent farms, plantations of sugar cane, and about three thousand slaves.

Seven leagues from Huaura is the village of Supe, with a parish church and eight hundred[Pg 412] inhabitants, the greater part of whom are indians. Between these towns there is a large plain, called pampa de medio mundo, which before the conquest was under irrigation; the vestiges of the old canals, asequias, are still visible, and bear witness of the enormous labour of the ancient Peruvians, as well as of their uncommon skill in conveying water for the purpose of watering their fields to immense distances, without the aid of engines; the principal asequia here took its water from the Huaura river, and winding round the foot of the mountains conveyed it to the distance of ten leagues, irrigating in its course some very beautiful plains, which are now only deserts of sand.

Near to Supe are the remains of a large indian town, built on the side of a rock, galleries being dug out of it, one above another, for the purpose of making room for their small houses; many remains of these are still visible, and also of small parapets of stone raised before them, so that the hill has the appearance of a fortified place. At a short distance are the ruins of another town, on an elevated plain, where water doubtless could not be procured for irrigation; for, as I have already observed, the indians never built on land that could be cultivated.

I was fully convinced here that the indians[Pg 413] buried their dead in the houses where they had resided, as I dug up many of them. They appear to have been buried with whatever belonged to them at the time of their death; I have found women with their pots, pans, and jars of earthenware, some of which are very curious. One kind is composed of two hollow spheres, each about three inches in diameter; they are connected by a small tube placed in the centre, and a hollow arched handle to hold it by, having a hole on the upper side; if water be poured into this hole till the jar is about half full, and the jar be then inclined first to one side and then to the other, a whistling noise is produced. Sometimes a figure of a man stands on each jar, and the water is poured down an opening in his head, and by the same means the noise is occasioned. I saw one of these at the Carmelite nunnery at Quito, having two indians upon it carrying a corpse on their shoulders, laid on a hollow bier resembling a butcher's tray; when the jar was inclined backwards and forwards a plaintive cry was heard, resembling that made by the indians at a funeral. The jars and other utensils were of good clay, and well baked, which, with the ingenious construction just alluded to, prove that the indians were acquainted with the art of pottery. I have also[Pg 414] found in these huacas long pieces of cotton cloth, similar to that which is made by the indians at the present time, called tocuyo; many calabashes, quantities of indian corn or maize, quinua, beans, and the leaves of plantains; feathers of the ostrich from the plains of Buenos Ayres, and different dresses; some spades of palm wood, similar to the chonta of Guayaquil, and of which none grow near to Supe; lances and clubs of the same wood; jars filled with chicha, which was quite sweet when discovered, but became sour after being exposed to the air for a short time. I have also found small dolls made of cotton, their dress similar to that worn at present by the females of Cajatambo and Huarochiri: it consists of a white petticoat, anaco, a piece of coloured flannel, two corners of which are fastened on the left shoulder by a cactus thorn, the middle being passed under the right arm, girt round the waist with a coloured fillet, and open on the left side down to the bottom; this part of the dress was called the chaupe anaco; a piece of flannel, of another colour, of about two feet square, was brought over the shoulders and fastened on the breast with two large pins of silver or gold, called topas: this part of the dress is called the yiglla. The hair is divided into two side tresses, and these are fastened[Pg 415] behind, at the extremity, with a coloured fillet. The principal motive for digging the huacas is to search for treasure; I have found rings and small cups of gold; they are beat out very thin, and their size is that of half a hen's egg-shell; it is supposed that they were worn in the ears, for a small shank is attached to them, like the buttons worn by the indian females at present. Slips of silver, about two inches broad and ten long, as thin as paper, are also frequently dug up. Any small piece of gold which was buried with them is generally found in their mouths.

Owing to the nitrous quality of the sand, and to its almost perfect dryness, the bodies are quite entire, and not the least defaced, although many of them have been buried at least three centuries: the clothes are also in the same state of preservation, but both soon decay after being exposed to the sun and air. I dug up one man whose hair grew from his eyebrows, covering his forehead, or rather he had no visible forehead; a great quantity of dried herbs had been buried with him, some small pots, and several dolls: the indians who saw him assured me, that he had been a brujo, a wizard or diviner; but I was inclined to believe him to[Pg 416] have been a physician: however, the two sciences might be considered by them as somewhat similar.

Many persons are persuaded that these huacas were only burying grounds, and not places of residence for the living: if so, it shews the respect which the people had for their dead; but as some of the tribes of wild indians bury their dead in the house where they lived, and then abandon it, building for themselves another, this appears to be a sufficient reason for suspecting that such was the practice with the ancient Peruvians.

I resided several months at the small village of la Barranca, and I here witnessed the great earthquake that happened on the 1st of December, 1806, supposed to be one of the periodical shocks felt in Lima and its vicinity; they have occurred in the following years:—1586, 1609, 1655, 1690, 1716, 1746, and 1806. This earthquake, however, did not extend its desolating effects to the capital; these appear to have been limited by the rivers of Barranca and Huaura, an extent of about ten leagues; but the shock was felt at Ica, a hundred leagues to the southward, although it was not perceived at Huaras, thirty leagues to the eastward.

[Pg 417]

No hollow sound was observed to precede this shock, a circumstance particularly remarked by several of the old people, who said, that it came on so suddenly, that the dogs did not hear it, nor the pigs smell it, before every one felt the shock. I inquired their reason for thus expressing themselves, and was informed, that it had always been found when the shocks were severe, that they were announced by the howling of the dogs and the squealing of the pigs. This effect, I think, can only be accounted for by the dogs lying on the ground, and either hearing the noise or feeling the motion before either become perceptible to the people; and probably if any gaseous vapour be ejected the olfactory nerves of the pigs may be affected by it. Immediately after the earthquake many people saw red flames rising out of the sea, and others burning over a low piece of ground on the shore called the Totoral. The cattle which were feeding here at the time, died shortly afterwards from the effect produced on the grass by this burning vapour.

The motion of the earth during the shock was oscillatory, resembling the waves of the sea; and the sensation which I experienced was similar to that which is felt in a boat when approaching the land. The motion was so[Pg 418] great, that some bottles of wine and brandy, placed on a shelf about two yards high and three from the door, were thrown from a shop into the street to a distance of more than two feet from the door; if, therefore, they fell from the shelf without any projecting impulse to impel them forward, the wall must have inclined so as to form with its natural base an angle of 25 degrees.

The ground was rent in several places, and quantities of sand and a species of mud were thrown into the air. Trees were torn up by the roots; the church and several of the houses, both here and at Supe, were destroyed; while Pativilca, a town at only two leagues distance, on the opposite side of the river, suffered very trivially. The undulations of the earth lasted twenty-one minutes; but there was no repetition of shocks, nor was any subterraneous noise heard. The perpendicular height of the land on the sea side is fifty-three yards, notwithstanding which several canoes and boats were thrown by the waves nearly to the top, and left among the trees, and for more than two months afterwards enormous quantities of fish drifted daily on the beach.

Perhaps the effect produced on the grass at the Totoral, and this on the fish, may throw[Pg 419] some light on the problem of the sterility occasioned by earthquakes, which I have already noticed—in particular, as the gaseous matter having become condensed was left on the surface to produce its effect on the ground, where it could not be washed off by the rains.

An old mulatto, one of the four men who escaped at Callao in 1746, when that city was submersed in the sea, assured me, that the convulsion there did not appear to him so terrible as the one I have just mentioned.

Near to this village is a convenient port and landing place, called de la Barranca, and about a mile to the northward of the village is the river de la Barranca. During the rainy months, in the mountainous districts of the interior, it is so filled with water, that its passage is attended with considerable danger without the assistance of the chimbadoros, ferrymen. The bottom is very stony, which also occasions much danger, if the horses are not sure-footed and accustomed to ford rivers. The rapidity of the current precludes the use of boats or canoes, and its width would render the construction of a bridge extremely expensive. I have often crossed it when the water covered the space of half a mile, and was divided into thirteen or fourteen branches, through some of which the horse on which I[Pg 420] was mounted had to swim. About six leagues from the main coast road, and the usual fording place of the river, there is a bridge of ropes, made from the fibres of the maguey leaves. These are first crushed between two stones, immersed in water till the vegetable matter easily separates from the fibres, when they are taken out, beat with a stick, washed, and dried; the ropes are then twisted by hand, without the assistance of any machinery, the fibrous parts of the leaves being inserted when the diminished strength of the rope requires them. This bridge is called de Cochas, from the small village which stands near to it: it is thirty-eight yards across. On one side, the principal ropes, five in number, each about twelve inches in circumference, are fastened to a large beam laid on the ground, secured by two strong posts buried nearly to their tops: on the opposite side the beam is secured by being placed behind two small rocks. Across these five ropes a number of the flower stalks of the maguey are laid, and upon them a quantity of old ropes and the fibrous parts of leaves are strewed, to preserve the stalks and the principal ropes. A net-work, instead of railings, is placed on each side, to prevent the passengers from falling into the river. Although the whole construction appears[Pg 421] so flimsy, the breadth being only five feet, I have seen droves of laden mules, as well as horned cattle, cross it; and I have repeatedly done so myself, on horseback, after I had reconciled myself to its tremulous motion.

These swing bridges, which are common in South America, are called puentes de maroma, or de amaca; and by the indians, cimpachaca, bridge of ropes, or rather, of tresses—as cimpa signifies a platted tress. Some persons, however, call them huascachaca, huasca being more properly a twisted rope; but I apprehend that they were originally made from platted ropes, in which the insertion of leaves is more easy.

Bridges of this description were general in Peru before the conquest, and they are unquestionably the best calculated for a mountainous country, where some of the ravines requiring them are very steep, and the currents impetuous. Bridges were likewise formed by the indians by laying large beams across stone piers; but these were not so common nor so appropriate as the rope bridges. The largest of them was over the river Apurimac, which runs between Lima and Cusco, and is crossed by travellers who frequent this road to and from the ancient and modern capitals of Peru. The bridge was two hundred and forty feet long, and[Pg 422] nine feet broad; the ends of the principal ropes were fastened on one side the river to rings of stone, cut in the solid rock: one of these was broken in 1819, when the stream rose so high that it caught the bridge, and dragged it away.

Two leagues to the northward of Barranca is the neat village of Pativilca, without any indian population: it was formerly a country covered with wood, and a place of retreat for malefactors; but the Viceroy Castel-forte sent people to form a village, and ordered a church to be built, offering an indult to all persons who should leave the bush, and build themselves houses in the town. By this wise policy he accomplished his end—reclaiming many outcasts, and rendering the road secure to travellers.

While residing at Barranca I had an excellent opportunity of judging of the condition of the slaves on the plantations; and I shall here give a brief account of one of the best regulated that I visited, which was Huaito, the property of Doña Josefa Salasar de Monteblanco.

This plantation is principally dedicated to the cultivation of cane and the elaboration of sugar; but a part is destined to ordinary agricultural pursuits, such as the growth of[Pg 423] maize, beans, camotes, pumpkins, &c., beside some pasture land for cattle. The number of slaves employed on it, including all descriptions, is six hundred and seventy-two; and the weight of sugar produced annually, according to the statement given to me by Don Manuel Sotil, who superintended the manufactory, is as follows:—

The result of this statement is, that after defraying all the expences of the cultivation of the cane, and the elaboration of the sugar, the profit amounted to 49550 dollars.

[Pg 424]

Besides this profit, another of considerable importance was derived from the feeding of cattle on extensive fields of lucern, and the breeding of hogs. There was also generally, a surplus of maize and beans beyond the consumption of the estate; but without this, according to the valuation made of the whole estate, including buildings, slaves and utensils, which amounted to 962000, the clear profit on this capital exceeded five per cent.; which, with the assistance of the requisite machinery for cultivating and harvesting the cane, and manufacturing the sugar, might be doubled.

I have made no deductions for the food of the slaves, because they were maintained by the produce of the estate, leaving a great surplus for sale; probably as much in value as would defray the expences of their clothing.

The cane usually cultivated in Peru is the creole; but in the year 1802 plants of the Otaheitean cane were first introduced at Guayaquil, by Don Jose Merino, who procured them from Jamaica, whence in 1806 they were brought to some of the plantations of Peru, and from the advantageous result which has been experienced in the growth of this cane, it would follow that the creole will soon be exploded, notwithstanding the assertion, that the sugar obtained[Pg 425] from the cane of Otaheite abounds more in mucilage than in essential salt, and that it is susceptible of but a feeble consistency, which exposes it to decomposition on long voyages, or if it be warehoused any considerable length of time. But the Peruvian cultivator has neither of these drawbacks to fear, because there is always an immediate demand for it at home, or the longest voyage to which it is subjected is to Chile.

The Otaheitean cane, on the same land, and with equal labour with the creole, grows to the height of nine or ten feet in eighteen or twenty months, while the creole only grows six in thirty-five or thirty-six months, at which times they are respectively in a state of maturity. The large canes of the former are from seven to eight inches in diameter, but those of the latter seldom exceed three and a half, and the same measure of juice produces nearly the same weight of sugar: besides this, the saving of labour at the mills and manufactory is very great. The cane of Otaheite is more tenacious, and comes from the cylinders whole, while the creole is frequently completely crushed, and incapable of being returned to the operation of the cylinders, on which account a considerable portion of the juice is lost; the pressed cane of [Pg 426]Otaheite is also conveyed to the furnace with much more facility than the other.

The cane is usually planted in the foggy season, that it may have taken root before the dry weather commences; the land is prepared by repeated ploughings, and by breaking the lumps of earth with clubs, harrows and rollers for this purpose being unknown. The ploughs are similar to those used in Chile, and which I have already described. If suitable ploughs and other utensils were introduced, it is easy to conceive what great relief would be given to manual labour; and if the horse or mule were substituted for the drowsy, slow-paced bullock, the result would be much more favourable.

The canes are planted in drills made with hoes, so formed, that when the water for irrigation enters the upper end of a field it can flow without any hinderance to the lower; but before this operation of watering takes place the earth is hilled up to the plants. According to the dryness of the season, and the quality of the land, irrigation is repeated three or four times during the summer, and owing to the disposal of the furrows it is neither laborious nor troublesome. The water is generally allowed to remain on the ground twenty-four hours.

When the cane is ripe it is cut close to the[Pg 427] ground, and all the leaves are stript off, which with the rubbish are left until the whole field be cut, when they are burnt; and immediately afterwards the roots are irrigated. The cane is carried to the mill on the backs of asses; but for this purpose carts might be used with much saving of labour.

In some parts of the province of Guayaquil and on the coast of Choco the natives, who cultivate the cane for their household consumption of molasses, guarapo, and rum, cut all that is ripe, leaving that which is green; they next bare the roots, mix the soil so obtained with the soil in the furrow, by digging and turning them over, and then hill up the cane again. By repeating this operation every time they cut their cane, they have a constant succession of crops, and the plantation never fails; while in Peru a plantation only yields two crops, for the third is often scarcely sufficient to plant the ground for the ensuing harvest.

The general method of pressing the cane is by means of three vertical grooved brass cylinders, which are put in motion by two pairs of oxen, yoked to two opposite points of a large wooden wheel, placed above the cylinders, and attached at its centre to the axle of the central cylinder, the cogs or teeth of which [Pg 428]communicate the rotatory motion to the other two. This tardy method of pressing is used on many plantations; but on the one I am now speaking of vertical water-wheels supply the place of the bullocks, one wheel being attached to each mill. There is however great room for improvement, particularly in the adoption of iron cog and lantern wheels, or at least of metal cogs to the large wheels, iron axletrees, &c.; but rude as the present plan is, the expence of keeping a considerable number of oxen is avoided.

The juice of the cane is received in the boiling house, in a large bell-metal pan, a small quantity of lime being first thrown into it; from this receiver it is carried in large calabashes to a pan ten feet deep, where it is evaporated to a proper consistency, and at intervals caustic ley is added to it, prepared at a considerable expence from the ashes of the espino, or huarango. After throwing into the pan about half a pint of this ley, a considerable quantity of fecula rises to the top, which is immediately taken off with a skimmer made of a large calabash, bored full of holes. When the syrup has become cool it is put into another pan, and evaporated to a proper consistency for crystallization; it is then poured into the moulds, made of common baked clay, in which it is repeatedly stirred, and on the [Pg 429]following day it is transferred to the purging house, where the plug is taken from the bottom of the mould, and the coarse molasses run from the sugar. It is next removed to the claying house; each mould, like an inverted cone, is placed on a jar, and soft clay of the consistency of batter poured on the sugar. This operation is repeated three or four times, or till the loaf is purged from the molasses it contained, when it is taken out of the mould and carried into the store to dry. The whole process requires a month or five weeks, according to the season, for it is much sooner ready for the store house in damp weather than in dry. Unlike other countries, where the cane is only cut during a certain season, on the plantations on the coast of Peru it is cut and sugar is made from it during the whole year.

The pans for boiling the juice are of brass, being a mixture of copper and tin; the lower pan is generally three feet in diameter at the bottom, five feet at the top, and five feet deep; the rim which is placed above this is three feet deep, and above that the brick and wood work commences, making the whole boiler ten feet deep. The pans, cylinders, and receivers are cast on the estate by the slaves, and by them also all the carpentery and blacksmith work are performed.

[Pg 430]

I have been rather more particular on this subject than some persons may think necessary; but it has been with the view of opening another outlet to British manufactures, namely, that of iron machinery and implements of agriculture. If the evaporation of the cane juice were effected by heat communicated by steam, or by preventing atmospheric pressure on the surface of the liquid while boiling, a considerable quantity of sugar which is burnt by the present method, and which constitutes the molasses, would be saved: it would be an advantage of at least thirty per cent. At the same time that I advert to iron machinery for the mills, as an article worthy the attention of mercantile speculators, I would also recommend some stills on an improved principle, for the brandy distilleries at Pisco, Ica, Cañete, and other vine countries, as well as those of rum; because the political change in South America will annul the prohibitory colonial law, and because the sugar manufacturer would be glad to convert to his advantage that refuse from which the rum is distilled; at present it is a nuisance to him, or if applied to any use, it is thrown to the oxen and asses, and they eat it with great avidity.

The management of the slaves here is worthy of the imitation of every planter, both with regard to the comfort of the negroes, and the[Pg 431] profitable result to the owner. I shall describe the laws established, and mention some other regulations which I suggested to Doña Josefa, which she approved, and put in practice: she afterwards frequently told me, that they deserved to be generally adopted, because they would eventually tend to ameliorate the condition of the slave and benefit the proprietor.

A slave was never flogged at Huaito without the consent of the mistress, who, having heard the complaint made by the overseer or other task-master, adjudged the number of lashes to be inflicted, or else determined on some other means of punishment, which she thought more proper. Her motive for this regulation was, to prevent their being improperly chastised by any one during the heat of passion, or perhaps under the influence of revenge. The slave was never questioned as to the imputed delinquency, because, as she observed, it would only induce them to disregard the overseer, if he were not implicitly believed, or the slave were allowed to contradict him. When any doubt presented itself, she would sometimes send for some other slave, who had either been present or was near at the time, and make the necessary inquiry; but she would often say,[Pg 432] that she trusted very little to what they said about each other, quoting the old Spanish proverb as a reason, la peor cuña, is del mismo palo, the worst wedge is from the same block.

No slave was punished privately; those at least were present who were acquainted with the crime which had been committed.

If a slave absented himself, and were afterwards caught, he was sentenced for the first offence to carry a chain at his leg as many weeks as he had been absent days; for a repetition, he was sentenced to the mill, where the most laborious work is to be done; it is also esteemed the most degrading situation, very few except delinquents being employed at it. If a recurrence took place, the slave was kept at the mill during the day with a chain to his leg, and slept in the gaol during the night. If the fugitive returned home and presented himself to his mistress, he was pardoned for the first offence; the penalty of the first was inflicted if it were the second; and that of the second if it were the third; after which, if the slave persevered in running away he was sold.

To promote marriages, all children born out of wedlock were sold while young; and as the slaves, except some few domestic servants, were[Pg 433] all negroes, if a tawny child made its appearance it was also sold: this mode was adopted to prevent the negresses from having any intercourse with the people of the neighbouring villages.

The negresses from the age of eleven or twelve years were kept separate from the men, and slept within the walls of the house, under the care of a duenna, until they were married.

The greatest care was taken of child-bearing women, both with regard to relief from work and the administration of proper food; a separate building, called the lying-in hospital, was furnished with beds and other comforts for them; and if a slave reared six children so that they could walk, she obtained her liberty, or a release from work for herself and husband for three days in each week; when, if they worked on the estate, they were regularly paid for their labour.

As an improvement of this regulation, I proposed the allowing one day of rest weekly either to the father or the mother for each child; and Doña Josefa acknowledged the propriety of it, for, said she, the manumission of a slave is his ruin if young, and the origin of his distress if old. She assured me that, at different times, she had given freedom to fifty slaves, out of[Pg 434] whom, she was sorry to say, she could not find one useful member of society; much less one that was grateful to herself, although all of them were young at the time they were manumitted, and some had been put to different trades at her expence. I have frequently observed, that nine-tenths of the convicts for different crimes at Lima were freed slaves, generally zambos.

I am convinced from experience, that if proper magistrates were appointed in all districts where there is a number of slaves, each having a competent salary for his subsistence, but removeable every year, to prevent private connexions with the planters, that the state of slavery would be freed from its greatest evil, that of a human creature being subjected to the whip of an offended, irritable, or unjust master; for how can justice prevail where the plaintiff is the judge, and the defendant the criminal? or when a prima instantia the accused is brought to receive his sentence, or suffer the infliction of an arbitrary punishment. If proprietors were prohibited from using the whip, or any other cruel chastisements, without the concurrence of an order from the magistrate, who should inquire summarily into the circumstances, under the penalty of a heavy fine, the odious epithet of slave-driver would lose its stigma, at the[Pg 435] same time that the slave would reverence the law that protected as well as punished him, instead of hating his arbitrary master, and lurking for an opportunity of revenge. It is the interest as well as the duty of a master to preserve the health and life of his slave, and the slave has only to dread the presence of his master under the influence of passion or misinformation: let this occasion for the exercise of cruelty be avoided, by transferring the authority to punish from the interested master to an unbiassed person, and the hand of justice would fall like the invigorating dew of heaven, while that of passion often rages like the destructive tornado.

The principal food of the slaves at Huaito was the flour of maize boiled with water to the consistency of a hardish paste, to this was added a quantity of molasses; and beans boiled in the same manner. They had meat once or twice a week, either fresh or jerked beef. The quantity allowed was quite sufficient; and I have frequently seen them feeding their poultry with what they could not eat. Each married man and each widow or widower was presented annually with a small pig, which they reared with the refuse of the cane, and some pumpkins which they cultivated: it was afterwards fattened with maize from their own small plots[Pg 436] of ground. This was an inducement to the slaves to marry, and it kept them from strolling abroad on Sundays and holidays. Indeed, all the married had small portions of land allotted to them, and were allowed the use of the oxen and ploughs belonging to the estate. On an average two hundred fat pigs were sold annually by the slaves at Huaito, and these generally produced twelve dollars each; so that two thousand four hundred dollars were distributed yearly among the slaves for this article alone; but several of the more industrious fed two, three, or four pigs, by purchasing maize for them. A convincing proof of their comfortable life was afforded on a Sunday afternoon; many of the negresses, dressed in white muslins or gaudily printed calicoes, gold ear-rings, rosaries and necklaces, stockings and coloured shoes, and a profusion of handkerchiefs, might be seen dancing with the negro youths to the sound of their large drums and unharmonious songs: this exhibition certainly evinced that their minds were uncankered with care.

Each slave had two working dresses given to him yearly; the men a flannel shirt and woollen trowsers—the women a flannel petticoat and a cotton shirt with long sleeves; they had also an allowance of blankets and ponchos, but whatever[Pg 437] other clothes they possessed were purchased by themselves. Weekly premiums and a small quantity of tobacco were given according to the class of work in which they were individually employed; they were also permitted to have the skimmings and other refuse from the sugar-house for their guarapo or fermented drink.

The galpon, where the slaves lived, on this as on every other plantation, was a large square enclosure, walled round about twelve feet high; it was divided into streets, having an open square in the centre for dancing and their other amusements; the small houses were uniform, and whitewashed, which with the clean streets made a very neat appearance. The slaves slept in the galpon, by which means they were kept from visiting the neighbouring villages or plantations and from committing depredations.

Mass was celebrated every morning at six o'clock, and those who chose to hear it had sufficient time, as the field labourers never went to work till seven; their tasks were light, they had two hours' rest at noon, and always returned at six in the evening, and many at four in the afternoon; after which they attended to their own little farms. I am certain that a labourer in England does more work in one day than[Pg 438] any slave I ever saw in the Spanish colonies performs in three. Those employed at the mills are more hours at work; but this is considered a punishment: those employed in the sugar-house have also more hours to attend; but they have always sufficient rest between the time of emptying one pan and waiting till it boils again, and this leisure some occupy in making baskets or in knitting stockings for their own profit.

The slaves are mustered at mass on Sundays and holidays, and are required to confess, and receive the communion once a year. The chaplain teaches the boys and girls the necessary prayers and catechisms, and superintends the moral conduct of the slaves, being allowed to order them for punishment in cases of misbehaviour, on reporting them to their mistress.

I am ignorant of the treatment which the slaves may receive in the British colonies; but I feel loath to believe that that mercy which I have observed to guide the actions of a Spaniard or a Spanish creole should be a stranger in the breast of an Englishman or an English creole. If the lot of English slaves be not worse than that of Spanish slaves, they are more fortunate and more happy than the labouring classes at home. I have no doubt, but that if a slave were brought to England, and subjected to the[Pg 439] half-starved and hard-worked state of a day-labourer—to experience all his penury and all his privations—he would lift up his hands, and request that he might return to his master, who fed him when hungry, clothed him when naked, and attended to his wants when sick. If any thing be really wanting to ameliorate the condition of the English slave, let a wise legislature enact such regulations as will secure it to him; not place in his hand a weapon wherewith to sacrifice his master in a fit of frantic exasperation; let English slaves enjoy the blessings of the English poor, the boast of every Englishman—an impartial distribution of justice—an equality in the administration of the law. It is as preposterous to suppose that the same law should not govern the master and the slave, as that a judge should not be amenable to the law by which he judges others: and I sincerely hope, for the honour of my country and countrymen, that they all feel as did my Uncle Toby: "'tis the fortune of war that has put the whip into our hands now, where it will be afterwards heaven only knows; but be it where it will, the brave, Trim, will never use it unkindly."

END OF VOLUME I.

[Pg 440]

Printed by Harris and Co.
Liverpool.