The History of Lapland, by John Scheffer—The Project Gutenberg eBook

WHEREIN
Are shewed the Original, Manners, Habits, Marriages,
Conjurations, &c. of that People.

The Reader may please to take notice, that the diligent and learned Author of this History, (to the writing of which he was commanded, and therein assisted by the Chancellor of Sweden) hath in the whole work taken care to justify what he relates, from the faith of authentic records, the testimony of Historians, and the Discourses of Laplanders themselves, with whom he had ready opportunities of converse. And this he hath don so precisely, that having in the contexture of his work, given a full account of what he thought observable in the writings, or narratives to which he refers, he afterwards constantly puts down at length the very words of his Authors, a great part of which are in the Swedish Tongue. Now in this Edition we have spared our selves the labor of such repetition; which we hope will not be regretted by the Reader, who we suppose would not have bin much edified by them. As to the subject here discours’d of, twill not be needfull to give a character of it. Military Action, and those public murders in which other Histories triumph, have no share here. Hunger, cold and solitude are enemies that engage all the fortitude of this People: and where so much passive valor is necessary, we may dispense with the want of Active. Amidst the barbarity and darkness which reign in Lapland, there appear strictures of light, which will entertain the eie of the most knowing observer; as the Stars are no less remarkable then is the Sun it self. However the Reader will[vi] not fail to meet here with what may gratify his curiosity. Warmer Climates having all the comforts and necessaries of life plentifully bestowed upon them, are but a more distant home; where we have little else talk’d of, then what we daily see among oar selves: but here it is indeed, where, rather then in America, we have a new World discovered: and those extravagant falsehoods, which have commonly past in the narratives of these Northern Countries, are not so inexcusable for their being lies, as that they were told without temtation; the real truth being equally entertaining, and incredible.

This Country doth not every where pass by the same name. By some ’tis called Lappia, as Johann. Magnus in the Preface of his history, and Saxo Grammat. in his 5^th book; by others Lapponia, as Olaus Magnus in the explication of his Map of Scandinavia, and Ziegler in his description of the Northern Countries, and before these Ericus Versaliensis, and after them Andr. Buræus. The Swedes usually call the Country Lapmarkia, in whose language Mark signifies Land; the Danes and Norwegians, Laplandia, and also Findmarkia, as appears from Petr. Claudus description of Norway: for no one can gather any thing else but an account of this Country, from his whole 38^th Chapt. which himself too seems to intimate, when he promises more about Findmarkia in his description of Lapland. Of i’ts being call’d Findmark, I shall speak in another place; Now we will see why ’tis call’d Lapponia and Lappia, the Etymology of which words is not yet agreed upon by the Learned. Ziegler thinks they were named so by the Germans, from the dulness and stupidity of the people, which the word Lappi signifies amongst them; but this seems improbable, since this Country is but of late known to the Germans, and none of their antient Writers make any mention of Lappia. Moreover, the Finlanders, Swedes and Russians, who differ much in their language from one another, as well as from the Germans, call it all by the same name; and the Germans, who are so remote from Lapland, could not transmit this name to these more Northern Countries, especially when they had little or no commerce with them. Neither are the people so very dull and stupid; as Ziegler himself afterwards acknowledges, when he confesses they are good at the needle, and make delicate embroidered clothes. Neither can I assent to Wexionius’s opinion, that the Swedes gave them this name from their wearing of Skins; for Lapper and Skinlapper do not signify skins, but the same as the Greeks ῥάκοι (in English Rags) from whence Ol. Petr. Nieuren, who writ of Lapland in Gustavus Adolphus’s time, derives their name from their coming into Swedland every year with rags lapt about them, which is the signification of Lapp in that[2] language. But they do not deserve that name, meerly for this reason, any more than the Finlanders and others, for they are generally cloth’d in good woollen garments, as we shall shew hereafter. Grotius thinks they are call’d Lapps from running or leaping, but Lœpa, which in the Swedish language signifies to run, is writ with a single P, and the name of this Country with a double one; and these People naturally are no great runners, tho by an art they have of sliding over the frozen snow, they are very swift in their motions. Some think that the Inhabitants do not denominate the Country, but the Country the Inhabitants, as in the name of Norwegians and others, which seems to be strengthned by this, because Ol. Magnus calls them Lappomanni, after the manner of Nordmanni, Westmanni, and Sudermanni, in which words Manni signifying Men, they were call’d Lappomanni, i. e. Men of Lappia.[1] Others fancy that the name of the Country is deriv’d from Lappu, which in the Finnonick language is furthermost, because it lies in the farthest part of Scandinavia. There is yet another opinion which may seem no less plausible then any of the former, which agrees as well with the signification of the word Lapp among the Laplanders themselves, as the credit given to what has been matter of fact, viz. that ’twas call’d Lappia, not from its situation, or other such like accident, but from the Lappi that inhabited it. So that I take Lappi to signify no other than banish’t persons, which is the genuine signification of Lapp in the Lapland language; for the Laplanders were originally Finlanders, and from leaving their Country may be presum’d to have took their name; and that not of their own choosing, but the Finlanders[2] imposition, with whom to Lapp signifies to run away: whence the compellation seeming something scandalous, no person of quality to this day will endure to be call’d by it, tho from the Finlanders others Nations, as the Germans, Swedes and Moscovites, have learnt to call them so. But they of Lappia Umensis stile themselves Sabmienladti, and those of Lappia Tornensis, Sameednan, from the word Sabmi or Same; the signification of which, and whence they had it, we shall see hereafter.

At what time this Country and it’s inhabitants were first distinguish’t by these names Lappia and Lappi, ’tis hard to prove: ’tis certain ’twas but of late, for the words are not found in any antient writer, neither in Tacitus, who mentions their neighbours and forefathers the Finlanders, nor in Ptolomy, Solinus, Anton. Augustus, Rutilius, or others, neither in Authors nearer home (not to name Jornandes, Paul Warnefrid, &c.) nor in those who have writ the actions of Heraud and Bosa, or Gætricus and Rolfus, or King Olafus in the Islandick, Norwegian or Gothick language: we find nothing of them in Adam Bremensis, whose diligence in writing of the Northern Countries, his Scandinavia sufficiently testifies; or in Sturlisonius, who writ very accuratly of these parts in his own language. Therefore I cannot be so easily persuaded with Grotius to believe Cluverius, who says they were mention’d in the Peutingerian Tables, the Author of which is thought to have liv’d at least before Theodosius’s time, i. e. 600 years before Adam Bremensis: how then could he, that was none of the best Geographers, if we may beleive Welserus, and very far distant from these parts, give us any account of them, since Adam Bremensis, who was so near a neighbour, and had commerce with those that lived there, could give us none? Besides, in that Table the Sarmatians are called Lupiones, with whom the Lappi were nothing concerned, neither doth any antient Author say they were seated so far Northward: wherefore the Lupiones there described[3] are any People rather then the Laplanders, for at that time, when the Author writ, they were not so much as known to any of their neighbours, the Gothick Norwegian or Danish writers. The first that mentions Lapland is Saxo Gramat. Hist. Dan. l. 5. who lived and wrote about Ann. 1190, and therefore was after Adam Bremensis (who lived about 1077) near 130 years, in which interval this name must needs come first in use. For Saxo making mention of such a Country a great while before, in the time of Frotho the third contemporary to Alricus King of Swedland (who they say lived before Christ) doth not prove that ’twas called so then, but that that Country might afterwards have had this appellation; and I am fully perswaded, that Adam Bremensis would not have omitted this name if he had had any knowledge of it. Afterward Er. Upsaliensis speaks of it about 1470 i. e. almost 300 years after Saxo, and 200 before this present time. After them Jac. Ziegler made a large and learned description of it, by which it came to be known all over Europe. For however we may meet with the name Lappia in Saxo, none but the Swedes and Finlanders, before Zieglers time, knew any thing of it. And so much for the names of Lapland.

The true and exact situation of this Country the Antients seem not to have sufficiently discovered. Saxo makes it bordering upon Jamtia, extending its self as far, or rather lying as it were between Helsingia and Finland, when in these words he says the Provinces of the Helsingi, Iarnberi, Iemti, with both the Lappia’s, as likewise Finnia and Estia paid annual tribute to one Domarus. Ericus Upsaliensis seems to make it a part of Finland, mistaking it for a certain part of that Kingdome so called, on the one side adjoining to Swedland, on the other to Russia, giving it a place between Carelia and Nylandia. Ol. Mag. in his Table, and so his brother Johan. Magnus in the Preface of his History, place it higher then the western Bothnia, making neighbours to it Scrikfinnia furthest towards the North, and Biarmia towards the East; though some [3] think there is no such place as Scrikfinnia, as it is certain there is none in those parts at this day called by that name. But yet we must not slightly pass over the unanimous opinion of so many learned men, especially Saxo, not a little knowing in the Northern affairs, who have all not barely named it, but have described the humours of the Inhabitants, their manners, habits and fashion of their governments, with other matters belonging to them. Instead of the Scrickfinni or Scricfinni of Johan. and Ol. Magn. I would rather read it Scritofinni; and as for Skidfinni as Adr. Buræ would have it, all the Antients, what ever else they differ in, will agree in this, that there must be an R in the word. Jornandez calls them Scretfennæ, Paul. Warnefrid. and Diacon. Scritobini changing f in b (of which and some other things of the like nature I will treat in due time and place) Adam Bremensis Scritefiani: and the Greeks agree in this writing, so that we ought not to doubt of the Latines. Procopius[4] will have them sometimes Σκριθιφίκους, other times Σκριθιφίνους. Besides ’tis manifest since the Scritefinni are the same with the Finni, whose Etymology in their own language is from leaping,[4] by an art they have, by which with crooked pieces of wood under their feet like a bow they hunt wild beasts; they could not therefore take their name from Skidh, signifying the wooden shoes themselves, but from their leaping, i. e. swift running with them, which doubtless antiently was meant by Skriida, and which the Author cited by Warnius in the 46 page of his Lexicon confirms, where he relates the form of an oath made by Hafur, that he would preserve the peace Quamdiu Finnur skriidar, i. e. as long as the Finlanders continued their manner of leaping. As for the Etymology that is there given, that it signifies their wandring up and down, ’tis altogether false, for Skridsko at this day denotes those wooden shoes which they run upon the ice with; neither doth Skirida signify any thing else among the Antients but to glide along the ground, for they do not take up one foot after the other, as in common running, but carrying themselves steady upon the frozen snow, they move forward stooping a little, as shall be shewn hereafter. And perhaps this is the onely cause that they are called Himantopodes,[5] People creeping upon their knees; which agrees exactly with these Scritofinni: for they hearing that Skriida was to creep along, what could they fancy the Scritofinni to be, but People not going like other men, but crawling forward like creeping animalls, but of this I shall speak more at large when I come to the Laplanders gliding upon the ice. That which I would chiefly evince here, is, that there are such a people rightly called Scritofinni, and the Country which they inhabit is Scritofinnia or Scritfinnia, and that there is no reason we should think there was no such place, since there are those who are called Scritfinni, i. e. Finlanders, who run upon the ice with wooden shoes, whose Country from thence may well be called Scritofinnia. And the same may be urged for Biarmia against those that will not allow there is any such place. For first the antient Writers making frequent mention of it, as that Author of the History thereof, calls it often Biarmaland in the old Gothick or Islandick language, who also calls the King of it Hereker in Ch. 7. and his two Sons, the one Rœrik the other Siggeir. Saxo likewise in his 9^th book, speaks of a certain King of this place, who reigned in the time of Regner King of the Danes, making it border upon Finland, when he says the King of Biarmia fled for refuge to Matullus, who then reigned in Finland. But now granting there were antiently such names as Biarmia and Scritfinnia, it remains doubtfull still whether they were distinct Countries or no. All Authors except Johan. and Ol. Magn. seem to make them the same, Procop. Jornand. Paul. Warnfrid. and Adam Bremensis speak of Scritfinnia, but none of Biarmia, and the Northern writers do just contrary. Saxo indeed mentions them both, but not at the same time: once in his Preface he names Scritfinnia, leaving out Biarmia, in other places he names Biarmia omitting the other; from whence I am almost of opinion that ’tis the same Country called by native Writers Biarmia, by forreign Scritfinnia. We may add further that as Adam Bremensis makes Scritfinnia next to Helsingia, the Author of the History of Heraud and Bosa sets Biarmia in the same place, speaking of some Woods in it, and Rivers that emty themselves into the Sinus Bothnicus or bay of Ganduia next to Helsingia. And moreover as the Scritfinni are a People of Finland, which not onely their name, but an old Chorographick Table commended by Grotius doth intimate, distinguishing the Fenni into the Scritfenni and Redefenni, so ’tis probable of the Biarmians[5] as well for their neighbourhood to Helsingia, of which before, as for their worshipping a God by the name of Jomala, which is a Finland word, denoting God amongst them to this day. Moreover the Biarmians have many other things like the Finlanders, as the Art of darting, of Magic, &c. So that Biarmia may be a Colony of Finland, whose People were called by Strangers, from their skirring along, or gliding upon the snow, Scritofinni. But now supposing all this true, and that the Biarmia of the Ancients, and Scritfinnia were the same, ’tis a question still whether Lapland be distinct from them or not. Joh. and Ol. Magnus in their Geographic Tables and descriptions, make them distinct Countries. But that cannot be; for if Scritfinnia and Biarmia reach one way to Helsingia and Jamtia, on the other to Finland; if they lye so near these Provinces, and extend to the Bay of Bothnia (both which have bin demonstrated before) I do not see where Lapland can have any place at all. And the same Authors are also mistaken in putting it South of Biarmia and Scritfinnia, whereas the Antients placed these beyond it. For that they mean’t only by Biarmia that which the Swedes now call Trennes, appears to be false from what has bin said before: for where are any Rivers in Trennes that run into the Bay of Bothnia? and how is it bordering upon Finland? Wherefore contrary to Joh. and Ol. Magnus, I think rather that Lapland is the same that was first by the Inhabitants called Biarmia, by Strangers Scritfinnia, then changing the name for some of the reasons here produced, it came to be Lappia or Lapponia; which beginning from Jamtia and Angermannia, goes all about each Bothnia, and at length ends in the extremities of Carelia and Finland, so as to comprehend all the whole tract from the North even to the main Ocean, the white Sea, and the Lake Ladek, which are the very bounds of old Biarmia and Scritfinnia. But that it went as far as the Ocean, the Antients seem not to have so well understood; nor indeed Johan. and Ol. Magnus, who in those parts, have made Scritfinnia and Biarmia different Countries from Lapland. So also Damianus Goes, who, whatever he knew of Lapland, had it from them, says it extends it self to unknown Regions, because he knew not who lived further towards the North Sea. But the Antients have placed there, besides the Scritfinni, the Cynocephali, Busii, Troglodytes, Pygmies, Cyclops’s,: and some others, passing by the Himantopodes, of whom we have spoken before: tho in this age none doubts but the Laplanders inhabit it all, and those who have sailed along those Coasts have met with none others but Laplanders. In fine Charles the 9^th King of Swedland in the year 1600, being desirous to know the truth of that Country, sent two famous Mathematicians, M. Aron. Forsius a Swedish Professour, and Hieronymus Birkholten a German, with instruments, and all necessaries to make what discoveries they could of Lapland; who at their return, did certify, and make it out, that beyond the Elevation of the Pole 73 degrees there was no Continent towards the North but the great frozen Sea, and that the farthest point was Norcum or Norcap, not far from the Castle of Wardhouse. But of this distant Lapland those that are curious may enquire at their leisure, we purpose to treat here only of that which is subject to the Government of the Swedes; and this is a vast Country, thought by Paulinus in his history of the North, of equall extent almost with all Swedland properly so called. Andr. Buræus says it contains in length above 100 German miles, and in breadth 90. All this Country comes now under the name of Lapland, in which all agree that[6] ever described it; and if we would take an account of the Climate of it by this vast compass of Earth, we must begin from the 64^th degree of latitude, and so to the 71; but in longitude it must extend at least to the 27^th Meridian, or more. Moreover if we will compute the longitude from journies that have bin made thither, all hitherto have unanimously put the beginning of it about the 38^th degree, and the end in the 65^th. And this may suffice partly for an account of the situation of Lapland in general; and partly of that which is subject to the Swedes. Dam. à Goes, a Knight of Portugall, sets its bounds thus in his description of Spain: Lapland is divided into the Eastern and Western part, the Bothnick Sea coming between. The extremity of it is Tornia. Eastward it reaches to the white Lake, towards the North comprehending diverse Provinces, and extends it self beyond all knowledge. On the West towards Island it joins to part of Norway, and on the other side of Norway ’tis bounded with Swedland, Finland, and both the Bothnia’s. But Ol. Petr. Nieuren confutes this of the Bothnic Sea lying between; for so part of Lapland would lie in Finland or Ostrobothnia, part in Westrobothnia, which every one knows is false: and the very vulgar can tell so much, that the Bothnic Sea comes not any where within 18 or 20 miles of Lapland: tho this ought not to pass beyond Damianus’s time, since Nieurenius himself confesses in another place, that the Laplanders had their seat about the Bothnic Sea, but that afterwards they were driven out, of which I shall speak hereafter. I will only add here a Table of the latitudes and longitudes of the chiefest Places, as they were taken by M. Aronis Forsius and Hieronymus Birckholten Ann. 1600.

	Longit.	Latit.
Uma	38, 0.	65, 11.
Pitha	40, 0.	66, 14.
Lula	40, 30.	66, 30.
Tœrna	42, 27.	67, 0.
Kimi	42, 20.	67, 1.
Lappijærf	42, 33.	70, 9.
Antoware	44, 4.	70, 26.
Tenokijle	46, 0.	70, 50.
Porsanger	44, 2.	71, 42.
Porsanger	43, 35.	71, 35.
Lingen	37, 30.	70, 30.
Trænees	32, 30.	70, 25.
Euvenes	33, 35.	70, 0.
Titisare	37, 55.	69, 40.
Piala	41, 40.	60, 15.
Siguar	38, 35.	68, 59.
Tingwar	38, 0.	69, 40.
Rounula	39, 30.	69, 47.
Koutokrine	42, 0.	69, 17.
Waranger	45, 0.	71, 35.
Lanzord	45, 35.	71, 26.
Hwalsund	42, 40.	71, 12.
Skrisæ	38, 50.	71, 18.
Trumsæ	35, 52.	70, 55.
Andaces	32, 0.	70, 30.
Serghen	32, 20.	69, 3.
Wardhus	52, 0.	71, 55.
Norkaap.	45, 30.	72, 30.

I proceed next to the disposition and nature of the Country, having first given you a Map of it.

We have seen how Lapland is situate; let us next proceed to other particularities of it. That ’tis very near the Pole appears from its latitude, insomuch that for some months in the Summer the Sun here never sets, and on the contrary in the Winter it never rises; which Herbersten says is but forty days, and tho three hours in the night the body of it is something darkned, so that his raies appear not, yet there is so much light, that they continue their work all the while. Indeed the same account is not to be taken of the whole Country, since part of it lies nearer, and part further distant from the Pole; and of these too some parts are more East, and some more to the West, from whence ’tis that with some of them the Sun is scarce above the Horizon for so many daies as he pretends. And altho in the Summer it never sets and goes below the Earth, yet neither does it rise much above it, but as it were kisses and gently glides along the Horizon for the most part; as likewise in the Winter when lowest it is not much beneath it: which is the reason that tho they have one continued night for some months, yet every day the Sun comes so near, that it makes a kind of twilight. Joh. Magnus saies that in the absence of the Sun there are two twilights, one in the morning, the other in the evening, in which those poor remainders of day provide that the night should not be utterly destructive. And by how much the Sun is farther absent, the light of the Moon is clearer. Hence Petr. Claud. saies that when the Moon shines they go a fishing, and dispatch all other necessaries that are to be done without doors; and when it does not, if the air be clear, even the light of the Stars so much abates the darkness, that the horrour of the night is much lessened, and there is light enough for the dispatch of severall businesses, which is farther assisted by the whiteness of the Snow. The Air of Lapland is cold, but fresh and clear, and consequently very wholesome, being much purified by the winds which are here very frequent and violent. It has bin attested to me by eye-witnesses, that there rises a certain wind out of the Sea, which beginning to blow raises presently such thick and dark clouds even in the midst of Summer, that they utterly hinder the sight, and in the Winter drives the snow with such force and quantity, that if any person be surprised abroad, he hath no other remedy but to throw himself on the ground with some garment over him, suffering himself to be quite buried in snow till the storm is past, which don, he rises up, and betakes himself to the next Cottage he can meet, all paths and roads being hid in the snow. But the strongest and most irresistible winds are upon the Mountains, where they throw down all[8] things they meet with, and carry them away by their violence into far distant places, where they are never seen or heard of afterwards. Their only help against these is to convey themselves into dens and caves. Here is rain as in other places, sometimes more, and sometimes less, but in the midst of Summer, this as likewise the neighbouring Countries have very seldom any at all. Snow they have more often, and so much that in the Winter it covers all the Country, of which they make this advantage, that they can travel the more securely in the night; for the light of the Moon reflected from the snow, enlightens all the fields, that they can discern and avoid any pits, precipices and wild Beasts, that would otherwise annoy them: so convenient are the wayes for any journy, that two rein deer will draw a greater load over the trodden snow, then a Cart and ten Horses can in the fields at other times. These snows in some places, as on the tops of their highest hills, remain perpetually, and are never melted by the strongest heat of the Sun. In the upper part of Lapland there are Mountains rising to such a vast hight, that the snow continues upon them Summer and Winter, and is never dissolved, but in other places the Land is every year over-flown with floods of melted snow. They have also very great frosts and mists, and good store of them, which sometimes so thicken the air, that the sight is quite obstructed, and Passengers cann’t distinguish one man from another to salute or avoid him, tho he be come close up to them. It is so extreme cold here in the Winter, that ’tis not to be endured but by those who have bin bred up in it. The swiftest Rivers are sometimes frozen so hard, that the ice is more than three or four cubits thick; and their greatest Lakes and deepest Seas bear any burdens whatever. Nor is the Summer, which to some may seem incredible, more moderately hot. For tho the Sun be very low, and his raies oblique, yet lying upon them so long together, their force is strangely increast; the only allay being from the vapors rising out of the neighbouring Sea, and from the snows, which as well in Summer as Winter continue undissolv’d in hollow places between the hills. As for Spring and Autumn they know neither, there being so very little space between the extremity of cold in the Winter, and heat in Summer, that by Strangers ’tis look’t upon as a miracle to see every thing springing fresh and green, when but a week before all things were overwhelm’d with frost and snow. Ol. Petr. Nieuren. has observed it as a memorable thing, and which he would not have believ’d from any one had he not seen it himself, that in the year 1616, June 24, going to the Church of Thor, he saw the trees budding, and the grass coming up green out of the ground, and within a fortnight after he saw the Plants full blown, and the leaves of the trees at their perfection, as if they had known how short the Summer was to be, and therefore made such hast to enjoy it. Their soil is generally neither very fertile nor barren, but between both, full of flints, stones and rocks, every where appearing high, by whose unevenness and roughness the rest of the ground about is useless. The ground is generally very soft and flabby, by reason of the many Lakes and Rivers overflowing, yet would it be fit either for tillage or pasture if any would be at the pains and charge of draining it. Ol. Petrus saies of the Southern part, lying under the same climate and influence of the Heavens with Bothnia, that ’tis as apt to bear any grain as the Western Bothnia it self, but this is not without a concurrence and aptitude likewise of the soil: and he himself confesses in Chap. 12^th, that the Land is stony, sandy, uneven, overrun in some places with briars and thornes, and in others nothing but hills, moores, fennes and standing waters, which are not the qua[9]lities that usually commend Land for agriculture. Then as to his urging its verdant and rich pastures, it doth not follow that all Land which yields much grass should be equally capable of bearing good corn. Yet doth the Land afford plenty of grass, and that so good that their Cattel are fatned much cheaper and sooner with it than any other thing, as also divers hearbs, but particularly ’tis happy in all kind of pot-hearbs. There are many large Woods and Forests, especially towards Norway, but not very thick; likewise steep rocks and high mountaines called Doffrini; upon whose naked tops, by reason of the violence of the winds to which they are exposed, never yet grew tree. Below these hills lie most pleasant Vallies, in which are clear fountaines and rivulets innumerable, which emtying themselves into the rivers, at length are carried into the Bothnic Sea. Their water is clear, sweet and wholesome, only their Forests abound with stinking and standing Pools. This Country Winter and Summer hath an incredible number of all kinds of wild beasts, especially the lesser sorts, which suffice not only for their own use, but to drive a great trade with their neighbours. They have Birds also of all sorts very many, but Fish in such abundance that a great part of the Natives are entirely fed by them. But of all these we shall speak in their proper places, I will add no more here but this, that the Description of old Finland or Scritofinnia by the Ancients is the same which hath bin given here of Lapland; to confirm what I said before that these Countries differ only in name, and not in nature and situation. We come now to its Division.

Those who have writ of Lapland, mention different divisions of it. Saxo in his 5^th Book, and elswhere, speaks of two Laplands, and after him Johannes Magnus tells us, that both the Laplands are joined together Southward. I suppose in that division they had respect to their situation, and meant the Eastern and the Western Lapland: for so Damianus Goes, who seems to borrow from Joh. Magnus, expresses it. Lapland, saith he, is divided into the Eastern and the Western, separated from each other by the Bothnic Sea. From whence we may gather that that part of the Country which lies on one side of the Bothnia, was called the Eastern Lapland, and that which lies on the other, the Western.

Besides this division of Lapland, there is another taken from the places most frequented by the Inhabitants. For one part thereof, lying along the Coasts of the Ocean, is from thence called Siœfindmarken, that is the maritime Lapland; the other lying higher on the Continent, Fiœldmarken, that is, inland Lapland: tho by some they are called simply Findmarken and Lappmarken. This last division Pet. Claud. gives us in his 27^th Chapter. All the Sea Coasts, saith he, Northward and Eastward as far as Findmarkia reaches, are possest by the Siæfinni, or maritime Finlanders, but the mountainous and champaign Country, by the Lapfinni, from thence named Lapmarkia or Wildfindlandia, that is wild or savage Findland. Where he calls one part of the Country Lapmarckia, the[10] other Findmarckia, the one lying along the shore, and bordering on the Sea, the other mountainous, woody, and savage, upon the Terra firma. And this too may be worth our notice, that Wildfinland with him is that which others call Lappmarkia: I suppose, because the Natives live by hunting, as those of the other do by fishing. For he presently adds, There are many thousands in that place that feed on nothing but the flesh of wild Beasts. And indeed some there are with whom those only pass for the true Laplanders: as Samuel Rheen, who in his 2^d Chapter of his forementioned Book, tells us, that besides the Scrickfinni (so he calls them that with Pet. Claud. are Siœfinnes) there are other true Laplanders, that live on nothing but rain deer. And so from the Natives feeding on wild Beasts, Lapland properly so called, is also stiled Wildfindland, in opposition to Findmarkia, whose Inhabitants live both on Fish and Cattel. And yet there may be given another reason for the imposition of this name, from the many woods of that Country. Olaus Magnus in more places then one calls the natives, men that dwell in woods, or Savages: as in the title of his 3^d Chapt. of his 4^th Book, which is, Concerning the fierceness of the Savages, or those that dwell in woods, in which Chapter he describes the Laplanders. And in the following Chapter he says, that the wild Laplanders are clothed with rich skins of several Beasts. The Baron Herberstenius also in his History of Moscovy, calls them Savage Laplanders, who tho they dwell, says he, on the Sea Coast in little Cottages, and lead a brutish kind of life, are yet more civilized then the Savages of Lapland: whence ’tis plain, that by the Findlanders living near the Sea, he means those that others call Siœfinnes, and by the Savage Laplanders those that possess the inland Country, who he thinks were so called from their wildness and barbarity. And by and by he adds, that by converse with Strangers, who come thither to trade, they begin to lay aside their Savage nature, and become a little more civilized. Afterwards he calls them Diki Loppi, which name the Moscovites give them at this time, as hath been shewed elswhere.

There is also a 3^d Division of Lapland, that respects the several Princes to whom the Country is in subjection. And this Andr. Buræus intends, when he tells us, The greatest part of Lapland, viz. the Southern and inland Country, belongs all to the Kingdom of Sweden: The maritime tract, that lies on the Ocean, and is called Findmark (whose Inhabitants the Siœfinni, or maritime Findlanders, are so named from their living by fishing) to Norway: The rest of them that dwell from the Castle of Warhuus to the mouth of the white Sea, are subject to the Russians, which part the Swedes call Trennes, the Natives Pyhinienni, and the Russians Tarchana voloch. Of their subjection to these severall Princes, we shall speak when we come to treat of their Government; and also of those parts that belong to Norway or Denmark, and Russia. At present we shall only mention the division of that part which is under the Swedes, and is named by Buræus, the Southern and inland Lapland, and by Petr. Claud. Lappmarkia properly so called. This is divided into six lesser parts called marker, or lands, tho Buræus chuses to render them Territories or Provinces. Each of these have their distinct names, and are called Aongermandlandslapmark, Umalappmark, Pithalappmark, Lulalapmark, Tornalapmark, Kiemilapmark. So Samuel Rheen in his first Chapter, That part of Lapland which belongs to Sweden is divided into the Kiemensian, Tornensian, Lulensian, Pithensian, Umensian, and Angermanlandensian Lapmark. Buræus mentions but five of these[11] Provinces, viz. Umalappmark, Pithalappmark, Lulalapmark, Tornelapmark, and Kimilapmark, comprehending Angermandlandslapmark under Umalapmark, not that they are one and the same Province, but because they are both governed by one Lieutenant. Each of these Provinces take their name from Rivers that run thro the midst of them, as Wexionius in his description of Swedland assures us. As for their situation, Angermanlandslapmark borders upon Andermannia and Jemtia, to this joins Umalapmark, next to that is Pithalapmark, and then Lulelapmark, all of them lying Westward, reaching on one side to that ridg of Hills that divides Swedland from Norway, and on the other side to the Western Bothnia. Northward of them lies Tornelapmark, and extends it self from the fartheh corner of the Bay of Bothnia all along the North Sea, called by Seamen Cape Noort. Next to this lies Kimilapmark, winding from the North toward the East, and bounded on one side by the Eastern Bothnia, on another side by that part of Lapland that belongs to Russia, and on a third side by Cajania and Carelia.

Moreover these Provinces we are speaking of, are subdivided into lesser parts, called by the Swedes Byar, as Samuel Rheen tells us, and are equivalent to our Shires, and the Pagi of the Ancients. So in Cæsar we meet with Pagus Tigurinus, and Pagi Suevorum, which were not Villages or Country Towns, but large parts of a Country, such as the Greeks called νόμοι, used in ancient times in the division of Ægypt. Hence the Glossary renders the ancient Toparchiæ, Pagus, τοπαρχία, χώρα, νόμος. There are several of these Pagi or Shires in each Province, except Angermanlandslapmark, which makes but one Pagus, vulgarly called Aosahla. Umalapmark hath four, Uma, Lais or Raanby, Granby, and Vapsteen. Pithalapmark seven, Graotreskby, Arfwejerfsby, Lochteby, Arrieplogsby, Wisierfby, Norrvesterby, Westerby. Lulalapmark five, Jochmoch, Sochjoch, Torpinjaur, Zerkislocht, and Rautomjaur. Tornelapmark eight, Tingawaara, Siggewaara, Sondewara, Ronolaby, Pellejerf, Kiedkajerf, Mansialka, Saodankyla, Kithilaby. So that all the Territories or Provinces are divided into 33 Byars. In each of these there are several Clans or Families, which the Swedes call rakar, each of which have a certain allotment of ground assign’d them for the maintenance of themselves and their Cattel; not in the nature of a Country Farm with us, but of a very great length and bredth, so as to include Rivers, Lakes, Woods, and the like, which all belong to one Clan or family. In every Biar there are as many allotments as there are families that can live of themselves, and are not forced by poverty to serve others. In the Byar called Aosahla there are about 30 of these Clans, or families, in others more or less according as they are in bigness, which all have their several names, tho ’tis not worth while to repeat them. And thus much shall suffice of the third division of Lapland, not lately made (except that under Charles IX some Clans had certain allotments assign’d them) but derived from very ancient time; as appears from hence that neither the Laplanders have known, nor the Swedes given them any other, since the Country hath bin under their subjection. Nor are the words modern, or taken from any thing that may give any cause to suspect them of novelty: which I the rather observe, that from hence the native simplicity, agreable to the antiquity of the Nation, may appear.

It is almost peculiar to this People to be all of them of low stature, which is attested by the general suffrage of those Writers who have described this Country. Hence the learned Isaac Vossius observes, that Pygmies are said to inhabit here; and adds that they are a deformed People: but in truth their feature and proportion is good enough, and that they are not distorted sufficiently appears from their great agility of body, and fitness for active emploiment. Nor need we dispute of this, since in Sweden, we see them every day among us, and can observe no defect in any kind, or deformity, by Lomenius unjustly ascribed to them. Ol. Mag. and Tornæus esteem their young women indifferently handsome, and of a clear skin, which I have often seen my self; for they take great care to preserve their natural beauty, which the men neglect to do: and therefore if they are less amiable then the other Sex, it is to be imputed to their choice, not nature. To which we may add the length of their frosts, and the bitterness of the Air, against which they neither arm themselves sufficiently with clothes, nor know how to do so: besides the smoak which continually fills their cottages empairs very much their natural complexion, which is the reason why most of the men also are so swarthy. And as they are generally short, they are also very lean, and ’tis rare to see a fat man amongst them, for the cold that prevents their growing tall, dries up likewise their moisture, and makes them apt to be slender. They are also very light in respect of their bulk and stature, which comes from their not eating any Salt, if we will believe Ol. Petr. And thus much may be said in general of the frame and condition of their bodies. As for their particular parts they have thick heads, prominent foreheads, hollow and blear eyes, short flat noses, and wide mouths. Their hair is thin, short and flaggy, their beard stragling, and scarce covers their chins. The hair of both Sexes is generally black and hard, very seldom yellow, their breasts broad, slender wasts, spindle shanks, and swift of foot. They are very strong in their limbs, so that in a bow which a Norwegian can scarce half bend, they will draw an arrow up to the head. Their strength is accompanied with such activity withall, that with their bows and quivers at their backs they will throw themselves thro a hoop of but a cubit in diameter. But this seems to be spoken only of some Tumblers, for the People are generally ignorant of such sports; their usual exercises being running races, climbing inaccessible rocks and high trees. Tho they are thus nimble and strong, yet they never go upright, but stooping, which habit they get by frequent fitting in their cottages on the ground.

We come now to the habits of their mind, in which ’tis first observable that they are much given to superstition, which is no wonder while they live in Woods among wild Beasts, and maintain little correspondence one with another: but of their superstition we shall treat elswhere. Furthermore they are[13] beyond all imagination fearfull and mean spirited, being frighted at the very sight of a strange man, or ship; above all things dreading War: the reason of all this being the cold to which they are condemn’d, and the meanness of their diet, which cannot supply good blood and spirits; wherefore they are useless in war, and the Swedes who raise men in all the other Provinces, find none in this, as it appears from the ancient Records and Catalogues of all the Souldiers that ever were listed by former Kings. So that ’tis fictitious, and rather an abuse than history, which some have reported, that Gust. Adolphus had several Companies of Laplanders in his Armies; but they were forc’t to find out some excuse for those many defeats, which to the wonder of the World that most victorious Prince gave his powerfull and numerous Enemies; and pretend that those Victories were obtained by the help of the Laplanders and Magic. Wherefore I conclude as I said before, that this opinion is absurd and contradictory, not only to the nature of the People, but to public testimonies and writings. To which we may add that they cannot well live out of their own Country, but fall into diseases and die, being no more able to endure a milder air, or feed upon salt, bread, and boiled meats, than we could upon their raw flesh and fish dried by the Sun: for it has bin often found by experience that they are hardly temted by any reward to come even into these parts, or if they do they die suddenly afterwards, much less would they be induced to march into any more remote Countries. Olaus Magnus gives us an instance of six Rain-deers sent to Frederick Duke of Holsatia by Steno Sture junior Prince of Swedland, with two Laplanders, a man and woman to be their keepers, and that both they and the beasts wanting their accustom’d manner of living, died all together in a short time. Ziegler indeed on the other side saies they are a valiant People, and that they were a long time free, resisting the Arms both of Norway and Swedland; and Scaliger after him saies that against their enemies they were couragious: and Petr. Claud. reports they had a King of their own called Motle, and that Haraldus Pulcricomus, tho he had conquered the Countries round about, could not subdue them; but all this doth not evince their courage: for whatsoever is said of this Prince Motle is nothing at all to the purpose, being all taken out of the history of Snorro, which speaking of Motle, and something of his skill in Magick, has not a word of his or his Peoples courage. And ’tis manifest that Ziegler could have no ground for what he said, unless from such histories as that of Snorro, which therefore only seem’d true because there were none extant more likely; for in his time the Laplanders were subject to the Swedes: unless we had rather believe that he took the Laplanders and the Biarmians to be the same, ascribing to the one People, what was said of the other. There is indeed mention in Saxo, of severall Wars of the Biarmians, but those not managed by courage, but Magick and Enchantments: so that it no way follows, that because they continued for many Ages a free People, that therefore they were valiant. But whatever becomes of the Biarmians, ’tis sure enough that the Laplanders are far from being stout or warlike, who must first fight against their nature, before they can resist an enemy. Besides their innate cowardise, they are strangely prone to suspicion and jealousy, being conscious of their own weakness, and so exposed to all attemts upon them: a consequent whereof is that they are also revengefull; endeavouring to prevent those mischeifs which upon the slightest occasions seem to threaten them, by the death and ruine of the Persons that caused their[14] suspicion, helping themselves herein, by conjuration and magick. Of this Pet. Claud. gives us a memorable instance, in one, that having attemted to mischeif his enemy, who was secured by countercharms, after long attendance surpriz’d him asleep under a great stone, which by a spell he made break to pieces, and kill him. The women, especially when grown old, cannot brook any suddain provocation, but upon the least indignity offered fly out into passion, and are hurried to the most wild transports that madness can dictate. The Laplanders besides are very notorious cheats, and industrious to over-reach each other in bargaining: tho heretofore they had the reputation of plain dealing and honesty. So that ’tis probable that they took up their present practice, having bin first cheated by those Strangers with whom they dealt, and now think it best to be before hand with one another. It is farther observable that they take great plesure, if they happen to outwit any one; imagining that tho they are hopeless to overcome by manhood and courage, they have a nobler triumph over the minds of those whom they circumvent. They are also noted to be of a censorious and detracting humor, so as to make it a chief ingredient of their familiar converse, to reproch and despise others: and this they do especially to Strangers, of what Country soever. So fond admirers are all men of themselves, that even the Laplanders will not exchange their interests with the Inhabitants of the most happy Climate, and however barbarous they are, doubt not to prefer themselves in point of wisdom, to those that are most ingenuously educated in Arts and Letters. They are likewise exceedingly covetous, it being a part of their cowardize to dread poverty; yet are they very lazy withall: and hereupon Olaus Peters observes, that tho their Country in several parts of it be capable of emprovement by husbandry, yet ’tis suffer’d to lye wast: nay so unwilling are they to take pains, that till they are compelled by necessity, they hardly perswade themselves to hunt or fish. From this their covetousness and sloth arises an ill consequent, their undutifulness to their Parents when grown old; not only to contemn and neglect, but even hate and abhor them; thinking it either long before they possess what they have, or thinking it grievous to provide for those from whom they can hope for no advantage.

Their last good quality is their immoderate lust, which Herberstein takes to be the more strange, considering their diet, that they have neither bread nor salt, nor any other incentive of gluttony: but their promiscuous and continual lying together in the same Hut, without any difference of age, sex, or condition, seems to occasion this effect. Tornæus indeed saies of his Country-men, the Lappi Tornenses, who possibly are reclaimed by more civill education, that they are very chast, insomuch that among them scarce one bastard is Christned in a whole year, which is the less to be wonder’d at, the women being naturally barren.

Having given this account of the Laplanders ill qualities, it will now be justice to recount their vertues, as first their veneration and due esteem of Marriage, which they more seldom violate, then many who pretend to be much better Christians. They also abhor theft; so that the Merchants only cover their goods so as to secure them against the weather, when they have occasion to leave them, and at their return are sure to find them safe, and untoucht; which is the more commendable, for that in Lapland there are no Towns, or store-houses, and no man could be sure of any thing, if the People were inclined to thievery. They are likewise (those I mean of the[15] better sort) charitable to the poor, not only by receiving those that are destitute into their Huts; but supplying them with stock whereon to live. In proof of this Tornæus and Sam. Rheen, say that ’tis usual with them to lend gratis, for a considerable time, ten or twenty Rain-deers. Farther they are civil and hospitable to Strangers, whom they with much kindness invite to their Huts, and there treat with the best provisions they have. And of this there are severall instances, when any have happened to be cast upon their Coast by shipwrack, or else in the snow, or on the mountains have lost their way. Moreover they are thus far cleanly as often to wash their hands and face; tho notwithstanding Tornæus tells us, they are nasty and scabby, and use not to comb their heads. Lastly they are sufficiently ingenious, making for themselves all sorts of tools and implements for their fishing and hunting; and also for severall manufactures, some of which they do very artificially, as shall be shewn hereafter in its proper place.

We have intimated our conjecture concerning the originall of the Laps, and more then that it will be hard to produce, there being no sober history which gives testimony in this affair. Negatively we may pass sentence, and conclude they were not Swedes, no People differing more both in constitution of body and mind, in language and habit, or whatever else is taken for a character of likeness, or having the same originall. Neither can any one think that they were ever Russians or Moscovites; seeing they differ as much from them, as from the Swedes. The Russians are generally tall, the Laplanders on the contrary very short; those are fat and corpulent, these lean and slender; those have thick hair, long beards, and good complexions, these wear their hair short and thin, and are dark and swarthy. But most of all the language is different, in which the Laps and Russes have in a manner no kind of agreement. They must then come from their Neighbours, either the Norwegians on the one side, or the Finlanders upon the other. But they could not well be derived from Norway, who are known to have drawn their originall from the Swedes.

It remains therefore that they came from the Finlanders, who have a certain division or allotment called Lappio. But tho we have shewed that the name and originall of this Nation is not taken thence, it is not to be doubted that they are of the race of the Finlanders and Samojedes, and this is the opinion of most learned men, which may be farther proved by many arguments. First the name of both Nations is the same, the Laplanders in their own language being called Sabmi or Same, and the Finlanders Suoni, which two differ only in the Dialect; and there is a tradition that they had both the same Founder Jumi, who could not well have bin the Author of diverse Nations. We may also observe that their languages have much affinity, tho they be not the very same, as shall be proved at large in a particular Chapter. The Finlanders call God, Jumala, the Laplanders, Jubmal,[16] the Finlanders fire, Tuli, the Laplanders Tolle; they call a hill Wuori, these Warra, and so they agree in many other words. Besides they have bodies and habits alike, both their limbs well set, black hair, broad faces, and stern countenances, and whatever else they have different is very small, or may easily proceed from their diet or Clime, in which they live. Their clothes too are not much unlike; for if we compare the Picture of an ancient Finlander, as it still remains in the Church of Storekyr in Ostrobothnia, where the slaughter of Bishop Henry was drawn at large, with mine of a Laplander in Chapt. XVII. it will appear there is no great difference between them. Lastly they agree in disposition and humor: they are both much given to laziness at home, unless when necessity urges them to work; both, unmoveable from their purpose, both superstitious and lovers of Magick. And therefore Ol. Magn. saies of them both, that they were so skilfull Magicians in the time of their Paganism as if they had had Zoroaster himself for their teacher. In a word whatever Tacitus saies of the Finlanders, now holds true of the Laplanders, that they have neither weapons, horses, nor houshold gods, they live upon herbs, are cloth’d with skins, lie upon the ground, putting all their confidence in arrows, which they head with bones for want of iron. Both the men and women support themselves by hunting, and they have no other defence for their Children against the violence of wild beasts or weather, but Huts or hurdles, which are the security of the old men as well as young. And the same Description which Saxo gives of these, belongs as well to the Laplanders, that they are the farthest People towards the North, living in a Clime almost inhabitable, good archers and hunters, wanderers, and of an[17] uncertain habitations, wheresoever they kill a beast making that their mansion, and they slide upon the snow in broad wooden shoes. Besides all this, the Norwegians and Danes call the Laplanders, Fenni, as may be seen in Petr. Claud. where he divides the Finlanders into Siofinnar, i. e. maritime Finlanders, and Lappefinner; i. e. Lappfinlanders, the same with the Laplanders. This may be collected too from the Russians calling them not only Lappi, but Kajienni, the original of which name can be no other but that they esteem them to be the Cajani, of which name there is a Province now in Finland called Cajania the great.

But here some imagine that the Laplanders came not in probability from the Finlanders, because the one are very warlike, the other cowards, these fat and corpulent, those lean and meager. But this doth not at all invalidate our arguments; for every one knows that diet will much alter the habit of the body, and the Finlanders have plenty of good nurishing meats, of which the Laplanders are quite destitute. And for the Finlanders courage in war, heretofore they were not so notable for it, for Tacitus saies they had neither arms nor horses, by which he implies they knew not at all what belonged to war. Neither are they very expert at it yet, for by daily experience ’tis found when they are likely to be prest for Soldiers they hide themselves, and by all means decline employment, therefore they are not warlike from their nature, but from their discipline and arts, and in their natural temper they differ not much from the Laplanders. But what need we go about to prove this by so many arguments, when they confess themselves they are originally sprung from the Finlanders, and still keep a list of the Captains that first led them forth into Lapland, of whom Mieschogiesch is the chief. The same is confirm’d by Andr. Andresonius who lived there, and learn’t it from them, only that he said Thins kogreh was the cheif Captain, and so doth Zachar. Plantin. But whatever is said of either of these two Captains, we are not to imagine that they brought the first Plantation of Laplanders into this Country, for ’tis not probable they should so long remember their names, who must have lived before Saxo, for he mentions this Country, and lived about 480 years before us, at which time the Finlanders themselves scarce know what was done, much less the Laplanders. And this the name Thinns, doth something prove, which none shall perswade me to be an old Finland word, for it is the same with the Swedes Thinnis, and the Dutch Thinius, i. e. Antonius, and that the word Antonius was known to the Finlanders before Christ no man will suspect. The same may be said concerning the pretended occasion of the Colony of Finlanders setling in Lapland; for they themselves say, that they left Brokarla and Rengoarvis, because they were opprest with taxes and pitcht first in a wood in Ostrobothnia called Tavastia near the Bodic bay. But all this, as hath bin shew’d the very name of Lappi, which signifies banish’t persons, sufficiently confutes. Plantin and Peter Nieuren, pretend that though the Laplanders voluntarily removed to Tavastia, they were forc’t to their present habitation: for the Natives of Tavastia, griev’d to see them in a florishing condition, wearing rich clothes, fareing deliciously, and abounding in all manner of wealth, chose them a Captain called Matthias Kurk, and with a great number invaded their quarters, killing and plundering all they met with, not desisting till they had quite drove them as far as the Rivers Kimi and Torne: and not long after perceiving they lived too happily there, they set upon[18] them the second time, dealing so cruelly with them, that leaving their Cattel they were forc’t to fly into those barren Countries they now inhabit, carrying with them only their nets. Plantin. adds further that Andr. Andresonius affirms he saw some ancient letters, in which mention was made of Kurk a Governour of the Laplanders: but as for his other name of Matthias, it is plain it was postnate to Christianity, since which time if we should imagine the Laplanders first to have come into these parts, we must also suppose the Country to have bin till then uninhabited, whereas we have all reason to believe that the Biarmi and Scridfinni lived here before Christ, the latter of which seem by their name to have bin only a Colony sent out of Finland: and mention is made of Finlanders in these parts in the time of Harald the fair, or Harfager King of Norway, and his Son Ericus Bodsexe, who lived long before the times of Christianity, and went down into Finmark and Biarmia, and obtained a great victory over them. Now if he went by Sea Northwards of Norway to come to Finmark, Finmark then must have bin near Norway, as lying North of it near the Sea, that is the same Country that is now named Finmark, which because then inhabited by Finlanders, as appears by the name, it is not to be believed that it was first possess’t by the Laplanders that were drove out of South-Bothnia by Matthias Kurk. Neither are they called Lappi from being driven out then, for they were so called in Saxo’s time, and there is little reason to believe that Matthias Kurk’s expedition was before him, especially from that inscription which mentions Kurk, since that in those times they knew not so much of writing as to record any thing in it.

Wherefore we must find out some better authority to confirm to us the originall of the Lapps, for we may believe that the Finlanders more then once march’t out into Lapland, which is evident from the several names of their leaders, whom some called Thinns-Kogre, others Mieschogiesche. The first and most ancient is that from whence the Biarmi took their originall, whom I conclude to have descended from the Finlanders, from calling their Gods by Finlandish names. Besides in their nature and manners they agree with the ancient Finlanders: and lastly are called by all Strangers Scridfinni, i. e. Finlanders going upon frozen snow, which, the ancient knowing none else to go so, took to be the Biarmi. But the name of Biarmi was given them by the Finlanders from their going to dwell upon the Mountains, from the word Varama, which signifies a hilly Country: now because Strangers knew from the Swedes they used wooden shoes to go upon the snow, which by the Swedes are called Att Skriida, not knowing the name Biarmi, they called them Scridfinni: and because the Finlanders and Biarmians were of the same originall, they were often subject to the same Prince, as to Cuso in King Holters time. What the occasion was of this leaving their Country is yet doubtfull, except it was for fear of the Swedes, who in the reign of King Agnus invaded Froste King of Finland, and harassed the whole Country. The second time of deserting their Country was when the Russians enlarged their Empire as far as the lake Ladog. For fearing the cruelty of these People they retired into Lapland: which I am apt to beleive because the Russians call them Kienni, as has bin said before from their passage through Kajania into Lapland, which they could not have known but by their own experience; and their wars with them, especially those of Carelia and Cajania being so ignorant both in history and other Countries, that they scarce know any thing of their own, that is of any antiquity. And this proves what we[19] have said of their second leaving their Country, which was about the 6^th age after Christ: and these perhaps are they which are simply called Finni by the Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians, or with the addition of Siæ or Field, obsolete words of the Biarmians, because they were more then they in number, especially after Harald Harfiger King of Norway, who almost destroyed all the Biarmi in battle. In the mean while the Finlanders lay secure in Finmark, and all the Biarmi being extinct, the name of Finni obtained, and the name and credit of the Biarmi was quite abolish’t and forgot. And these are all the times they left their Country before they were called Lappi, for till after this they were never called otherwise than Finni, Scritofinni, and Biarmi. But in after ages we find them named Lappones, of whom Adam. Bremensis makes no mention who lived in 1077, but Saxo doth, that lived in 1200; and therefore ’tis probable that in that intervall of time, after they were call’d Lappones, they made their third migration. But any one that will examine the histories of that time, will scarce find any thing that should move the Finlanders to leave their Country, as Ericus Sanctus hath made it appear in that Expedition in which he brought them under the Swedish Government, and planted among them the Christian Religion, which he made in the year 1150, when no small number of them the third time seem to have deserted their Country, and gone into Lapland. And the reason is plain, having bin subject’d to Strangers, and forc’t to be of a Religion different from that of their Ancestors, which thereupon was hatefull to them, and therefore no wonder some of them sought out a place where they might live free: which is as good a reason too why they were called Lapps by those that stayed, for they submitting to the Swedes, and embracing Christianity, look’t upon them as desertors of their Country, whom fear only of a good Government, and better Religion, had made exiles, especially when the King had put forth an Edict that all should be accounted banish’t that would not renounce Pagan Superstition; therefore they were justly called Lappi, and care not to hear of the name to this day.

And this is my opinion of their originall and migrations, out of which I shall not be perswaded by those learned men who believe they rather came from the Tartars, for we never read of any of them going into the North. Moreover the Tartars live altogether by war and plunder, whereas the Laplanders live by hunting and grasing, abhorring nothing more than war. Besides the cheif delight of the Tartars is in having many stately Horses, of which the Lapps are so ignorant, that in their whole language they have not a word to signify an Horse: the language also of the two Nations is so different that one cannot possibly be derived from the other. And altho some learned men, who pretend they understood both languages of Finland and Lapland, confidently aver that they are altogether diverse: yet it will be easy to produce diverse men as well skill’d in them, as they that say the contrary. Besides ’tis no consequence because there are a few differences between the Finland and Lapland languages, that they are therefore utterly diverse, when this disagreeing may rather proceed from the length of time than any diversity of the Tongues at first, as we find now many Swedish words that do not at all agree with those now in vogue, which yet do not constitute a new language. And their saying the Laplanders could not come from the Finlanders, because they alwaies hated one another, is of little force, when the reasons of their hatred are enough explained already. But it signifies less that the Finlanders have severall Customs and Manners not in use among the Laplanders, as the way of[20] building houses, &c. for these were to accommodate themselves to the nature of the place whither they came, and to forget those things which would not be of any use to them. And moreover, there remains still a memoriall of those that came out of Finland, where they first sate down in the woods of Tavastia, near a Lake which they call Lappiakairo, that is the Fountain of the Laplanders, who when their necessary food grew scarce, went further up into the Desarts, and the Finlanders pursuing them in Tavastia, they retreat’d to the Bothnic bay, where they might be more safe, and have more conveniences for living: and this is that migration yet in memory which Plantin. speaks of, viz. that the Laplanders lived here for an age, or more, till the time of King Magn. Ladulaos, An. 1272, who to get them under his subjection, promised any one that could effect it, the Government of them, which the Birkarli, i. e. those that lived in the allotment or division of Birkala, undertook; and having for a great while cunningly insinuated themselves into them, under a pretence of friendship, at last set upon them unawares, and quite subdued them. But before this they were infested by the Tavasti under the command of Kurk, which if we would strictly examine, we should find it of later date than about Christs time, contrary to some mens opinions. As it happens in things that are taken upon trust, the Laplanders confound the more modern with the ancient, making but one history of all that happen’d in the distinct times of Ericus Sanctus, Magnus Ladulaos, with some other Kings before and after, and that so confused and lame, that it is hard for any one to understand it. Ol. Petr. mentions at large one Matthias, Captain of the Finlanders, when they subdued and drove out the Laplanders into the furthest and most desolate place of the North, whom some think to be a noble Family of the Kurks in Finland, and that he ceased not, by frequent inrodes upon them, to molest them, till they promised to pay him yearly tribute, which he at length weary of the long and tedious journey exchanged with some of Birkarla in Tavastia for a part of Finland, whence followed what is most true, that the Laplanders to the year 1554 paid annuall tribute to the Birkarli, besides whom it was not lawfull for any others to trade with them. There are those now living who say they have seen the letters and conditions of the Kurks kept in Ersnees, an allotment of Lulalapmark, by one Jo. Nilson. Which things are so far from being immediatly after the birth of Christ, that they may be reasonably thought to have bin since Mag. Ladulaos, unless we can imagine that Ol. Petr. by his Tavasti and Buræus by Birkarli meant the same people, since there were other Birkarli inhabitants of Tavastia, who chose them a Captain named Kurk, under whom they drove out the Laplanders out of the Borders of the Eastern Bothnia, and made them tributary, and the letters may not be ascribed to Kurk, but to Ladulaos, in which he had granted the Birkarli the priviledge to receive tribute of the Lapps, and of trafficking with them, for it is not probable that Kurk, though he was their chosen Captain, was to have all the benefit of the Laplanders to himself, so as by contract to tranfer to the Birkarli his right. For the Tavastii were either a free People and so shared among one another whatever they got, or else under some Prince, and so could not give another what was not their own, but their Masters. Besides if they did give Kurk any thing, as some Villages, or the like, it was not from any bargain that they were to receive in its stead tribute from the Laplanders, but as a reward to himself for his pains and conduct in the war. But whatever may be said of Kurk and the Tavasti, ’tis certain[21] the Laplanders never came originally from the Russians, nor as others think from the Tartars, but from the Finlanders, having bin driven out of their Country, and forc’t to change their habitations often, till at length they fixt in this Land where they now live: and that Country, which from the remove of its inhabitants was called Lapland, had the same name continued by the Swedes, who had conquered the greatest part thereof. For after the Swedes had learnt from the Finlanders that they were called Lapps, they also gave them the same name, then the Danes took it up: then Saxo, afterwards Ziegler, then Dam. Goes, who had the account which he gives of the Laplanders from Ol. and Joh. Magn. and so at last all the Country was called Lapland from the Bay of Bothnia Northwards, especially after it was made subject to the Swedes, except only that part which lies on the Coasts of Norway, which retained its antient name of Finland; as also that part towards the white Sea, called by the Moscovites, Cajanica, altho these sometimes call the inhabitants Loppi, which without doubt they took from their neighbours the Finlanders.

Having seen the rise and Original of the Laplanders, we come now to speak more distinctly of them, but first of their Religion; not only what is now, but also what was before Christianity came to be receiv’d there. For there were Laplanders, or at least some Inhabitants of Lapland before the Christian Religion was introduced: such as the Finni, Lappofinni, Scridfinni, or Biarmi, as is above said; but it was very long before the Laplanders properly so called embraced the Christian Religion. At first there is no doubt they were Pagans, as all the Northern Nations were, but being all Pagans were not of the same Religion, it may be enquired which the Laplanders profest. And I suppose it could be no other then that of the Finlanders, from whom they derive their original, and consequently their Religion too. But what the Religion of the Finlanders was is very uncertain, since we have no account of the ancient affairs of that Nation. Therefore we must make our conjectures from the Biarmi, and Scridfinni, as also from some remains among the Finlanders and Laplanders.

We have already prov’d the Biarmi to be the first Colony that the Finlanders sent into Lapland, of whom this is chiefly recorded in ancient Monuments, that they worship’d a certain God whom they called Jumala: which Jumala or Jomala is manifestly a different word from what is mentioned in the History of St. Olaus King of Norway, and of Herrodus, for they relate it as peculiar to the Biarmi, and unknown to themselves; who being either Goths, Norwegians or Islanders, it cannot possibly be any old Gothic word, but of some other Country, and therefore most probably of Finland, where it is now in use. For God, which is by the Swedes, Goths, and all of the same original termed Gott, or Gudh, is by them called Jumala;[22] custom without doubt prevailing that the same name, whereby in ancient times they called the false God, was translated to the true One, both by the Finlanders, the Biarmi and the Laplanders also who came out of Finland, and being joined with the Biarmi made one Nation. Besides Jumala, it seems the Laplanders had a God whom the Swedes call Thor, which may be gathered, not only because they worship one Thor at this present among their idols, as shall be shewn hereafter, but also because in the number of Gods which the old Finlanders, especially the Tavasti adored, there was reckoned Turrisas, the God of War and Victory, which was no other then Thor. This Turrisas is put in one word for Turris-As (i. e.) Turris, Turrus, or Torus (for so his name is diversly written) the Prince of the Ases, or Asiatics, for those who in former times came out of Asia into these parts were called Ases, of whom this Turrus was the first, who from that time was worshipped by the Finlanders by the name of Turrisas; which may farther be proved from Arngrinus Jonæ, who saies the first King of the Finlanders was Torrus, one of the Predecessors of King Norus, from whom some think Norige, (i. e.) Norway, quasi Nori Rige, to take its denomination, it being frequent for the ancient Kings to take upon them the names of their Gods. Thus among the ancient Greeks we find many who were called by the names of Jupiter and Neptune. So Torrus the King was so called from Torus the ancient God of the Finlanders, from whom without doubt he was derived to the Laplanders, together with their language, worships, and other customs. To these two (if they are two) Jumala and Thor, may be added the Sun, which I gather from this, because he is still reckoned among their Gods. Besides he is generally worship’d in all barbarous and pagan Countries, and if he be adored for his light and heat by those People, who enjoy the benefit of a warm air and temperate climate, how much more by the Laplanders, who for no small space endure the hardship of continual night and bitter frosts? but I shall speak more concerning the Sun hereafter.

These are the chief Gods of the Laplanders, whether they had any of less note may be questioned, tho I doubt it not; because at this day they worship some others, which the Finlanders did before them, and probably brought with them into Lapland. Of these the Carelii had Rongotheus the God of Ry, Pellonpeko of Barly, Wierecannos of Oats, Egres of Herbs, Pease, Turnips, Flax, and Hemp; Uko with his wife Rowne, of tempests; Kækre the Protector of Cattel from wild beasts; Hyse had the command of Wolves, and Bears, Nyrke of Squirrel-hunting, Hyttavanes of Hare-hunting. Some of these the Laplanders worshipped; especially those whose help they stood chiefly in need of to the performing of their business, as the gods of hunting and preserving their Cattel from wild beasts, and such like: others probably they neglected as useless, because they neither plowed nor sowed. But I cannot say under what names they worshipped them, because I find nothing of certainty thereof, either in their ancient records, or modern customs.

Next we must consider what kind of worship they pai’d their Gods, which we have already mentioned; but of this also we are in great uncertainty, unless we make our judgment from the present times, and deliver those rites which are now used by the Laplanders in their religious performances, but of this we shall speak more when we come to treat of the present state of their Religion. We shall only note here what is read of Jumala. He was[23] heretofore represented in the image of a man sitting upon an Altar, with a Crown on his head, adorned with twelve gems, and a golden Chain about his neck, which was formerly of the value of 300 Marks; tho whether the word in the History doth signify a chain, or may better be rendred a Jewel, ’tis uncertain; for it is said that Charles lifting his Ax, cut the collar whereon it hanged: which shews that it was rather gold, artificially carved and set with jewels, which was (I suppose) the reason why Herrodus doth not set down its weight, as is usual in the valuing of chains, but its price. This Jewel called Men from Mene the Moon whose figure it represented, was, as I imagine, tied to a collar about the neck, and hanged down upon the brest of the image, as is usual in all such ornaments at this day. But whether this were a chain or locket, it is certain the other parts of his habit were agreeable to our description of him; wherein he was not much unlike the Swedes God Thor, as he is described in our History of Upsal: for he also was made sitting with a Crown on his head, adorned with stars, as Jumala with jewels, each to the number of twelve, from whence I am almost perswaded that the Biarmi, and after them the Laplanders, either worshipped one God under two names, or if they were two Gods, they used their names promiscuously. For the true God, whom they knew partly by reason, and partly by tradition, was by them called Jumala: but after the name of Thor began to be famous, they either called Jumala by the name of Thor, or gave Thor the name of Jumala: which I gather from hence, because at this day the Laplanders attribute that to their Thor, which questionless formerly they did to Jumala, viz. the power and command over the inferior Gods, especially the bad and hurtful: also over the air, thunder, lightning, health, life and death of men, and such like; as shall be shewn hereafter. What his image was made of, is not known, but I suppose it was wood, because Charles is said to have cut off his head with his Ax, when he only designed the cutting of the collar that held the aforesaid jewel, which he could hardly have don, had it bin either silver or gold. Besides, to prove it was wood, it was burnt to ashes, together with the Temple, and all its furniture, excepting some gold, and other precious things; with which gold particularly they did homage to their God: for the Biarmi in their ceremonies to Jumala, did cast gold as a sacred offertory to him into a golden dish, of a vast weight and bigness, which stood upon his knees. This Vessel, in the History of Olaus, is said to be of silver, and full of silver coin, for a little before his time both basin and gold were lost, and the Biarmi, never had an opportunity of getting more. They did not worship Jumala every where, but in some few places, or perhaps only in that one, where in a thick remote wood he had a kind of a Temple, not as they are usually built with walls and roof, but only a piece of ground fenced as the old Roman Temples were; from hence one might look every way, which could not have bin don had they bin cover’d at the top. As in the form of their Temples, so in the situation of them they did imitate the ancients, who for the most part chose groves to worship their Gods in, and there built their Temples. So much of Jumala, and the ancient manner of worshipping him amongst the Biarmi, as it is transmitted to us by ancient Writers; but of Thor, the Sun, and the other Gods, there is nothing read but what belongs to the times of Christianity, and the superstition still remaining amongst them, of which we shall speak particularly in the following Chapter.

Lapland among other Nations, after a long night of Paganism, was enlightned with the Christian Religion: of which I shall now speak. In the first place we must enquire how and when they first began to hear’d of Christs name: but this will be very difficult, because all Writers are silent herein. Plantin indeed affirms from their report, that they first hear of the Christian Religion in the last age; from whence he concludes that they came out of Finland before the Finlanders were converted. But for all this we can hardly yield our assent to him; for it is certain on the contrary that they knew, and some of them embraced, the Christian Religion in the time of Ziegler, who lived in the very beginning of the precedent age, and was present at the destruction of Stockholm by Christiern the Tyrant, which he hath very well described: he affirms that they admited Christianity to obtain the favor of their Kings, which cannot be spoken of Christiern, or his immediate Predecessor, but of several others in former ages. And indeed it is very improbable that so many Christian Kings should take no care of propagating their Religion among the Laplanders, but permit them to live in a heathenish impiety, without so much as ever hearing the name of Christ; especially since there are Letters of Ericus King of Pomerania extant, wherein he advises the Consistory of Upsal that they would send Priests to instruct the Laplanders; which Charles the IX afterwards made an argument of his title to Lapland against his neighbors. Besides they had adjoining to them the Birkarli, who were either Finlanders or Swedes, and were converted long before; with these they maintained a commerce, and paid them tribute even from the time of Ladulaus Magnus, who reign’d four ages ago. Therefore it is false what Plantin affirms of their being converted in the last age; on the contrary I presume that from the time of Ladulaus, there alwaies were some in Lapland who either were Christians, or pretended to be so: for then their Country was subdued and made a Province of Swedland, and it cannot be doubted but the Swedes propagated the Christian Religion together with their dominion in Lapland. Tho if our conjecture prove true of the Laplanders removing out of Finland, by reason of the wars of Ericus Sanctus, and the planting of the Christian Religion there, it will appear from thence that they heard of Christ, tho they neglected him. However no prudent man can suppose that their neighbors the Finlanders for so many ages should never mention any thing of the Christian Religion to them. And therefore my opinion is the more confirmed that the Laplanders had heard of Christ ever since Ericus Sanctus his time, even these five ages, tho they rejected his Doctrine, as long as they retained their own freedom: but after they became subject to the Swedes,[25] whether on their own accord to please their Kings, as Ziegler would have it, or for other reasons, at length they took upon them the name of Christians, which happened in the time of Ladulaus Magnus, in the year 1277, from whence we must date the planting of Christian Religion in Lapland, which Religion they neither wholy embraced, nor wholy refused, but retained it with an inveterate, and as it were Jewish prejudice, not out of any zeal, or preferring it as more necessary for their welfare before their former Religion; but outwardly only and in shew, esteeming it the best means to gain their Princes favor, and to prevent those evils which threatened them, if they should persist in their obstinacy. Hence it was that they were married by a Christian Priest, and baptised their children according to the ceremonies of Christianity, which were the two chief things wherein their Christian Religion consisted; and the only things mention’d by Olaus M. For the use of catechising, or preaching of the Gospel, and other information in the heads of Christian Religion were wholy unknown to them, as may be prov’d from the ancient records of Bishopricks, wherein there is no mention of any Lapponian Diocess, or Church, or of any Diocess to which Lapland might belong. Lastly, if it had not bin so, what need was there of Ericus his express to Upsal, that they would send Priests into Lapland? this, and whatsoever else Ziegler alledges for the slow advance of Christianity in Lapland, Olaus Magnus endevors to evade; but at length is forc’t to confess that the Northern parts thereof are not yet reclaimed, and therefore hopes for their conversion.

This was the State of Christianity in Lapland till the times of Gustavus, differing from their ancient Paganism only in name, and a few external rites, whereby they labored to make the World believe that they were Christians; which gave Damianus à Goes (tho a friend and contemporary of Johannes and Olaus Magnus) very good reason to complain that there was no knowledg of God and Christ in the Land. From hence we may understand how to interpret Olaus M. when he saies that by the earnest and pious exhortations of the Catholic Priests, great part of these wild People were, and more were likely to be brought over to the Christian Religion. But when Gustavus came to the Crown, as he took greater care then his Predecessors for promoting of the true Religion in other parts of his dominions, so he did in Lapland also; and as the chief means to effect this, he took the peculiar charge of them upon himself. Whereas heretofore they were rather tributaries of the Birkarli then the Kings of Sweden; and consequently neglected by those Kings; now at some set times in the Winter, they were obliged to meet together in a place appointed, where they were to pay their tribute to the Kings Officers, and be instructed in the Gospel by the Priests, and also to give an account of what they learnt the year before. This custom must needs have its beginning in Gustavus’s time, for he was the first King that demanded tribute of the Laplanders, and consequently that assembled them together for the paying of it. Besides Olaus M. mentions no such institution; which he would have don had it bin received in his time. Nay he confesses that if the Laplanders had a mind to have their Children baptised, they were forc’t to carry them on their backs two hundred Italian miles to a Christian Church, in some of their neighboring Countries, as Aongermannia, Helsingia, and the like, and if they neglected this duty,[26] there was none to reprove them for it. This made Gustavus complain in a Letter dated at Stocholme, July 24. 1556, that there were many among them, who were never baptised, which proceeded from an opinion that those who were baptised in their riper years, would dy Within 7 or 8 daies after; but when Gustavus together with his Collectors sent Priests into Lapland, their children were baptised, and they instructed at home. Nor were they obliged only to a bare hearing of the word, but to a diligent attention, because they were to be catechised afterwards, and give an account of their progress; so that now it was that they began to be Christians in good earnest, and in this respect it might with some reason be said that in this last age the Gospel began to be preached among them, and that before they were wholy ignorant of the means of their salvation. Now it was that they had certain Priests appointed to instruct them, the first whereof, or at least since the reformation, was one Michael, whom Gustavus in his before mentioned Letter earnestly recommends to them, giving him especial command by pious exhortation to reduce them to the true knowledg of God, and the Christian Faith.

But this was more effectually don in the succeeding times of Charles Gustavus Adolphus, and Christina; who first endowed Schools and Churches; those two firm supports, without which Religion can neither maintain its present strength, nor acquire more.

Charles the IX, about the latter end of his reign was the first that caused Churches to be built in every one of the divisions or Marches at his own peculiar charge; two of them are mentioned in Lapponia Tornensis, viz. Tenotekis and Jukasjærff, whereof one was built, ann. 1600, the other 3 years after. Christina having found a silver mine there, followed his example; and by a public Charter ordered the building of four more, in Arwitsieff, Arieplog, Silbojoch, and Nasafiell, ann. 1640. then were Christian Churches built in Lapland itself, and there are now reckoned in Lapponia Aongermannia one, called Aosalo; in Lapponia Umensis one called Lyæsala; in Lapponia Pithensis four, whose name are Graatræsk, Arwitsierfs, Stora sawgcks, and Arieplogs; there was also a fifth called Silbojochs, but this was long ago demolish’d and burnt by the Danes. In Lapponia Luhlensis there is one call’d Jochmoch. There was also another called Nafrilocht, but this was burnt accidentally not long since. In Lapponia Tornensis there are reckoned three, Juckochsierfs, Rounala, and Enotaches. In Lapponia Kimensis only Enare. All of them being 13 in number, except Silbojochs and Nafrilochs, are kept in good repair, and frequented by the Laplanders. They all own the Kings, and especially Charles the IX, for their Founders, excepting only Kounala, which was built and adorned with a bell at the sole charge of 3 brothers Laplanders, whose piety herein is the more commendable because they were forc’t to fetch all the materials requisit for such a work thro long and troublesome waies, out of Norway with their Rain-dears. A memorable example which most men in our daies, tho desirous enough to seem pious and religious, are so far from equalling, much more from exceeding, that they never attemt to follow it. The manner of building their Temples was plain indeed, but fit enough for the use they were designed to, the matter of them is the same timber wherewith the Swedes usually build their houses. Adjoining to their Churches they have belfrys, and houses for the use of Priests[27] and the convenience of those who living at a great distance from the Church, have the liberty of refreshing themselves here in the Winter time by the fire. This constitution was first made by Christina ann. 1640, commanding the Priests to be alwaies resident, whereas before they living a far off, came but at some set times of the year.

Schools were first instituted by Gustavus Adolphus, and I suppose in the town of Pithen, something before the year 1619, for in that year Nicolaus Andreæ, Minister of Pithen, dedicates his Ritual to him, in token of thanks and commendation for this his piety. The reason why Gustavus Adolphus founded Schools, was chiefly because he saw the Laplanders profited very little under the Swedish Priests preaching in a forreign language, as they had hitherto don. Besides, the harshness of the air, and coursness of the diet killed great part of the Priests, who had bin used to a better climate, and made the rest more unwilling to undergo this hardship: therefore was the first School instituted in Pithen, and committed to the charge of Nicolaus Andreæ, who was also commanded for the better promoting of knowledg there, to translate the most useful and necessary books out of the Swedish into the Laplandish tongue. For the Laplanders before this were wholy ignorant of letters, and had not a book writ in their language: the first, which I suppose they had, was the Primer, such as children use to learn containing the chief heads of Christian Religion, viz. the ten Commandments, Apostles Creed, Lords Praier, and the like compiled by the aforesaid Nicolaus, as himself witnesses: he likewise was the first that published the Ritual in the Laplandish tongue, the book is now extant printed at Stockholm by Ignatius Meurer, with this title, Liber Cantionum quomodo sit celebranda Missa Sermone Lappico. These were the elements wherein they were first to be instructed, afterwards there were other books printed, amongst which was a Manual translated out of Swedish by Joannes Tornæus, Minister and School-master of Tornen, containing the Psalms of David, Song of Solomon, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Ecclesiasticus, Luthers Catechise, sacred Hymns, Gospels, and Epistles, with the solemn Praiers. The history of Christs Passion, and destruction of Jerusalem, the Ritual, and Praiers of all sorts.

In the next place, for an encouragement to those that would send their children to School, Gustavus Adolphus allowed money, not only for their diet, but also for their clothes, and other necessaries, with a stipend for the School-master: with these helps the Laplanders began more seriously to consider of the Christian Religion, which was now preach’d to them in no other language then their own: heretofore their Ministers using only the Swedish tongue, they learnt somthing but understood it not, and muttered some Praiers, but they knew not what: for somtimes there stood under the Pulpit, an Interpreter who explained to the People as well as he could what the Minister said at length. By the benefit of these aforesaid books they began to understand what they praied for, and some of the Youth of Lapland having studied at the University of Upsal, made so good progress in the knowledg of the Liberal Arts and Sciences, and of the Christian Religion, that they were entrusted with the Ministery.

Hitherto we have taken a view of Gustavus Adolphus his first care for the advancement of Christianity in Lapland, but as all things in their begin[28]nings find some opposition, so did the preaching of the word of God here; first of all it was a matter of great difficulty to maintain a School without the confines of Lapland, to which the Youth of that Nation should resort, therefore in the second place it was advised by that famous man Joannes Skytte, free Baron of Duderhoff, and Senator of the Kingdom, who to his immortal praise obtained that a School might be erected by the King in Lapland it self, in the Province of Uma, near the Church Lyksala, from whence the School took its name. This was the second School the Laplanders had, and by Gustavus Adolphus, then engaged in a tedious war in Germany, the charge of it was committed to the aforesaid Joannes Skytte, by a Roial Charter, and setled upon his Family for ever, allowing the School-master the whole Tithe, after the ordinary charges deducted; but still retaining to the Crown the superintendency of the benefaction. The form thereof is as follows,

We Gustavus Adolphus by the Grace of God King of the Goths and Vandals, &c. declare that altho our dear Father Charles of blessed memory; as likewise we our selves, after we were by the Divine Providence placed in the Throne of this Kingdom, have earnestly endevor’d that our Northern Subjects called Laplanders should be instructed, in Arts and Letters; and be informed in the grounds of Christian Religion, yet the distraction of the present time, hath hitherto hindred our religious purpose: but least our attemt should be utterly frustrated, we ordain and appoint our faithfull Senator, Chief Governor of Livonia, Ingria, and Carelia, the illustrious Lord John Skytt L. B. in Dunderhoff, Governor and Visitor of a School to be erected in Umalappmark, he having undertaken that Charge: We farther ordain that the Government of the said School, shall from time to time continue and belong to the Successors, in his family: and that the Master and Scholars in the school aforesaid, may have a constant maintenance, we grant unto them the Tithes which the inhabitants of that division, do yearly bring into the Store-house of Uma, after the ordinary paiments are deducted. These Tithes, with other gifts and benefactions which the aforesaid Lord John Skitt shall by his diligence acquire for the said charitable use; shall be disposed by him for the benefit of the said School, reserving to our selves and successors the supreme regulation of the same. In witness whereof we have set our hand and Seal. Given in old Stetin in Pomerland, June 20. Ann. 1631.

This School had some peculiar advantages over others, because its setlement was firmly established, having for its Visitor, not the Minister of the Parish, but a Senator of the Kingdom. Besides here was not only a salary allowed to the Master and Scholars, but also an order to receive it out of the Tithes of Uma; whereas the other had indeed a set stipend, but because it was not certainly decreed where they should receive it, it was not duely paid as the time and their necessities required, which was no small disadvantage and impediment to their design. But all inconveniences were here remedied and the salary most firmly setled; and not only so, but also full autority granted unto the Illustrious Lord John Skytte to find out and confirm any other means, which might conduce more to the good of that foundation. Neither was that eminent man wanting out of his singular piety to God, and love of learning, to make this his whole business; till at last he gathered a sum of five thousand Dollars, partly thro his own, and partly thro his friends liberality, which he delivered to the Queen Christina for the use of a Copper Mine, that in lieu thereof the School of Uma might yearly receive the whole revenue of the Crown, due from certain Towns in that Province. This request of his the Queen easily granted, and two years after issu’d out her Letters patents, and a new Charter by the Protectors of the Kingdom, whose worthy Commemoration is not to be omitted. The words of the Charter are as follow,

We CHRISTINA by the Grace of God Queen elect and hereditary Princess of the Swedes, Goths and Vandals, Queen of Finland, Esthonia, Carelia, and Ingria, do declare, that whereas our dearly beloved Father, somtimes King of Swedland, did out of his singular zeal and religious affection for the promoting of the Church of God, especially in the Northern parts of his Dominions, institute a Laplandish School in the Province of Uma, and did constitute our trusty and well beloved Senator the illustrious Lord John Skytte, Senator of the Kingdom of Sweden, President of our Roial Council in Gothland, Chancellor of our University of Upsal, High Commissioner of South-Finland, free Baron of Duderhoff, Lord of Grænsia, Stræmfrum and Skytteholm, Knight, to be superviser of this work, setling the same power upon his Posterity after his decease, and bountifully allowing to this design out of the stores of Uma the yearly Tithes due to the Crown; We therefore by vertue of these Letters patents to not only confirm that wholsom Constitution of our pious Father deceased, but do also certify that the illustrius Lord John Skytte hath brought in the sum of 5000 Dollars of silver given by[30] himself and his pious friends for the use of the Laplandish School, which entire sum he hath paid to the Copper-Company, humbly intreating that the said sum may remain in that Company to Us and our Crown, and that We for the yearly interest of the said money allowing 8 per Cent, would give to the Laplandish School the use of certain Villages in Norlands, that the inhabitants thereof may pay their taxes to the aforesaid School; which We graciously approving, do give, as a security, the benefit and profit of these following Villages belonging to Us and our Crown in the Provinces of Uma and West Bothnia; Roebeck 12 Farms 5/8. Stæksive 2. 3/16. Clabbiler 3. 9/16. Baggaboelet 2. 27/32. Kuddis 2. 5/16. Bræneland 2. 11/16. These Farms shall yearly pay to the Laplandish School all their ordinary and extraordinary taxes which are hitherto imposed, which their inhabitants are hereby commanded to do without intermission, during the time that we retain the aforesaid sum of 5000 Dollars, paid to the Copper-Company, until We shall have restored the sum entire to the Laplandish School. Wherefore We command our Officers, and all whom it may concern, that they substract not from the said School the aforesaid sum given in security, before such time as the money may be restored; and that they do not offer nor suffer to be offered any injury or prejudice to the aforesaid School, contrary to this our Edict, in confirmation whereof Ours and the Kingdoms Protectors and Administrators have hereto set their hands, and sealed it with the Roial Seal. Dated at Stockholm Novemb. 5. 1634.

The Persons that subscribed were, Gabriel Oxenstern, Gustavi F. R. Drotsetus. Jacobus de la Gardie High Marshal. Carolus Caroli Gyldenhielm High Admiral. Petrus Baner Deputy Chancellor. Gabriel Oxenstern Tresurer.

This is that School to which the Laplanders ow their Progress in the knowledg and love of Christian Religion, which appears from those many useful and eminent Persons who have bin there bred; also the success may be seen from the testimonials of the Examiners, who were constituted in the same year that the School was endow’d by the aforesaid Roial Charter, the words are related by Brazius as follow,

We, whose names are underwritten, do testify that we were called by the Reverend and Learned M. Olaus our Pastor of the Church of Uma, to be present at the examination of the Laplandish Youth frequenting the School of Lyksa in the Province of Uma; we also testify that we did hear them examined by their Rector our aforesaid Pastor. First, they altogether sang the Psalms of David translated into the Swedish language, as they are now used in the Church: next they all, and singular repeted the Primer, containing not only the Elements of Speech, but the Lords Praier, ten Commandments, Apostles Creed, the words used in administring the Sacraments of Baptism, and the Lords Supper; also the Graces before and after meat, together with the Morning and Evening Praiers. This Book they all read according to the manner prescribed in other Schools, and the more ingenious of them did distinctly and without hesitation repete the little Catechism made by Luther: Besides this, they read the Gospels for Sundaies and Holy-daies as they are published in the Swedish tongue, this was the task of all the Scholars. Only 8 of them being of slower parts, did nevertheless emulate the more ingenious according to their abilities. Now they all begin to learn the Fundamentals in the Laplandish Idiom, that they may instruct their Country-men in their own mother tongue. This school exercise and the fruit arising from thence as it exceeded our expectation, to see the illiterate Youth in a short time by the blessing of God, learn the Principles of our salvation, which better Scholars have bin much longer in attaining to, so ought we to give singular thanks to Gods who hath made their endevors so successful. Nor must we omit the deserved Commendation of those pious men, who by their bountiful largesses founded and endowed the School, and at this time maintain it; altho for the reward of their piety must expect the blessing of God, according as he hath promised. Witness our hands and seals. Dated in the place aforesaid Ann. 1634. Jacobus Andreæ Buræus. Petrus Jonæ. Andreas Hacquini. Jacobus Nicolai. Olaus Olai.

From this testimony it appears that the School was frequented by no[32] small number of the Laplandish Youth, also that they were not wholly unfit for the study of learning and Religion; making it their chief care to learn those things which are especially necessary to the improving of a Christian life. Last of all, the readiness of the Laplanders to send their children to School: so that now there appears another face of Religion in Lapland then what there was in former ages, because the Kings have taken greater care in providing for Churches, Schools, Books, Ministers, and School-masters. The Priests in like manner are more careful, being now for the most part Laplanders, or skilful in that tongue, whereof there is in Lapponia Umensis one, in Lapponia Pithensis 3, in Lapponia Luhlensis one, whose trouble is the greater, because the Country is large and the inhabitants dispersed.

In Lapponia Tornensis and Kiemensis they have both Laplandish and Swedish Priests, who once a year at their public Fairs in February visit the Country, baptising their children, and preaching to them in the Finnish language, which they seem to understand. For their reward they have one third part of the Rain-dears, which the Laplanders are bound to pay to the Crown: and whereas every Laplander was obliged to pay for a tax either two pair of shoes, or a white Fox, or a pound of Pike, this is now equally divided between the King and the Priest; which makes not only the Priests more chearful in doing their duty, but the People also more diligent in their performances. Hence it is that they pay their Ministers so much honor and respect, saluting them at their first coming with bowing their head, giving them in token of Reverence the title of Herrai, i.e. Sir, conducting them upon their Rain-dears to their Cottages, adorned with birch bows, covered with their furrs, and shewing them all the civility they have. Upon a table or rather a plank laid upon the ground they set them meat, which is usually fish, or flesh of Rain-dear dried together with the tongue and marrow. They use neither Salt, Bread nor Wine, all which the Priests are forc’t to bring with them, the Laplanders drinking only Water, because the extremity of the cold spoils their Beer. They are careful in observing Sundaies, refraining both themselves and their Cattel from all work on that day, and somtimes on the day before; nay some there are who refuse to milk their Raindears on Sundaies. While the Sermon is preaching they attend diligently; and in singing of Psalms they are so zealous that they strive who shall sing best. They very much reverence and frequent the Sacraments, especially that of Baptism which they never defer; but the women themselves within eight or fourteen daies after their delivery do often bring their children thro long and tedious waies to the Priest. They likewise pay much reverence to the Lords Supper, and to the ceremonies of Confession and Absolution, which are alwaies used before that Sacrament, which they now are really partakers of, whereas in the times of Popery they received it without any solemn consecration. Neither do they neglect the other parts of Christian Piety. They most religiously abstain from swearing, cursing and blasphemy: they are very charitable to the poor, and just, insomuch that there are scarce any robberies ever heard of in the Country. Their mutual conversation is very courteous, especially among persons of the same Country or family, often visiting and discoursing with one another. This they learn from the precepts of Chri[33]stianity, which requiring them not only to regulate their Faith, but their lives, teaches that tho there be three Persons, the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, yet they are but one God. And as by the help of Christianity they learn the rule of true piety, so do they utterly abhor all their ancient superstition. They pull down all their drums, and burn and demolish all their Images of wood and stone. A memorable example hereof is mentioned by Johannes Tornæus in this manner. A certain Laplander, just, pious, and wealthy, named Petrus Peiwie dwelling in Peldojærf, at a Village of Lappmarkia Tornensis, with all his family worshipped the Idol Seita: it happened upon a certain time that his Rain-dears died in great numbers; whereupon he implored the assistance of his Seita. But he praied in vain, for his Rain-dears died still. At length with his whole family and good store of dry wood, he took a journy to the place where Seita stood: round about the Idoll he strewed green bows of Firr, and offered sacrifice to him, the skins, horns, and skulls of Rain-dears; at last he prostrates himself with his whole family before the Idol, beseeching him that he would by some sign testify unto him, that he was the true God. But after a whole days praiers and devotions finding no sign given, he sets fire to the combustible wood, and burns down the Idol of the Town. When his offended neighbours sought to kill him, he asked them why they would not permit the God to revenge himself for the affront. But Peiwie became so constant an adherent to the Christian Religion, that when others threatned with their charms to mischief him, he on the contrary repeated the Lords Prayer, and the Apostles Creed. He burnt all the Seitas he could meet with, and at length sent his eldest Son Wuollaba to Enorreby to do the like there; for which he was forc’t to fly into Norway to avoid the Inarenses, who lay in wait for him. There was also one Clement, a Lappo-Jenabiensis whose Mother being grievously sick, he sought remedy from the Drum, but his Mother died notwithstanding; whereupon he cut his Drum in pieces, alledging that he saw no use of it.

Hitherto we have seen the Christian Religion much better received and improved by the Laplanders, and applied to their daily conversation, then what it was in ancient times. And from hence we may collect the care of those who by their authority, counsell or ministery did promote it; yet cannot we triumph over Pagan impiety wholly rooted out; as shall appear by the following Chapter.

By the present State of Religion in Lapland, it cannot be doubted but all possible means were used by their pious Kings and Priests, for the extirpating of superstition and its evil consequences: nevertheless there remain some reliques thereof to employ their farther care and endeavour, many gross errours prevailing among them, which renders the reality of their conversion suspicious, as if they were still in love with the erroneous opinions of their Ancestors, especially some of the Norwegian Laplanders, whose Idolatry sufficiently demonstrates that all their pretences to Christianity are but fictitious. But tho it were impiety to believe this of all, since experience shews us the contrary; yet it cannot be denied, but that many of them profess Christianity rather out of dissimulation then any real affection. One chief reason why they so stifly adhere to their superstition and impiety, proceeds from the miscarriage of their Priests, who either take no care of instructing the People, or vilify their doctrine by the sordidness of their lives; whilst under a pretence of propagating the Gospell, they endeavor only to advance their own revennues. This the Laplanders, before none of the richest, could not bare; to see themselves opprest and disabled by the exactions of the Priests. The truth of this Olaus Magnus strives to confute, calling it an impious and false assertion, but he brings nothing to prove the truth of what he saies, nor answers Ziegler, by telling a fair story, of the industry and liberality of some in the Southern parts: and particularly that his brother Joannes came to the utmost border of Jemptia, and gave a large Alms to the poor people there, and at his own great charge set up a Salt-work. A farther cause of the little improvement of Christianity, is the vastness of the Country, some of the Inhabitants living above 200 miles from the Christian Churches. But tho this cause is now in some degree removed by having Churches more frequently, yet that inconvenience still remains; because they are yet very far distant, particularly in Lapponia Luhlensis, as we have already mentioned. There are other causes of this unhappy effect, which more particularly reflect upon the Natives. As their strong inclination to superstition, which hath bin formerly mentioned, and the occasions thereof intimated. To this we may add the high estimation they have of their Predecessors, whom they think more wise then to have bin ignorant of what God they ought to adore, or the manner of his worship: wherefore out of reverence to them they will not recede from their opinions, least they should seem to reprove them of ignorance or impiety. Lastly, this happens upon the account of inveterate Custom, which at all times is hardly forgot, especially where it prevails as a Law. This is it that darkens their understanding, and renders it in[35]capable of discerning between true and false. For these and some other reasons there remain severall tracks of Superstition and Idolatry, w^ch require no small time to be wore out; as we see in severall of the meaner sort, nor only in Swedland, but in Germany, France, and other Countries, where there is found much of the old superstition, tho in other things they are orthodox enough.

Amongst the Laplanders these opinions may be reduced to two heads, for they are superstitious and paganish, or Magical and Diabolical. Of the first sort some of their superstitions are only vain and fabulous, others very impious and heathenish. As first of all their distinctions between white and black daies. Of the later sort they account the Feasts of S. Katharine and S. Mark, whom they call Cantepaive, and S. Clement, upon which daies they abstain from all business, and chiefly from hunting. And of this they give two reasons; first, because they say if they should hunt on any of those daies, their bows and arrows would be broken, and they should forfeit their good success in that sport all the year. In like manner they esteem the first day of Christmas to be unlucky, insomuch that Masters of families go not out of their Cottages, not so much as to Church, but send their Children and Servants, for fear of I know not what spirits and dæmons, which they suppose to wander about the air in great Companies upon that day; and that they must first be appeased by certain Sacrifices, which we shall mention hereafter. This superstition, I suppose, sprang from a misinterpretation of the story which they heard from their Priest, how a great host of Angels came down from Heaven upon our Saviours Nativity, and frighted the Shepheards. They are likewise great observers of Omens, and amongst others they guess at the success of the day from the first beast they meet in the morning. They forbid the woman to go out of that door thro which the man went a hunting, as thinking the way would be improsperous if a woman trod the same steps.

And herein they are only superstitious but in what follows, they are impious and heathenish. As first they go to Church not out of any devotion, but compulsion. Next they stick at several Principles of the Christian Religion, especially the resurrection of the dead, the union of the body and soul, and the immortality of the soul. For they fancy to themselves that men and beasts go the same way; and will not be perswaded that there is any life after this. Whereupon one Georgius, a Laplandish Priest, desired upon his death bed that he might be buried amongst the Laplanders, that at the last day when he should rise together with them, they might find his doctrine of the resurrection true. Notwithstanding they believe that something of a man remains after he is dead, but they know not what it is; which was the very opinion of the Heathens, who therefore feign’d their Manes to be somewhat that did remain after their death. A third impiety they are guilty of, is joining their own feign’d gods with God and Christ, and paying them equall reverence and worship, as if God and the Devil had made an agreement together to share their devotions between them.

Those of Lapponia Pithensis and Luhlensis have their greater and lesser Gods; the greater to whom they pay especial worship are, Thor, Storjunkaren, and the Sun. Damianus à Goes writes that they worship the Fire and Statues of stone: but those Statues are only the Images of Storjunkaren,[36] and the Fire is only an embleme of the Sun; for that they worshipped Fire it self for a God, is very false, as appears from Tornæus, who made particular enquiry into that thing. The same may be said of Peucer, who taking his mistake from the wooden Image of Thor, reports that they worship wood. So that there are only three, and that among the Pithenses and Luhlenses; for the Tornenses and Kiemenses knew nothing of them, but in their stead under one common name worshipped a Deity, whom they called Seita, whereof every family and almost every person had one. Nevertheless there was one chief Idoll to which all the neighbourhood paid devotion. But tho this word Seita denotes any God among the Laplanders, yet may we suppose that under that name, especially as it signifies the publick Idoll, they worshipped the same, which the Luhlenses call Tiermes, or Aijeke (i. e.) thunderer, or father, by others named Thor. And by the private Idols they mean’t him, who by the Luhlenses is called Storjunkare, making the difference to consist not in the Gods but their names. The Tornenses rather using a generall appellation, and calling them all Seitas, whereas the Luhlenses call the greater Termes or Aijeke, and the lesser Storjunkar. And if one attend to their manner of worshipping these Gods, they will appear to be the same. Besides these greater, the Pithenses, Luhlenses, and their neighbours have some inferior Gods, as the Tornenses likewise have, tho they worship them all under one name, excepting only that which they call Wiru Accha, signifying a Livonian old woman, which Olaus Petr. with some alteration calls Viresaka. This was only the bare trunk of a tree, and is now wholly rotten. But who the inferior Gods were, or to what end they were worshipped, there is no mention made; but we may guess from what we find observable among the other Laplanders. First under that name they worshipped the ghosts of departed persons, but especially of their kindred, for they thought there was some divinity in them, and that they were able to do harm: just such as the Romans fancied their Manes to be; therefore it was that they offered Sacrifice to them, of which more hereafter. Besides these Manes they worship other Spectres and Demons, which they say wander about Rocks, Woods, Rivers and Lakes, such as the Romans describe their Fauni, Sylvani, and Tritons to be. The third sort dreaded by them are Genii, whether good or bad, which they suppose to fly in the air about Christmas, as we intimated before; these they call Juhlii from the word Juhl, denoting at present the Nativity of Christ; but formerly the new year. And these are the Gods which the Laplanders jointly adore with God and our Saviour; of which we shall now speak particularly, and of their respective worship.

We have shewed in the foregoing Chapter that there were three principal Gods worshipped by the Laplanders; the first is Thor, signifying thunder, in the Swedish Dialect called Thordoen, by the Laplanders themselves Tiermes, that is any thing that makes a noise, agreeing very well with the notion the Romans had of Jupiter the thunderer, and the God Taramis, which I have treated of in the History of Upsal. This Tiermes or thunder they think by a special virtue in the Sky to be alive; intimating thereby that power from whence thunder proceeds, or the thundring God, wherefore he is by them called Aijeke, which signifies grand, or great-grand-Father, as the Romans saluted their father Jupiter; and the Swedes their Gubba. This Aijeke when he thunders is by the Laplanders call’d Tiermes, by the Scythians, Tarami, and by the Swedes, Tor or Toron. This Tiermes or Aijeke the Laplanders suppose to have power over the life and death, health and sickness of man: and also over the hurtfull Demons who frequent Rocks and Mountains, whom he often chastises, and sometimes destroies with his lightning, as the Latins fanci’d their Jupiter to do, for which end they give him a bow in his hand to shoot the Demons with, which they call Aijeke dauge: also they give him a mallet, which they call Aijeke Wetschera, to dash out the brains of the said evil spirits. Wherefore because the Laplanders expect so many blessings from their Tiermes, and believe he bestows life on them, and preserves their health, and that they cannot die unless it be his plesure, and drives away the Demons, which are prejudicial to their hunting, fowling, and fishing, and never hurts them but when their offences deserve it: therefore he is to be worshipped in the first place. The next of the principal Gods is Storjunkare, which tho it be a Norwegian word, Junkare in that language signifying the Governor of a Province, yet is it used by the Laplanders now; tho perhaps it was not in use till some of them became subjects to Norway. Certain it is, that this is not the only name of that God, for he is also called Stourra Passe (i.e.) Great Saint, as appears by a Hymn which is sung at his Sacrifices. His name they reverence very much, and pay him frequenter, if not greater devotion then other Gods, for they suppose him to be their Tiermes his Lieutenant, and as it were Royal Prefect, adding Stœre, which signifys greater for distinction sake. Now they worship Storejunkar, because they think that they receive all their blessings thro his hands, and that all beasts and Cattel, are subject to his will, and that he governs them as Tiermes doth men and spirits; wherefore he can give them to whom he will, and none can receive them without his pleasure. These beasts therefore supplying the Laplanders with meat and clothes, it may easily be imagined how ne[38]cessary they held it to worship Storjunkare. And these are the two peculiar Gods of the Laplanders, whereof one hath the dominion over men, the other over beasts; one bestows life, the other all things required to the sustaining of it. Tornæus saies they report of him that he hath often appeared to Fowlers or Fishers in the shape of a tall personable man, habited like a Nobleman, with a Gun in his hand, and his feet like those of a bird. As often as he appears standing on the shore, or in the ship by them, they say he makes their fishing successful, and kills birds that happen to fly by with his Gun, which he bestows upon those that are present. It is reported that a Laplander being to guide one of the Kings Lieutenant, when he came over against a mountain where Storejunkar was supposed to dwell, he stood still, and setting the helve of his Ax down upon the Ice, turned it round, professing that he did it in honor of their munificent God, who dwelt there. And tho there is mention made but of one mountain where the Laplander performed this ceremony, yet we may suppose he would have don it oftner, if there had happened to be more hills in the way. But perhaps this distinction of name is used by the Laplanders which border upon Norway, especially in Lulalapland, from his habit and clothing; and because he used to appear in another dress to them of Lapponia Kiemensis and Tornensis, therefore they did not worship him under that name, but by the common appellation of Seita, from whom they believed that they receive the benefits of hunting, fishing, and fowling.

I come now to the Sun, their third God, which is common to them with all other Pagans, him they call Baiwe, and worship him chiefly for his light and heat: also because they believe him to be the Author of Generation, and that all things are made by his means, especially their Rain-dears, of whom and their young they think he hath a particular care to cherish them by his heat, and bring them suddenly to strength and maturity. And being they live in a cold Country where their native heat is diminish’d, and often wholly extinguish’d, being they have nothing to sustain themselves with but the flesh of Rain-dear, they think it very fit to pay the Sun very great honors, who is the Author of so great blessings to them, and who at his return restores them that light which they lost by his departure, and that not for a day or two, but for several weeks, which being pai’d, the new day seems more welcom to them, by reason of long absence.

To every one of these principal Gods they pay a several sort of worship; which consists first in the diversity of places dedicated to their service, next in the diversity of images erected to them in these places; lastly, in the diversity of Sacrifices which they offer to them. The place where they worship their Thor or Tiermes is a piece of ground set apart for this superstition, on the backside of their Huts, above a bows shoot off; there upon boards set together like a table they place their images. This table serves them instead of an Altar, which they surround with bows of birch and pine; with the same bows also they strew the way from their Huts to the Altar: and as the table serves them for an Altar, so do the bows for a Temple. The same account, only omitting the table, doth Tornæus give of the Tornenses and Kiemenses worshipping of Seita, so that they may seem to be one and the same God: unless his description should be appli’d to Storjunkar rather, because he mentions Lakes to be the place of his worship; which[39] was proper to Storjunkar, as shall be shewn. But I suppose the Seitas were worshipped in other places as well as Lakes, and so they signifi’d both Gods under one name, and that Tornæus was not so curious as to distinguish between them. In the same place where they worshipp’d Tiermes they worshipp’d the Sun also, and upon the same table too, which makes me suspect that they were but one God; whom they called Tiermes, when they invok’d him in the behalf of their lives, healths, or preservation from Demons, and Baiwe when they beg’d of him light or warmth, or any thing that might fortify them against the cold. But the place where Storjunkar was worshipped, was upon some peculiar mountains, and on the banks of Lakes: for almost every family hath its particular rocks and hills appointed for this business. Some of these rocks are so high and craggy that they are impassable to any but Storjunkar. But it must not be supposed he lives only in rocks and cliffes of mountains, but also on the shores of Lakes and banks of Rivers, for there also he is peculiarly worshipped, because the Laplanders have observed the same apparitions in these places, that they usually do upon rocks and hills, namely Storjunkar habited and armed according to the description already given, by which his presence they think he testifies his great love for those places, which therefore they have in great veneration, and call them Passewara, i. e. Sacred mountains, or rocks belonging to Storjunkar, supposing they cannot pay their devotion to him in any place better; or be surer of finding him, then where he himself appears. To these places they allot their certain bounds and confines, that all people may know how far the sanctified ground reaches, and avoid those evils, which otherwise Storejunkar would certainly inflict upon them for violating his holy place. Now since every family, that is given to this superstition hath its peculiar place of worship, it is manifest that there is good store of them throughout Lapland. Sam. Rheen reckons up thirty of them in the Province of Luhla.

The first by the River Waikijaur, about ½ a mile from the Laplandish Church called Jochmochs.

The second by the hill Piednackwari about ½ a mile farther from the said Church.

The fourth on the top of a very high hill, which they call Ackiakikwari, i. e. Fathers or Thors hill, 5 miles beyond Jochmoch, near Porkijaur.

The 12 on the top of a prodigious hill called Darrawaori, 2 miles from the aforesaid place.

The 13 near Kiedkiewari. The 14 at a place called Nobbel, near a Lake by Wirrijaur.

Neither are these all the places in the Country that are dedicated to this use, but there are several others which the Idolatrous People endeavour to concele, that they may avoid the suspicion of this impiety and their deserved punishment. But in other parts of Lapland the number is far greater as may be easily understood; and therefore I shall not tire the Reader with a recitall of them. For all these places they have a high esteem, whether dedicated to Thor, the Sun, or Storjunkar, so that they exclude all women from them, not permitting them so much as to go behind the house where Thor is worshipped, and prohibiting all marriageble women to come near the borders of Storjunkars consecrated hills: and the reason is because they think that Sex, especially at that age, not pure enough for those devotions, but not knowing who are pure and who are not, to prevent all danger they prohibite the whole Sex, who if they transgress herein, they must expect many misfortunes to befall them, and perhaps death it self.

I come now to the Images of their Gods, for with these they used to honour them. Thors image, was alwaies made of wood, wherefore he is called by them Muora Jubmel, i. e. the Wooden God. And because in Lapponia Tornensis, as well as in other places they make their Gods of wood, it is very probable that they worship Tiermes, tho they call him Seita. Of this wood, which is alwaies Birch, they make so many Idols as they have Sacrifices, and when they have done they keep them in a cave by some hill side. The shape of them is very rude, only at the top they are made to represent a mans head, according to the description of Matthias Steuchius, which he relates from his Father, who was Superintendent of Hernosandensis, and had the oversight of all things relating to Piety and Religion in most parts of Lapland. Of the root of the tree they make the head, and of the trunk the body of the image: for those Birches which grow in Fenny grounds have usually their roots growing round, and from them there shoot out other little roots, so that it is easily fitted to the shape of a mans head. Now to manifest this to be Thor, they put a hammer into his right hand, which is as it were his ensign by which he is known. Into his head they drive a nail of Iron or Steel, and a small piece of flint to strike fire with, if he hath a mind to it. Tho I rather suppose it was first used to be an emblem of fire, which together with the Sun they worshipped in Thor, whose Image is here delineated.

But tho they usually make them in this shape, yet there are some, especially in Lapponia Tornensis, who worship a meer stump. They have no Image of the Sun, either because he is conspicuous enough of himself, or because in the mystery of their Religion he is the same with Thor: but Storjunkar is represented with a stone, as is clearly proved by several writers, and easily deduced from others. The form of this stone (if we will believe Olaus Petri Neuren.) was like a Bird, Samuel Rheen saies it somtimes represents a man, and somtimes som other creature. The truth is its shape is so rude, that they may sooner fancy it like somthing themselves, then perswade other People that it is so. In the mean time their fancy is so strong, that they really believe it represents their Storjunkar, and worship it accordingly. Neither do they use any art in polishing it, but take it as they find it upon the banks of Lakes and Rivers. In this shape therefore they worship it, not as tho it were so made by chance, but by the immediate will and procurement of their god Storjunkar, that it might be sacred to him. Thus they erect it as his image, and call it Kied Kie Jubmal i. e. the stone God. The rudeness of these Images gave Tornæus occasion to deny that they had any shape at all, only made rough and hollow by the falling of water upon them, tho their hallowness without doubt occasioned the Laplanders fancy of their likeness to something: but he confesses that in an Island made by a Cataract of the River Tornatræsk called Darra, there are found Seitæ, just in the shape of a man, one of them very tall, and hard by 4 others something lower, with a kind of Cap on their heads. But because the passage into the Island is dangerous by reason of the Cataract, the Laplanders are forc’t to desist from going to that place, so that it is impossible now to know how those stones are worshipped, or how they came there. These stones are not set up by themselves, but lie 3 or 4 together, according as they find them; the first of which they honor[42] with the title of Storjunkar, the second they call Acte, or Storjunkars wife; the third his Son or Daughter, and the rest his Servants. And this they do because they would not have their Storjunkar, who is Thors Viceroy, in a worse condition then other Roial Prefects, whom they usually see thus accompanied by their Wives and Children, and Attendants. His representation is as follows

I come now to their Sacrifices and other Ceremonies used to their Gods. First it is observable that they are performed only by men, all women being excluded; they esteeming it as great a crime for a woman to offer Sacrifice as to frequent the consecrated places. They never offer Sacrifice till they have enquired of their God whether he will accept it or no. This they do with a certain instrument which they call Kannus, not unlike the old fashioned Drums, from whence they are usually called Laplandish Drums, and shall be exactly described hereafter. This Drum being beaten, and some Songs sung, they bring the designed Sacrifice to Thor, who if he signifies by a ring in the Drum that the Sacrifice is pleasing to him, they fall presently to work: otherwise they carry it to the Sun, and so to Storjunkar, till one of them will accept of it. The manner of it is thus. They pull off some of the hair at the bottom of the beasts neck, and bind it to a ring which is fastned to the Drum, then one of them beats the Drum, and all the rest sing these words, What sayst thou ô Great and Sacred God, dost thou accept this Sacrifice, which we design to offer unto thee? And while they chant these words, they repete the name of the mountain where they are: then if the ring rests on that part of the Drum where the God is pictured, they take it for granted that the God is pleased, and so proceed to the Ceremony; or else they carry the Sacrifice to Thor, and use the like form of words, Father God will you have my Sacrifice. Peucer ei[43]ther thro false intelligence, or misapprehension, relates this business somthing differently, they have (saies he) a brasen Drum whereon they paint several sorts of Beasts, Birds, and Fishes, such as they can easily procure: bolt upright upon this Drum they fix an iron pearch, upon which stands a brasen Frog, which at the beating of the Drum falls down upon some of the pictures, and that creature whose picture the Frog touches, they sacrifice. Their usuall sacrifices are Rain-dears, tho sometimes they use other creatures, as Dogs, Cats, Lambs and Hens, which they fetch out of Norway. The 3^d thing observable is that they offer their Sacrifices usually in the Autumn, because, I suppose, the Winter and night being at hand they think they have more need of their Gods assistance, which may probably be the reason too why every year about that time they make a new image for Thor, which is alwaies don 14 daies before Michaelmas. And thus they consecrate it, first they sacrifice the Rain-dear, then taking out his bones they anoint the Idol with the blood and fat, and bury the flesh and bones under ground. Besides this Idol they erect one to him every time they sacrifice, and then they place them all one by another upon a table behind their Hut. First when the God hath approved of the Sacrifice, which is usually a Buck to Thor, they bind it behind the house, then with a sharp knife they run him thro the heart, and gather the heart-blood, wherewith they anoint the Idol, into a vessell. After that having placed the images right, and adorned the table, they approach reverently to it, anoint the head and back all over with the blood, but on his breast they only draw several Crosses. Behind him they place the skull, feet, and horns of the sacrificed Dear; before him they place a Coffer made of the bark of Birch, into which they put a bit of every member of the Rain-dear, with some of the fat, and the rest of the flesh they convert to their private uses. This is the manner of the Laplanders sacrificing to Thor. But when they offer Sacrifice to Storjunkar, which is likewise a male Dear, then first they run a red thred thro his right ear, and bind him, and sacrifice him in the place they did that to Thor; preserving the blood likewise in a vessel. Then he who performs the Ceremony takes the horns and the bones of the head and neck, with the feet and hoofs, and carries them to the mountain of that Storjunkar, for whom the Sacrifice was designed. When he comes near the sacred Stone, he reverently uncovers his head, and bows his body, paying all the ceremonies of respect and honor. Then he anoints the Stone with the fat and blood, and places the horns behind it. Unto the right horn they ty the Rain-dears yard, and to the left some red thred wrought upon tin with a little piece of silver. The same rites that are observed to Storjunkar are also used to Seita, to whom the Laplanders usually sacrifice upon Holydaies, or after some loss or misfortune. Then making their Praiers and Devotions to the Idol in their best clothes, they offer him all manner of oblations, and the choisest parts of the Rain-dear, as the flesh, fat, skin, bones, horns, and hoofs, whereof there are great heaps to be seen at this day where Seita was worshipped. The horns are found placed one above another, in the fashion of a fence to the God, which is therefore by the Laplanders called Tiorfwigardi, that is a Court fenced with horns, which are sometimes above a thousand in number. Before these horns they used to hang a garland made of Birch tree, stuck about with bits of flesh cut[44] from every member of the sacrifice. This I suppose first caused the mistake of those who reported that the Laplanders worshipped the horns of Rain-dears. All the flesh that remains of the sacrifice the Laplanders spend in their houses: and this is the ordinary way of sacrificing to Storjunkar. Two other methods there are but less used; one when they bring the sacrifice alive to the hill where the Idol is placed: another when they would do so, but cannot climb the hill where Storjunkar is by reason of its steepness. For the first they kill the sacrifice hard by the Idol, and when they have performed the usual ceremonies, they presently boil the flesh in the place, especially that about the head and neck, and invite their friends to the eating of it. This they call Storjunkars Feast, and when they have done they leave the skin behind them. This is not used in all Storjunkars hills, but only in some peculiar place where he hath manifested to them that he will be worshipped so. The other way of sacrificing is when the hill is so craggy that they cannot ascend it with their sacrifice, then they throw up a stone to the top of the mountain, which they dip in the blood and go away, as having paid their devotion. But as (besides the sacrifice) they once a year honour Thor with a new Image; so do they Storjunkar with fresh bowes twice every year. The first time in Summer with birch and grass; next in Winter with pine. The same also Tornæus reports of the Seitas. Then it is they seek whether their God be favorable and propitious to them or no: for when they go to strow the bows and grass under him, if the stone proves light, they hope he will be kind; but if it be something heavier then ordinary, they suspect he is angry with them, and immediatly to reconcile him they devote some oblations to him. And thus are Peucerus his words to be understood, when the Laplanders (says he) go a hunting or fishing, or upon any other enterprise, they try their success by the weight of their God, who if he is easily moved, they take it for granted that he approves of their design; if hardly, then he dislikes it: but if he be unmoveable then they suppose him offended with them. This is not to be understood of all their affairs, but only when they lay fresh straw under him, for at other times they enquire his plesure with a drum, of which I have already spoken.

It remains now that we treat of the sacrifices used to the Sun, these are young Rain-dears, and those not bucks but does: the rites are most of them the same with those already mentioned; only instead of a red string thro the right ear of Storjunkars sacrifice, they run a white one thro the Suns; then they make a garland, not of birch, but willow, about as big as the hoop of an Hogshead. This they place upon a table behind the Hut where they sacrifice to Thor, not upon the same table, but one like it. And this sacrifice differs from the other in that there are neither images erected here, nor horns, the beasts being not come to their growth. But that there may be some resemblance of the Sun, they place the chief bones of the sacrifice upon the table in a circle.

Besides these 3 principal Gods they have some petty ones, as the Manes of deceased men, and the Julii troops. They have no particular names for the Ghosts, but call them all Sitte: neither do they erect them images as they do to Thor and Storjunkar; only they offer them some certain sacrifices. At which time their first business is to enquire the will of the dead,[45] whether it please him to be worshipt with that kind of sacrifice in these words, Maijke werro Jabmike sitte, ô you Manes what will you have, then they beat the drum, and if the ring falls upon any creature there pictured they take it for the sacrifice which the ghost desires: they then run thro his ear, or, as others say, ty about his horns a woollen black thred. Having performed the sacrifice, they spend all the flesh upon their own uses; except a bit of the heart, and another of the lungs: each of which they divide into 3 parts, and fasten them upon as many sticks, which they dip in the blood of the sacrifice, and so bury them in a kind of Chest made in the form of a Laplandish Dray, as they do the bones of all other sacrifices. But of this I shall speak more at large when I come to their funeral rites, where the same things are likewise used. I shall only add that these rites are still observed in Lapland by all that are superstitiously given. The Juhlii, whom they call Juhlafalket, as I said of the ghosts, have no statues, nor images; the manner of worshipping them is in this sort. The day before the festival, which is Christmas day, they abstain from all flesh: and of every thing that they eat, they take a litle piece and preserve it very carefully, which they do likewise the next day. In their feasting, the bits which they have gathered in these two days they put into a chest, made of the bark of Birch, in the fashion of a Boat with sails and oars, together with some fat of the pottage, and hang it upon a tree behind the Hut, about a bows shot off, for the Juhlii to feast on, whom they then suppose to wander in troops in the Air, thro woods and mountains; a ceremony not unlike to the ancient libations to the Genii. But why they do this in a Boat they can give no reason: but we may conjecture that hereby is intimated how the knowledg of Christs-birth (declared by the Company of Angels, which as I have shewed already was the meaning of these Juhlii) was brought by Christians, who came to them in Boats. So much of the Laplanders Idolatry and Superstition, which remains to this day amongst many of them, as is found by daily experience.

It hath bin a received opinion among all that did but know the name of the Laplanders, that they are People addicted to Magic, wherefore I thought fit to discourse next of this, as being one of the greatest of their impieties that yet continues among them. And that this opinion may seem to be grounded upon some autority, they are described both by ancient and modern Writers, to have arrived to so great skill in enchantments, that among several strange effects of their art, they could stop ships when under full sail. This judgement of the Historians concerning the Laplanders is no less verified also of the Biarmi their predecessours. So that we may justly suppose both of them to have descended from the same original: for the Biarmi were so expert in these arts that they could either by their[46] looks, words, or some other wicked artifice, so ensnare and bewitch men, as to deprive them of the use of limbs and reason, and very often bring them into extreme danger of their lives. But tho in these latter times they do not so frequently practise this, and dare not profess it so publicly as before, being severely prohibited by the King of Sweden: yet there are still many that give themselves wholly unto this study. But if we enquire into the motives and reasons hereof, this, formerly mention’d, seems the principal, that every one thinks it the surest way to defend himself from the injuries and malicious designs of others: for they commonly profess that their knowledge in these things is absolutely necessary for their own security. Upon which account they have Teachers and Professors in this science: and parents in their last will bequeath to their children, as the greatest part of their estate, those spirits and devils that have bin any waies serviceable to them in their life time. Sturlesonius writes of Gunilda, a maid, that was sent by her father Odzor Huide, who dwelt in Halogaland, to Motle King of Finlapland in Norway, to be instructed in this art. Where he gives an account also of two other Finlanders, and the great knowledg they attained to in this profession. But it is very seldom that the parents themselves are not so learned, as to perform the duty, and save the expences of a tutor. Thus they become famous in these studies, especially when they happen to be apt Schollars. For as the Laplanders do not all agree in the same disposition, so neither do they arrive to the same perfection in this art. For some are so stupid and dull, that however they may seem qualified for other emploiments, they prove altogether unfit for this.

As to the bequeathing their familiars to their Children, they suppose it the only means to raise their family; so that they excell one another in this art, according to the largeness of the legacies they receive. From hence it is manifest, that each house hath peculiar spirits, and of different and quite contrary natures from those of others. And not only each distinct family, but single persons in them also have their particular spirits, sometimes one, two, or more, according as they intend to stand on the defensive part, or are maliciously inclined and design to be upon the offensive: so that there are a set number of obsequious spirits, beyond which none hath. But however some of these will not engage themselves without great solicitation, and earnest entreaties, when others more readily profer themselves to litle children, when they find them fit for their turn, so that diverse of the Inhabitants are almost naturally Magicians. For when the devil takes a liking to any person in his infancy, as a fit instrument for his designs, he presently seases on him by a disease, in which he haunts them with several apparitions, from whence according to the capacity of his years and understanding he learns what belongs to the art. Those which are taken thus a second time see more visions, and gain greater knowledg. If they are seased a third time, which is seldom without great torment, or utmost danger of their life, the devil appears to them in all his shapes, by which they arrive to the very perfection of this art; and become so knowing, that without the Drum they can see things at greatest distances, and are so possessed by the devil, that they see them even against their will. For example, not long since a certain Lap, who is yet alive, upon my complaint against him for his Drum, brought it to me; and confest with tears, that tho he[47] should part with it, and not make him another, he should have the same visions he had formerly: and he instanc’t in my self, giving me a true and particuliar relation of whatever had happened to me in my journy to Lapland. And he farther complained, that he knew not how to make use of his eies, since things altogether distant were presented to them.

As for the art, it is, according to the diversity of the instruments they make use of in it, divided into two parts: one comprehends all that to which their Drum belongs, the other those things to which knots, darts, spells, conjurations, and the like refer. First concerning the drum, as being peculiar to the Laplanders; and called by them Kannus, or Quobdas; it is made out of a hollow piece of wood, and must either be of pine, fir, or birch tree, which grows in such a particular place, and turns directly according to the Suns course; which is, when the grain of the wood, running from the bottom to the top of the tree, winds it self from the right hand to the left. From this perhaps they believe this tree very acceptable to the Sun, which under the image of Thor they worship with all imaginable devotion. The piece of wood they make it of, must be of the root cleft asunder, and made hollow on one side, upon which they stretch a skin: the other side, being convex, is the lower part, in which they make two holes, where they put their fingers to hold it. The shape of the upper side is oval, in diameter almost half an ell, very often not so much; it is like a kettle drum, but not altogether so round, nor so hollow; neither is the skin fastned with little iron screwes, but wooden pegs. I have seen some sowed with the sinews of Rain-dears. Olaus termed the drum very improperly an anvil, tho I believe he only meant by this a drum, as will appear hereafter. This perhaps made the Engraver mistake, who made a Smith’s anvil for it, placing a Serpent and a frog upon it, with a Smith’s hammer by. The Laplanders use only a drum, which perhaps because they beat it with a hammer, was by Olaus called an anvil. They paint upon the skin several pictures in red, stained with the bark of an Alder tree. They draw near the middle of the drum several lines quite cross, upon these they place those Gods, to whom they pay the greatest worship, as Thor the chief God, with his attendance, and Storjunkar with his: these are drawn on the top of the line; after this they draw another line parallel to the former, only half cross the drum, on this stands the image of Christ with some of his Apostles. Whatever is drawn above these two lines represents birds, Stars, and the Moon; below these they place the Sun, as middlemost of the Planets, in the very middle of the drum, upon which they put a bunch of brazen rings when they beat it. Below the Sun they paint the terrestrial things, and living creatures; as Bears, Wolves, Rain-dears, Otters, Foxes, Serpents: as also Marshes, Lakes, Rivers, &c. This is the description of the drum according to Sam. Rheen, of which this is the picture.

The Explication of the Figures.

In the Drum A. a markes Thor. b Thors Servant. c Storjunkare. d his Servant. e Birds. f Stars. g Christ. h his Apostles. i a Bear. k a Wolf. l a Rain-deer. m an Ox. n the Sun. o a Lake. p a Fox. q a Squeril. r a Serpent.

In the Drum B. a denotes God the Father. b Jesus Christ. c the Holy Ghost. d S. John. e Death. f a Goat. g a Squeril. h Heaven. i the Sun. l a Wolf. m the fish Siik. n a Cock. o Friendship with the wild Rain-deer. p Anundus Eerici (whose Drum this was) killing a Wolf. q Gifts. r an Otter. s the friendship of other Lapps. t a Swan. u a sign to try the condition of others, and whether a disease be incurable. x a Bear. y a Hog. β a Fish. γ one carrying a Soul to Hell.

I have observed that severall of their drums have not the same pictures upon them, I have three very different; one, which is here set down, marked by the letter B. They are described differently by Tornæus, in w^ch the figures are distinguished so as to refer to several places, of which there are chiefly three. In the first stands Norland, and other Countries of Sweden, which are placed on the South side of the drum, and are separated by a line from the rest; in this also is contained the next great City, where they trafic most; as in the drums made at Torne, or Kiemi, there is drawn the City Torne, with the Temple, Priest, and Governour of the Laplanders, and many others with whom they have any concerns: as also the highway that lies betwixt them and Torne, by which they discover when their Priest, or Governour will come; besides other affairs managed in those parts. On the North part, Norway is described with all that is contained in it. In the middle of these two stands Lapland, this takes up the greatest part of the drum: in it are the several sorts of beasts that are in the Countrey, here they picture herds of Rain-dears, Bears, Foxes, Wolves, and all manner of wild beasts, to signifie when, and in what place they may find them. If a tame Rain-dear be lost, how they may get him againe. Whether the Rain-deers young ones will live. Whether their net fishing will be successfull. If sick men will recover, or not. Whether women great with child shall have a safe delivery. Or such, or such a man will die of such a distemper, or by what other; and other things of the like nature which they are desirous to know. I cannot give an account of the reason for this difference in the drums, unless it is that some of them are made for more malicious designs, others again for each man’s private purpose. Upon this account I believe, according to the nature of the business they intend, they add, and blot out, and sometimes wholly change the figures. But that you may the better understand the diversity of the drums, here are two represented to you, both which I had out of the Study of the Chancellour of the Kingdom.

The two greater Figures represent, one the upper, the other the lower side of the Drum, and so do also the two lesser.

Besides these two drums, I had also a third given me by the same Lord of as great a size as any that can be usually met with.

To these I add a fourth, given me by the Illustrious Baron Lieutenant Henry Flemming, mark’t with the letter F.

Now there are two things required to fit the drum for use, an Index and a Hammer, that shews among the pictures the thing they enquire after, with this they beat the drum. The Index is the bunch of brazen rings mentioned before. They first place one great ring upon the drum, then they hang severall small ones upon that; the shape of the Index’s is very different, for of these I have one made of copper, of the bigness of a Dollar, with a square hole in the middle, several small chains hanging about it instead of rings. Another hath an Alchymy ring, on which a small round plate of copper is hung by little chains. I have seen another also of bone, in the shape of the Greek Δ, with rings about it; and others[53] of a quite different make. I have described mine under the drums A, and B, by the mark G; but the common sort of rings are of copper, and those upon the Chancellors drums are altogether such. Some writers call these rings serpents, or brazen frogs, and toads, not that they resemble them, but because by them they signifie these creature, whose pictures they often use in their conjuring, as supposing them very grateful and acceptable to the Devil. The Laplanders call the Index Arpa, or Quobdas; and make it indifferently of any sort of metal. The hammer they use in raising their familiars, is not the Smith’s; which was the errour of him that drew it in Olaus Magn. but is an instrument belonging only to the Laplanders, and called by a peculiar name by them: it is made of a Rain-deers horn, branching like a fork, this is the head of the hammer, the other part serves for the handle. The instrument is placed under the two drums A. B. with the letter H, with the hammer they beat the drum, not so much to make a noise, as by the drumming to move the ring lying on the skin, so as to pass over the pictures, and shew what they sought after. This is the description of the drum, with all its necessaries as it is used by the Laplanders that are subject to the Swedes; the Finlappers also that are under the Crown of Danemarke, make use of drums something different in fashion from the former; yet however the difference is so small, that I believe their drums are not of a different kind from ours, but made only for some particular uses. I shall give an account of one of those, described in Wormius’s Study, who saies that “the Laplanders drum, which they use in their magic, and by beating which they discover those things they desired, is made of an oval piece of wood hollowed, in length a foot, in breadth ten inches; in this they make six holes, and put a handle to it, that they may hold in the left hand, whilst they beat it with the other; upon it they stretch over a skin, painted with diverse rude figures, drawn with blood, or red; upon this lies a piece of brass, in the shape of a Rhomboides, somewhat convexe, about two inches in diameter, in the middle of this, and at each corner hangs a small chain. The instrument, with which they beat the drum, is of bone, six inches long, about the thickness of a little finger, and made much like the Latine T.”

This instrument the Laplanders use for diverse designs, and are of opinion that whatever they do it is don by the help of this. For this reason they have it in great esteem and reverence, taking such care in securing it, that they wrap it with the Index, and hammer, up in a Lambskin, and for its greater safety, lay it in some private place. But I think it an errour, to suppose them to lay it in a Lambskin: for it is written in some places Loomskin, which signifies the skin of a bird that lives altogether in the water. They think it so sacred, and holy, that they suffer no maid that is marriageable to touch it; and if they remove it from place to place, they carry it the last of all, and this must be don too only by men; or else they go with it thro some untrod way, that no body may either meet or follow them. The reason they give for their great care in this particular, is, because they believe if any one, especially a maid that is marriageable, should follow the same way, they would in three daies time at least fall into some desperate disease, and commonly without any hopes of recovery. This they seem to verifie by many examples, that we may give the[54] more credit to it; and we have the less reason to doubt the truth of this, since the devil severely commands his worship to be observed, and suffers not those rites and customs he hath imposed to be violated, so long as God is pleased to grant him this liberty. Now because it may happen sometimes that a woman may out of necessity be constrained to go that way, by which the drum hath bin carried, the devil is so favorable as to permit it without any danger, upon condition she first offers a brazen ring to the drum.

In the next place, because they believe they can effect very strange things by the drum, we will shew what they are, and the manner used to perform them. These are three, belonging either to their hunting, their sacred affairs, or lastly the enquiring into things far distant. I find four chiefly mentioned by another Writer, the first is, the knowing the state of affairs in forreign Countries. The second, what success their designs in hand will meet. With the third, how to cure diseases. The fourth, what Sacrifices their Gods will be pleased to accept, and what beast each God desires or dislikes most. As to the way in making enquiries, it is not the same among all these artists. But the great thing they generally observe, is, to stretch the skin very stiff, which is don by holding it to the fire. The next is, that they beat not altogether in the same place, but round about the Index; then that they beat softly at first, presently quicker, and continue this till they have effected their intent. The drummer first lifts up the drum by degrees, then beats softly about the Index, till it begins to stirr, and when it is removed some distance from its first place to either side, he strikes harder, till the Index points at something, from whence he may collect what he sought for. They take care also that as well he that beats the drum, as those that are present at the ceremony, should be upon their knees. As to the occasions of their beating thus, the later of those is already discoursed of. Now we proceed to the rest, the first of which is concerning their enquiries into things acted in remote parts. Those who desire to know the condition of their friends, or affairs abroad, whether distant five hundred, or a thousand miles, go to some Laplander, or Finlander skilfull in this art, and present him with a linen garment, or piece of silver, as his reward, for satisfying them in their demands. An example of this nature is to be seen upon record, at Bergen, a famous Market Town in Norway, where the effects of the German Merchants are registred; in this place there was one John Delling, Factor then to a German, to whom a certain Finlapper of Norway came with James Samaousuend: of him John Delling enquired about his Master then in Germany; the Finlapper readily consenting to tell him, like a drunken man presently made a great bawling, then reeling and dancing about several times in a circle, fell at last upon the ground, lying there sometime as if he were dead, then starting up on a suddain, related to him all things concerning his Master, which were afterwards found to agree to what he reported. There are many more instances of this kind: the most considerable, is one concerning a Laplander, now living, who gave Tornæus an account of the Journey he first made to Lapland, tho he had never seen him before that time; which, altho it was true, Tornæus dissembled to him, least he might glory too much in his devilish practises, and rely upon them, as the only means whereby he might attain[55] to truth. The autority of this man is so considerable, that it may gain credit enough to the Story. As to the method taken in making discoveries, it is very different. Olaus Magn. describes it thus, the drummer goes into some private room, accompanied by one single person, besides his wife, and by beating the drum moves the Index about, muttering at the same time several charms, then presently he falls into an extasie, and lies for a short time as if dead; in the mean while his companion takes great care, that no gnat, flie, or other living creature touch him; for his Soul is carried by some ill Genius into a forreign Countrey, from whence it is brought back with a knife, ring, or some other token, of his knowledg, of what is done in those parts; after this rising up, he relates all the circumstances belonging to the business that was enquired after; and that they may seem[56] certainly so, he shews what he hath brought from thence. Petr. Claud. makes no mention either of the drum, charms, company, or those things he brings with him; but saies he casts himself upon the ground, grows black in the face, lying as if dead for an hour or two; according as the distance of the place is, of which he makes enquiry; when he awakes he gives a full account of all affairs there. It is clear from what was said before, that they made use of a drum; and ’tis observed that for this sort of conjuring the lower part of the drum, whereby they hold it, was commonly shaped like a cross. One of this make was given me by the Lord Henry Flemming, Colonel of a foot Regiment in Finland, the Figure of it is in the page foregoing. They hang about it several claws, and bones of the creatures they take. That several persons also, as well men as women, are permitted to be present at this ceremony, is asserted by Sam. Rheen in his history, where he saies that the drummer sings a song, called by them Joiike, and the men and women that are present sing likewise, some in higher some in lower notes, this they call Duura. Next as to the casting themselves on the ground, there are various relations, some think them not really, but only in appearance dead; others are apt to believe that the soul departs from the body, and after its travell abroad, returns again. But without doubt this is false, for is it impossible, for either man, or devil, to restore the soul to the body it hath once left. So that I believe the devil only stifles the faculties of the soul for a time, and hinders their operations. Now after the drummer falls down, he laies his drum as near as possibly on his head, in this posture.

Those in the mean time that are present, leave not off singing all the time he lies sweating in this agony; which they do not only to put him in mind, when he awakes, of the business he was to know; but also that he[57] might recover out of this trance, which he would never do, (as they imagine) if they either ceased singing, or any one stirred him with their hand or foot. This perhaps is the reason why they suffer no flie, or any living creature to touch him; and it is upon this account only that they watch him so diligently, and not out of any fear they have least the devil should take away his body; which opinion of Peucers is altogether false. It is uncertain how long they lye in this manner, but it is commonly according as the place where they make their discovery, is nearer or farther off; but the time never exceeds 24 houres, let the place be at never so great a distance. After he awakes he shews them some tokens to confirm their belief in what he tells them. This is the first and chiefest use they make of the drum.

The next is, how to know the event of their own concerns, and what success their hunting will have, or any other business which they undertake, for they seldom venture on any thing, without first consulting that. In order to the knowing this, they place the bunch of rings on the picture of the Sun in the drum; then they beat, singing at the same time; if the rings go round towards the right hand, according to the Suns course they promise to themselves good health, fortune, and great encrease both of men and beasts; if contrary, towards the left, they expect sickness and all the evils attending on ill success. We may easily ground this opinion of theirs upon the other mentioned above, where they believe the Sun the only Author of all productions. Wherefore when the Index moves according to his motion, it portends prosperity by following his course, from whom they expect all the good they receive. This is the way they take in all their more weighty affairs, as in a journey, hunting, removing their habitations, or any such like thing, of which something before, and more hereafter. Before they hunt they make particular observation which way the Index turns, whether East, West, North, or South; and collect from thence where their game lies. Other things for which the drum is serviceable, are, first, the discovering the nature of diseases, whether they arise from any disorder in the body, or are caused by magic; this being known, then to find the remedy for them, which is commonly by sacrifice to one or other of their angry Gods, but chiefly to Storjunkar, who bears greatest autority among them, and if not appeased, leaves them small hopes of recovery. Wherefore the sick person vows a sacrifice, either of a Rain-deer, Bull, Goat, or Ram, or something of this kind to one of the Storiunkars, that stands upon the mountains. The sacrifice is not left to the disposal of the sick man, but must be made according to the directions of the drummer; for he is supposed to be the only man able to advise them in this case, he first discovers which of the Gods is displeased, and what sort of sacrifice is most acceptable to him, for they refuse several, and the same also at several times. But before the drummer appeases their Gods, they give him a copper and a silver ring, putting them on his right arm, then he begins a song, and beats the drum, and all that are present joyn with him in a Chorus; after this according to the place, to which the Index points, he directs them. These are the things commonly done by the drum. The last thing for which they think it necessary, is, the accomplishing their wicked designs, as impairing mens health, or depriving them of their lives; which is frequently enough practised among them, tho not altogether so[58] publicly as heretofore. Some of them account this only unlawful, and exclude themselves out of the number of those, which use it, thinking the other uses of the drum to consist chiefly in doing good. But however this mischievous Art continues still too much among them. Several inhabitants of Kiema in Lapland were apprehended in the year 1671, with drums, for this purpose so large, that they could not be removed from thence, but were burnt in the place. Among those Laplanders there was one four score years of age, that confessed he was bred up in this art from his childhood, who in 1670 upon some quarrell about a pair of mittens, caused a Boar of Kiema to be drowned in a Cataract, for which he was condemned to die, and in order to that was to be carried in chains to the next town in Bothnia, but in the journy he contrived so by his art, that on a suddain, tho he seemed well, and lusty, he died on the sledge, which he had often foretold he would sooner do, then fall into the Executioners hands. As to the ceremonies used in this particular, either in their words, gesture, or any other thing, I can give no account, finding none in those writings, from whence I collected the rest. The reason for this, I suppose, is, because they themselves keep this secret, as the great mystery in their art; or that no one would enquire into them, least they should be thought guilty of this damnable sin.

Having treated largely of the drum, we come to the other parts of this art, to which also belong proper sorts of instruments: the first is a cord tied with knots for the raising of wind. They, as Zeiglers relates it, tye three magical knots in this cord; when they untie the first, there blows a favorable gale of wind; when the second, a brisket; when the third, the Sea and wind grow mighty stormy, and tempestuous. This, that we have reported concerning the Laplanders, is by Olaus Magnus, and justly, related of the Finlanders, who border on the Sea, and sell winds to those Merchants that trafic with them, when they are at any time detained by a contrary one. The manner is thus, they deliver a small rope with three knots upon it, with this caution, that when they loose the first, they shall have a good wind, if the second, a stronger, if the third, such a storm will arise, that they can neither see how to direct the ship, and avoid rocks, or so much as stand upon the decks, or handle the tackling. No other Writers mention this concerning the Laplanders, and I am apt not to think it at all probable, since they live in an inland Country, bordering no where upon the Sea. Wherefore this properly belongs to the Finlappers in Norway. Now those that are skilled in this art, have command chiefly over the winds that blew at their birth; so that this wind obeys principally one man, that another, as if they obtained this power when they first received their breath; now as this belongs chiefly to the Finlappers and Finlanders of Norway, so doth the stopping of the course of ships, which is altogether of the same nature. This is also attributed to the Laplanders, who according to the different affection they have for Merchants, make the Sea either calmer, or more tempestuous.

We come now to their magical Darts, which they make of lead, in length about a finger; by these they execute their revenge upon their enemies, and according to the greatness of the injury received, they wound them with cankrous swellings, either in the arms, or legs, which by the extremity of its pain, kills them in three daies time. They shoot these darts[59] to what distance they please, and that so right too, that they seldom miss their aim. Olaus Magnus reports the same in his writings, which I believe is only a transcript of Zeigler’s, the words being the same, and without doubt he follows him in this particular as he hath in many others. But I suppose they are both mistaken, and misrender’d them leaden darts, since I can find no person in these times that knows of any such; neither is there any mention made of them in any other writers, or by the common People, who seldom omit such circumstances as these in their relations. But they might perhaps be mistaken in supposing them to be made of lead, by misunderstanding the word Skott, which is commonly used for their explanation. For when either man or beast is suddainly taken with a disease, by which their strength fails, and they immediately perish; the common People call this that takes them so Skott, that is a dart. This might make Zeigler think to be really some dart, which the inhabitants are wholly ignorant of, and most among us believe these things to be effected by some other means. Petrus Claudius calls it a Gan, which they send abroad: he likens it to a flie, but saies it is some little devil, of which the Finlanders in Norway that excell most in this art, keep great numbers in a leathern bag, and dispatch daily some of them abroad. Of these he relates a story, that happened in his time: an Inhabitant of Helieland, who is still alive, going towards the mountains in Norway to hunt Bears, came to a cave under the side of a hill, where he found an image rudely shapen, which was the Idoll of some Finlander; near this stood a Ganeska, or magical satchel: he opened this, and found in it several blewish flies crawling about, which they call Gans, or spirits, and are daily sent out by the Finlanders to execute their devilish designs. But he seems to intimate no more by this word Gan, then that very thing which endangers mens health, and lives. For he saies that these Finlanders cannot live peaceably, except they let out of their Ganeska or Gankiid, which is the satchel, every day one of the Gans, that is a fly or devil. But if the Gan can find no man to destroy, after they have sent him out, which they seldom do upon no account at all, then he roves about at a venture, and destroies the first thing he meets with; sometimes they command it out to the mountains, to cleave rocks asunder: however these conjurers will, for very trivial causes, send out their Gan to ruine men. This word Gan signifies no more then what Zeigler meant by his dart, for the term by which they express its going out is de Skiuda deris Gan, that is, he as it were shoots out his Gan like an arrow, for Skiuda is only proper to the shooting out of an arrow.

This is the third thing belonging to their magic, which they use as well against one another as strangers; nay sometimes against those that they know are their equals in the art. Of this kind there happened a notable passage betwixt two Finlanders, one of which was called Asbioern Gankonge, from his great knowledge in the art, the other upon some small difference concerning their skill, or some such trifle, would have destroyed Asbioern, but was still prevented by his too powerfull art, till at last finding an opportunity, as Asbioern lay sleeping under a rock, he immediately dispatcht away a Gan, that cleft the rock asunder, and tumbled it upon him. This happened in the time of Petrus Claud. not long before he wrote his History. Some of the Conjurers are contented only with the power to[60] expell that Gan out of men, or beasts, which others send. This is remarkable among them, that they can hurt no man with their Gan, except they first know his parents name.

Now all that the Finlanders and Finlappers of Norway effect by their Gan, the Laplanders do by a thing they call Tyre. This Tyre is a round ball, about the bigness of a wallnut, or small apple, made of the finest hair of a beast, or else of moss, very smooth, and so light that it seems hollow, its colour is a mixture of yellow, green, and ash, but so that the yellow may appear most. I had one of these given me by M^r John Otto Silverstroem, Warden of the Colledge belonging to the metals, and Master of the Mines at Saltzburg and Frahlune. This is the figure of it.

This Tyre they say is quickened and moved by a particular art; it is sold by the Laplanders, so that he that buies it may hurt whom he pleases with it. They do perswade themselves, and others, that by the Tyre they can send, either Serpents, Toads, Mice, or what they please into any man, to make his torment the greater. It goes like a whirlewind, and as swift as an arrow, and destroies the first man, or beast, that it lights on, so that it often mistakes. Of these we have too many instances in this time, which are too long to insert here: having therefore done with all, or at least the chiefest matters concerning their sacred, and superstitious rites, or worship; we proceed to other affairs.

We come now to their secular affairs, which are either public or private: we will treat first of the public, to which belong the form and constitution of their Government. This in former times, before they were named Laplanders, was in this manner; they were subject to no neighbouring Country, but were governed among themselves yet so as to be subject to a King, they chose out of their own Nation. Most of them, or at least those which bordered on Norway, and dwelt near the Sea, were under this kind of Government, in the time of Harauld Harfager King of Norway, cotemporary with Ericus the Conqueror, King of the Swedes, this was 900 years after Christ; he conquered the greatest part of Norway, except these Finlanders. The King that reigned over them at that time,[61] was named Mottle. This account was questionless taken from Haralds expedition into Biarmia, and his ruining all that Countrey, except the part belonging to these Finlanders. In those times the name of Laplanders was neither used, nor known, as I have shewn elsewhere, but they retained that of their ancestours, which was also common to all of the same extraction.

Their condition was not much altered, after that they took this name; which was when they first sent out Colonies into the inland Countries, on the farther part of the mountains, which divide Swedland from Norway. For they that went out had certainly some Leader, whom without doubt they chose for King, after they had taken possession of those Countries; and I believe they would scarcely submit to any other power whilst that he was living; and this seems the more probable, because no one in those daies would undertake the conquest of a company of poor beggarly fugitives, who dwelt among Woods and Deserts, in continual snow and the greatest extremity of cold. This was the Moscovites opinion of them, who tho they dwelt near them, scarcely knew their nature and disposition, and thought it madness to set upon them with a small party, and an adventure of little profit, and less honour to raise an Army against a Country already distressed by poverty. For this reason the Laplanders enjoied their own customs for a long time. The first King of Sweden that had any thoughts of conquering them was Ladulaus the great, who florished about the year 1277, who because it seemed difficult to bring them under the Crown of Sweden, promised those that would undertake the conquest, the government over them. He thought it too expensive to make a public war upon them, when they were to be dealt with as wild beasts; yet however could not endure that a neighbouring People, dwelling almost in the heart of his Country, for they possessed at that time as far as the Bay of Bothnia, should refuse obedience to his Kingdom. Wherefore he thought upon the before mentioned project, and proposed great advantages to private persons, upon which the Birkarli, their neighbours, readily engaged themselves, and effected their enterprize no less successfully. In this design, the plot of a particular person was most remarkable, as is related by Ericus, and recorded by John Buræus. One single man of the Birkarli went towards Lapland to way-lay the Laplanders in their return from Birkala, (at this time no one inhabited on the North side of that allotment) and ordered his wife to cover him over with snow, in the middle of the way where the Laplanders must necessarily pass over him. They came in the night time, and by their passing over him he knew there were fifteen, which were the chief among them, and to whom the rest were in subjection; when they were gone, he immediately arose out of the snow, and going some shorter way, set upon them at unawares, as they passed by, one by one, which is their usual way in travelling, and slew them one after another. None of those that followed perceived the first men slain, it being in the night time, and each of them at some distance from the others; till the last man finding his fellows killed, made a stout resistance, but the Birkarla by the assistance of his wife got the victory, and slew him likewise. Thus the most powerfull of them being slain, the rest readily submitted. Some think the Birkarli deluded them by a pretended truce, and[62] that before it was expired, they assaulted them, not suspecting then the least danger, and killing several, subdued the Countrey, as far as the Northern and Western Oceans. We may easily collect from the truce mentioned here, that before their subjection to the Swedes by the Birkarli, there was some kind of war betwixt both: besides, it was shewn above, that Ladulaus could not bring them under his Crown. This perhaps may be Zeiglers meaning, when he describes them as a warlike People, and free for a great time, that they also withstood the Arms of Norway and Sweden, till they were forced at last to yeild; but what Zeigler imputes to their valour, proceeded only from the contemt they were then in, as is plain from the opinion the Moscovites gave of them. And there is little reason to suppose the Swedes were not of the same, since they were overcome only by the allotment of Birkala; and Ladulaus did not conquer them out of any fear he conceived of their forces, but by sleight, foreseeing the small advantages he should receive would not quit the charges of an Army. Thus the Laplanders were brought in subjection by the subtilty and expence of private persons. About the year of our Saviour 1277, the Birkarli had the autority over them; yet so as to acknowledg their dependance on the King of Sweden. Now whether all of them were thus overcome, as those that lived beyond the mountains of Norway, near the Sea, which are the Finlanders, or Lappofinni, is still in doubt, except we collect it from this, that all from the Northern and Western Oceans were certainly subjected. But whatever dispute may arise concerning that, it is manifest the Swedes were the first Conquerours of Lapland, but afterwards the Norwegians and Moscovites following their example, put in also for a part; thus they became subject to these three severall Princes. But to pass by the others, the Swedes enjoyed, for some former ages, half the dominions from Tidisfiorden to Walangar, over the Lappofinni, or maritime Finlanders. This was given by Charles the IX, in his instructions to his Embassadors, sent to the King of Danemark, wherein he made it appear that the Swedes had from former times, till then, enjoied half the rights, both sacred and civill, whether as to tributes, punishments, men, or fisherie, with the Crowns of Danemark and Norway. But the Swedes kept only a third part from Malanger to Waranger, those of Norway and Moscovy laying claim to the other two, till in the year 1595, the Moscovites, by a League, delivered up their part, but the Swedes alwaies possessed the mountainous and more neighbouring places from Ladulaus’s time, for near four hundred years, and exercised their autority over them. The Government after the conquest was in the hands of the Birkarli, according to the grant given them by Ladulaus, who ruled over those that dwelt near the Bay of Bothnia, imposed taxes, trafficked with them, and received all the profit of the Salmon fishing, and all other advantages arising from them; but in acknowledgement to the King, as Supreme, they paid a certain number of gray Squirrils skins. The Laplanders, by common consent, received and honored the Bergchara, that is men of the mountains, or Birkarli, as their Governours, and paid them very rich skins, and severall sorts of fish, both for their tribute to the King of Sweden, and their own proper uses. Neither were there any other commissioned by the King in those times to govern them, as will appear afterwards. He, that was their Governor was[63] honored by them with the title of King, his autority was confirmed by the Crown of Sweden, he wore a red robe, as the token of his Roialty; now from this sort of garment, by which the Birkarli were distinguished from others, it is evident they were the first rulers in those parts; and perhaps only one governed them, whilst they dwelt near the Bay of Bothnia, but when they enlarged their possessions farther into the Land, and were divided into severall Counties, each division had its particular Governor. And that it was so, is manifested from the Letters of Gustavus the first, where he divides the Birkarli into Luhlians, Pythians, and Tornians, over which accordingly there were severall Governors. It may perhaps now be a dispute, who these Birkarli were, by whom the Swedes subdued Lapland; Buræus saies they were the Inhabitants of the allotment, of Birkala, but Olaus Magnus is of a different opinion, and calls them Bergchara, that is, men of the mountains, from Berga mountain, and Charar or Karar men. What grounds he hath for this, he neither declares, nor can I easily imagine. But I think them so small that they will find little credit any where; for from whence, or from what mountains should they be thus called? not from those of Norway, when at that time no body inhabited there; neither are there any other mountains besides these, from whence they should take this name: moreover, the Birkarli were subjects to the Swedes, and conversed commonly with the Laplanders. The public records also contradict this opinion, for in them there is no mention of Bergcharli, but Birkarleboa. It is yet clearer also from the Letters of Cnute Joanson, written in Latine, in the year 1318, where he saies in the Parliament held at Telge, betwixt the Helsingers and Birkarleboa in his presence, there was issued out this Placart, &c. This serves to confute Olaus. It is more evident that they came from Birkala, an allotment in Tavastia, and described in the Mapps. Next, as to Gustavus the first mentioning the Birkarli, in the foresaid Letters, as belonging to severall marches, viz. Luhla, Pitha, and Torna it was upon this account: the Birkarli that descended from those of Tavastia, were placed in these severall Towns to govern the Laplanders, and because they only had the priviledge of commerce with them, they were called Merchants. They were used in the Summer to buy those commodities of the Merchants that came to Bothnia, which were necessary for the Laplanders, and in the Winter, when the Rivers and Lakes were frozen over, they carried them up into the Countrey. This way of trafic was used by all the Inhabitants of Bothnia, but perhaps only at first by one allotment, which growing populous, severall of the Inhabitants removed farther into the Countrey, and retained the same priviledge that was first granted by Ladulaus, viz. that no one, but they, should claim any priviledges over the Laplanders, either as to the Government, tribute, commerce, or any thing of this nature, which priviledges they for a long time enjoied, as is confirmed by the Letters wrote by Cnute Joanson, in the time of King Smecke, in which it was provided that the Birkarli should not be molested either in their passage to or from the Laplanders. This priviledge they maintained till Gustavus the first, who made a Contract with them at Upsal on the 4^th of April 1528, concerning the yearly tribute they were to pay to the Crown, for the great advantages they received from the Laplanders. This tribute was only in respect of the priviledges the[64] Birkarli had from Ladulaus’s time till then, these were so largely granted, that they setled them as hereditary upon their children, and none but those descended from the Birkarli could enjoy them. This Gustavus also confirmed according to the former grants made to their ancestors, but with this alteration that they should pay half as much more, as they did formerly. This Government the Birkarli exercised over the Laplanders which they got by subtility, had their autority from the King of Sweden, preserved it in their own family, and delivered it down to their children for near 300 years, till Gustavus the first, by reason of their insulting over the common People, deprived them of this state; for when their riches encreased they oppressed the poorer sort, and extorted so much from them that they left them very little, but that which was worth nothing. Upon this, complaint was made to Gustavus, who thereupon committed Henricus Laurentii to prison, and confiscated most of his estate, taking then the tribute from the Laplanders into his hands, and granted to all People free trading with them. This Henricus Laurentii was without doubt in that time the head of the Birkarli, and I believe the brother of David Laurentii, who, together with Jonas Nicolas, concluded the Treaty with Gustavus in the name of the Birkarli, in the year 1528, for setling the tribute, and other affairs. From hence we may collect they lost their priviledges, not long after this Contract; now it was not only just to deprive them of those priviledges, which they abused in oppressing others, but prudent, as well from the jealousy of too great a power granted to private persons over so large and populous a part of the Kingdome, as out of consideration of its wealth, which was more necessary to the Kings, for driving out the common enemy, ane establishing the Kingdomes liberty, then to maintain the pride of the Birkarli, who besides their injustice, were inconsiderable both in number and strength. Gustavus the first having thus deposed the Birkarli, sent Deputies to gather the tribute, and manage all things in the Kings name; the Deputies are called by the Swedes, Lappfougder, by the Laplanders, Konunga Olmai, that is the Kings men; of these there is mention made in the patent granted by Gustavus the first to M^r Michael, the first Priest in Lapland in 1559, the words are to this purpose, We commend all the Inhabitants of Lapland, as well Deputies, as others, &c. These had at first the charge of all public affairs, as will appear in the following Chapter, as for collecting taxes, as executing justice among them. But afterwards, when Charles the ninth divided the Countrey into several parts, and formed it into better order, more were added to the former, for examining causes, convicting of criminals, and other such like things, till at last the state of Government was little different from what it is now. Next under the King, they have a Provincial Judge called by the Swedes, Lagman, under him one of the Senators, Underlagman, next an Interpreter of the Laws, Laglæsaren, and divers others which enquire into causes, and do justice; then they have a Governour of the Province, Landzhœfdingh, a head over the Laplanders, Lappafougten, their Officers who perform all other duties. In this manner the Laplanders are now governed by the Swedes.

After the manner of their Government, and the discipline they live under, we descend to those affairs that are managed by it; which belong either to the Courts of Judicature, or to the Tribute. I can scarce find any mention of the former. Their own Kings, when they were a free Nation, exercised this autority, and kept the jurisdiction in their own hands; but when the Birkarli ruled them, it depended altogether on their plesure. Zeigler makes no mention of any Judges among them, but saies that if any dispute happened that was dubious, it was referred to the Courts in Swedland; I suppose he means the more weighty controversies, which the Birkarli could not, or did not dare to decide. But these were very rare with them, for great crimes, as theft, rapine, murder, adultery, or such like are seldom committed and scarce known by the Laplanders. They neither borrow nor lend mony, being content with what they possess of their own, which are commonly the occasions of quarrels in other Nations, and maintain so many Lawyers. The chief sin they are guilty of is their magical superstition, which since their embracing Christianity, is forbidden by the Laws, and is not so frequent as formerly. After that Gustavus the first had deposed the Birkarli, and given them Governors of their own, they lived under better discipline, and greater diligence was used in seeing Justice done, but Charles the ninth was the first that took care to have them instructed in the Swedish Laws, and that they should regulate themselves accordingly. This charge was given by the same King in his instructions to Laurentius Laurentii, Governor of Lapland, dated from Stockholm on the 10^th of Oct. 1610, wherein he commanded him to govern those of Uma, Pitha, and Luhla, according to the Swedish Laws, and to protect them from all injuries. There are at present in Lapland three Governors, and as many Courts of Judicature: the first is called Anundsiœense, or Angermansian, the other Uhmensian, Pithensian and Luhlensian, the other is the Tornensian, and Kiemensian. Over these are particular Governors, who in the Kings name pass Sentence, but in the presence of a Judge and a Priest; where it is observable that they added Priests to the Governors, to restrain them from doing injustice by the autority of their presence. Now as to the time when these Courts were called, it is a doubt, but I believe it was at the Fair times, when they met about all public business; this was commonly twice in a year, viz. in Winter and Summer, according to an order of Charles the ninth’s. It is now in January and February. They were held in the same places where they kept their Markets and Fairs, which were determined in each particular County, as will appear by and by.

Now we come to the Tribute they paid, which at first was only skins of beasts, paid not by the Laplanders, but the Birkarli, yet only as an acknowledgement of their subjection to the Crown of Sweden. Buræus calls it naogra timber graoskin, graoskin signifies gray Squirrils skins, of which color the Squirrils were constantly in the Winter; timber denotes the number of the skins, which were fourty, tied together in a bundle. It is uncertain how many of these bundles the Birkarli gave, but in the Contract with Gustavus the first, those of Luhla and Pitha were engaged to pay 8, which makes in all 360 skins, besides two Martins skins. Those also of Torne were taxed with the same number; and shortly after this number was doubled, by an agreement made in 1528. But after the Birkarli had lost their priviledges, for the forementioned reasons, and the King received the tax by Commissioners for himself, it is very probable some more alteration were made. In the year 1602 they paid instead of skins every tenth Rain-deer, and one tenth of all their dried fish; which is clear from the commands given by Charles to his Deputies Olaus Burman and Henry Benegtson, at Stockholm on the 22^d of July in the same year, to require the tribute in this manner, that so the Laplanders might know what and how much they were to pay: for it seems that from Gustavus the first’s time, till then, the Governors used no constant method in raising it, but sometimes demanded skins, at other times other sorts of goods that seemed most necessary for present use; so that by this uncertainty the tribute grew very heavy upon the Inhabitants, and their Governors took occasion from it to exact what they pleased under pretence of the public account, for their own proper uses. Yet this custom continued not long, being thought perhaps too burthensome to the Laplanders, and very prejudiciable to their herds; wherefore it was ordered in 1606, that every one which was then 17 years of age, should pay either two Bucks, or three Does out of their herds of Rain-deers, and eight pound of dried fish; as also every tenth Fawn out of their stock, and every tenth tun from their fishery. This tax was also imposed on the Birkarli that had any trafic with them. This order was kept a long while, and renewed again by the same King in 1610. The tribute they pay at this time is either mony, Rain-deers, or skins, either plain or fitted up for use. These they pay according to the largeness of the Provinces in which they dwell, the largest of which, they say, are een heel skatt, that is, they pay the full tribute; the lesser een half skatt, that is, half tribute; and so likewise for the rest. He that possesseth a Province of the whole tribute, pays two Patacoons, which they call Skattadaler, and others that have lesser possessions and half tribute, give one Patacoon; those which want mony, pay fish or skins, which are commonly of Foxes or Squirrils, of these 50, of the others one with a pair of Lapland shoes, are equal to a Patacoon: two pounds also of dry fish are of the same value; now to every pound of dried fish they allow five over, because so much is commonly lost in the drying. They call this pound with its addition Skattpund, that is the pound for tribute. They value their Rain-deers at 3 Dollars a piece, and pay the tenths of them, not each family, but every hundred. I have set the prices down here, because if any one had rather keep his Cattel, he can be forced to no more then after this rate. Now concerning the tenths they pay of skins, every housholder is taxed one white Foxe’s skin, or a pair of[67] Lapland shoes; if he hath neither of these, half a pound of dried Jack. This is the Tribute yearly received by the Crown of Sweden from Lapland, of which the greatest part is commonly by the Kings gracious favor allowed for the maintenance of their Priests, as was shewn in another place. Now because it is so far both by Sea and Land, before these commodities can be brought to the Kings Storehouses, besides the ordinary tax they give a pair of Lapland shoes, which they call Haxapalka, that is the price for carriage. This is all they pay to the King of Sweden, but besides they are tributary to the Crown of Danmark, and the great Duke of Moscovy, not as Subjects to these Princes, but upon the account of their receiving several advantages from their Dominions in their hunting and fishing. Those that are thus, are all the allotments of Torna beyond the mountains, who by reason of the liberty they have to bring down their Cattel from the mountains into the vallies in the Summer time, near the Sea shore, and taking the opportunity from thence of fishing, are taxed by the Danes, but not at above half the rate that they pay to the Swedes. These allotments are called Koutokeine, Aujouara, Teno, and Utziocki. The Laplanders also of the allotment of Enare in Kiemi, are in the same condition, who for fishing and hunting pay both to the Danes and Moscovites as well as to the Swedes: to the first one half, to the other a third part of what the Swedes receive. The tribute was in former time gathered when the Governor pleased, but afterwards only in the Winter, against which time it was all brought into Storehouses, each County having its proper place for that purpose. But when the place for their Markets and Fairs was determined, the Governor came thither and received it, which course they still take in this business. That this was also the time for receiving it, will appear from the account I shall give of their Fairs in the next Chapter.

That we may not yet leave the Public concerns of the Laplanders, of which we have treated, let us proceed in the next place to consider their Fairs and common Markets, in which what Customs they anciently used is not so well known. Paulus Jovius saies that among the Laplanders he that had any thing to sell, after he had exposed his Wares, went his way and left them, and that the Chapman coming, and taking what was for his turn, left in the place the full value thereof in white furrs or skins. The reason why they did not speak and bargain with their Chapmen, he saies was, because they were a rustic People, extreamly fearful, and ready to run away from the very sight of a ship, or stranger. Others, that are of a more probable opinion, confess indeed that they used no words in their trading, but that it was not out of rusticity, want of cunning, or the like;[68] but because they had a language quite different from others, and so peculiar to themselves, that they could neither understand, nor be understood of their neighbours: so that it was rather the barbarism, and roughness of their speech, then manners, that made them use this dumb way of traffiking. But of their language we shall treat in its proper place.

Concerning their trading with their neighbours, it is most certain that it was performed without words, by nods and silent gestures: neither was it properly a buying and selling (for they did not of old use either gold or silver) but rather an exchange of one commodity for another. So that whereas Zieglerus tells us they did permutatione & pecunia commercia agere, we may justly doubt whether it be not rather to be read nec pecunia, (unless happily he intend pecunia in the primary sense, and hath more respect to the original of the word, then to the acception now in use.) And truly this way of exchange among them, in those ancient times, was no less then necessary; when indeed, as well the neighbouring Countries, as the Laplanders were quite strangers to any current mony; and this we may understand from the Swedes, among whom there were in those daies either no coins at all; or else only such as had bin transported out of England and Scotland, the use of the Mint being then utterly unknown in that Country. And if at that time there was no mony in Swedland, it is certainly no great wonder there should be none in Lapland. But neither in after times, and when they were under the Jurisdiction of the Birkarli, could the Laplanders come to the use of mony; for they that were Lords over them, monopolizing the whole trade to themselves, did not give them mony for their commodities, but such other merchandise, as their Country stood in need of. In fine to this very day the Laplanders know no other mony but the Patacoon and half Patacoon; other coins whether of copper, silver, or gold, they do not so much value, which will give us to understand that the use of mony among them cannot be of any long date, for the Patacoon is but of later daies, and was never known before the discovery of the Mine in the Vale of Joachim.

These Patacoons they value singly at 2 onces of silver a piece, whence it appears that as they had no other mony, so neither did this pass currant among them, but only by weight, and as if it were in the Mass: and I beleive was not at all in use, untill they were forced to pay tribute in that kind, of which I have discoursed before, and shewed that it was but of late instituted. But what Damianus means by his permutatione tantum annonam & pecuniam acquirunt, we cannot so easily guess; for we do not say that men barter and deal by exchange when mony is paid for a commodity: for to what end should those People seek after getting mony, which was in use neither among themselves nor their neighbours; so that perhaps here also we ought to read nec pecuniam, and then the sense runs, that they were not so sollicitous in getting mony, as in providing the more necessary things of life: altho neither is that true which he delivers of their provisions, as will appear from what follows.

But whatsoever Damianus means, it is most certain that in all their commerce they did but exchange one thing for another; and that to this day the same custom remains among them, who are now concern’d for no more mony then what is sufficient to pay their tribute. Only if there is any commodity[69] among them of great and extraordinary value, that indeed is to be bought with mony.

Their custom is now, not as formerly, to bargain by signs and nods, but either they use speech, (for there are many of them now that are skilled in that of their neighbours) or Interpreters, of which there are plenty enough among them. They with whom they trafic are for the most part their neighbours, on the one side the Swedes and Norwegians, on the other the Finlanders, Russians, and Moscovites. Neither was it otherwise in old times, unless when they were under the power of the Birkarli, who endeavouring to get all the trade into their own hands, did more narrowly watch those that were nighest Sweden, that so they might exclude all but themselves from trafficking in any part of Lapland. The power that we read was given the Birkarli over the Laplanders by Ladulaus the great King, I suppose, chiefly consisted in this; for the other speciall rights and priviledges, which they and their ancestors for a long time possessed, Gustavus the first hath set down, as I have in another place declared.

And this we may also gather from the prohibition of Charles the ninth, denying the Birkarli the priviledge of trafficking in Lapland, as they had formerly done. The words of the injunction published in the year 1602 are to this purpose; And we do utterly forbid the Birkarli any more to trade for skins or other commodities, as they have formerly used. Before this time therefore they were either the only, or chief Merchants in Lapland, whither when they had brought their merchandise, they went round the Country purchasing all the skins they could, of which afterwards they made great sums of mony. And this they continually did till the time of Gustavus the first, when that priviledge began to be denyed them; by which they were grown so rich and powerfull, and what is the common consequent thereof, proud and haughty.

But neither could Gustavus provide against all their arts and evasions; for tho he took from them all power over the Laplanders, yet they being better skilled in the commodities of the Country and constitution of the People then others, did still, tho not so openly, keep correspondence and trafic with them, till in the year 1602, in the time of Charles the ninth, they were forbid by the forementioned injunction, at any time, or in any place, to hold any commerce with them, and the monopoly of all skins was annext to the Crown; a certain rate being set at which they were to be sold. The words of the Edict are thus: “Whatsoever skins are found in Lapland, we do command and enjoyn our Governors to buy up for our use, according to the statute and rate in that case provided.” And this was also again enforced in the year 1610, only in this there was a clause inserted, that the skins of Elkes should be brought into the Kings tresury gratis. The clause runs thus: “And we do command all Laplanders in our name to bring to our Governors all saleable skins, for which they shall return the worth in other commodities, as is by statute provided; but the skins of Elkes they shall seize upon for our use, not giving any consideration for them; if any man shall take this beast, it shall be lawfull for him to keep the flesh for his own private use, but the skin shall belong to Us and our Crown.” But their trading is now grown more general, and they have of late years learned to deal more freely and openly[70] with other Nations; for they that dwell among the mountains that divide Norway and Swedland, deal both with the Norwegians and Swedes, and they that live more Northerly and Easterly with the Russians and Finlanders.

But I come to the commodities themselves, which Jovius saies are only white skins, or furrs, called Ermines. Zieglerus reckons fishes also, of which they have so great draughts, that they are forced to keep them in trunks and ponds till they can transport them into Northbothnia and Russia alba. But there are several other sorts of skins, which Olaus Magnus comprehends under a more general term, and calls pelles pretiosas. Sam. Rheen gives us this catalogue of them, the commodities of the Laplanders are, Raindeers, skins of Raindeers, skins of black, yellow, blew, white Foxes; skins of Otters, of Gluttons, or Badgers, of Martins, of Beavers, of Squirrils, of Wolves, and of Bears, Laplandish garments, Boots, shoes, Gloves, dried Pike, and Cheeses of Rain-deers. With these commodities the Laplanders traffic for Silver, Patacoons, Wollen and linnen Cloth, Copper, Alchimy, Salt, Corn, Bulls hides, Sulphur, Needles and Pins, Knives, Spirit of Wine, and which is more strange for Tobacco, of which as I said before they are great admirers.

Upon all these things as was but now declared, there was a certain rate set by Charles the ninth, according to which they were to be bought up for the use of the Crown; and the same custom is so far yet observed, that to this very day, with whomsoever they deal, they have a certain estimate, whereby they prize both their own and others commodities: the proportion of which rates is according to the Patacoon, or which is the same thing with them, 2 ounces of silver. For example, an ordinary Rain-deer they value at 2 Patacoons, or 4 ounces of silver, the skin of a wild Rain-deer at one Patacoon and ½, or 3 ounces of silver; the skin of a tame male Rain-deer at one Patacoon, but if castrated, at ¼ of a Patacoon, and if a female at ½. So likewise an ordinary Fox skin is worth a Patacoon, 40 gray colored Squirril skins are valued at the same price, which number of those skins they call timber. The skin of a Martin at the same price, 3 white Fox skins at the same price, a Bears skin is worth 2 Patacoons, and a Wolves skin as much, an ordinary Laplandish garment, which they call Mudd, is worth 3 Patacoons, a pair of Boots half a Patacoon, and 4 pair of shoes, 4 pair of gloves, and one pound of dried Pike, each of them are valued at the same price.

Now on the other side, of the commodities for which they traffic, an ell of ordinary cloth, commonly called Silesian or Tangermyndense, they esteem at the rate of a Patacoon, or 2 ounces of silver; 3 pound of Copper at the same rate, and one tunn of Corn at 2 Patacoons and ½, or 5 ounces of silver, 2 pound of Salt at ½ of a Patacoon, 10 yards of course cloth, such as we call home-spun, and they call Waldmar, is worth a Patacoon, a Can of spirit of Wine half as much; but if they chance to light upon any commodities of a lower price, they value them by gray colored Squirril skins, proceeding from one to 10, which number of skins they call Artog, and value at ¼ of a Patacoon, and these are the commodities that drive the trade between the Swede and Laplander. But to those of Norway they carry all sorts of coverlets, made of the skins of Rain-deers, also the beasts themselves, their skins and cheeses, and the feathers of Birds; moreover[71] those things for which they trade with the Swedes, are Copper and Alchimy vessels, ordinary cloth woven by the Swedish Boors, these they change for Bulls, and Cows, whose milk they live on in the Summer, and on their flesh in the Winter, also for Goats and Sheep, out of whose skins they make themselves coverlets, for silver, for the skins of black Foxes, and Otters, for woollen blankets, and for fish, which they sell again to the Swedes, as Herrings, dried Codfish, Skails, and such like. Johannes Tornæus comprehends them in a shorter catalogue, the Laplanders, saies he, traffic with those with Norway and Bothnia, Subjects of the Crown of Sweden, for ordinary woollen cloth, linnen cloth of both sorts, as well the finest as coursest, for corn, bread, brass, iron, and all sorts of Country utensils. But above all things it was their chiefest care to get beasts out of Norway, which in the Autumn, they used to Sacrifice to their Idols.

Whether there were anciently any set places or times in which they did trade, I cannot certainly pronounce, tho Olaus Magnus, Lib. 4. Cap. 5. seems to affirm it, and saies, there were certain set places, some in open fields, and some upon the Ice, in which they did every year keep their Fairs, and exhibit to the public view what they had by their own industry gained, either at home or abroad. But for all this he proceeds not to tell us where those Fairs were kept, or where those places were. And Charles the ninth forbidding the Birkarli continually, and at all times to make their circuits round the Country, did nevertheless appoint certain times and places, in which, as at public Fairs, all traffic should be free and open as well to them as others. The words of the Edict published in the year 1602 I will give you, which run thus: “Wherefore seeing we have forbidden the Birkarli to trade in Lapland, according to their old custom, and in manner aforesaid, We do will and command to be appointed two Fairs every year in every Province, one in the Winter, the other in the Summer, as it shall seem most convenient, and We do will and command our Governors to take care that certain fit places be looked out, in which these Fairs may be kept, and to appoint set times, at which most conveniently as well all Laplanders, Birkarlians, Moscovites, as others, may resort unto them. Furthermore our Will and pleasure is, that each Fair last for two or three weeks, during which time, it shall be lawfull for every one to make such bargains as may be most for his own profit. And we do also command our Governors, that certain Boothes and Sheds be provided after the most convenient manner.” Now by all this it may appear that in former times there were no such things either observed or known, seeing the King here speaks of them as first instituted by him; neither indeed in the Edict it self doth he set down any certain time or place, but names them only as things intended, and which he leaves to the discretion of his Governors, which also Andr. Buræus seems to intimate was performed, when he saies that when they were to pay their tribute, they were at a certain time and in certain places gathered together, as into a Store-house, where those Merchants, we before called Birkarli, exhibited their wares. But now he also leaves us in the dark as to a certainty either of time or place, so that it may seem these Fairs and constitutions did not find so good success as it was hoped they would, untill at length the Queen Christina taking the business into consideration, brought it to greater[72] perfection. There is an Edict of hers, published in the year 1640, in which two Fairs are appointed, one at Arfwisjerf in January, the other at Arieplog to be kept in February. The words are to this purpose: “Furthermore We have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant 2 solemn Fairs, one at Arfwisjerf on the Feast of the Conversion of S. Paul, being the 25 of Jan. the other at Arieplog on the Feast of the Purification of the B. V. Mary, being the 2^d of February, each to be held for 3 daies, at which times it shall be lawfull for the Pithenses and all Laplanders to exercise all sorts of traffic, and these Fairs shall first be holden the next year 1641.” From this time they began to be more diligently observed, and are kept upon those Feasts to this very day, for in all Provinces there are every Spring 3 Fairs kept; the first in Lapmarkia Umensis upon the Feast of the Epiphany, the 2^d in Lapmarkia Luhlensis on the Conversion of S. Paul, the last in Lapmarkia Pithensis, Tornensis, and Kimensis on the Feast of the Purification. These are the Fairs which Christina instituted, only that in Umensis I beleive was observed from the time of Charles the ninth, and the rather because that Lapmark is nighest Swedland. Into Norway they resort and keep Fairs twice a year, the first at Midsummer on the Feast of S. John, the other in the Autumn on the Feast of Simon and Jude, or All-Saints day. And so much for the times and places of their Fairs.

As for their way of dealing they were of old in all their bargains very faithfull and just, tho Damianus à Goes seems to note some craftiness in them, and saies they were very cunning in all their tradings. And Sam. Rheen in plain terms call them cheats, and saies they were so deceitful, that one that did not know all their tricks, could hardly escape being over-reached by them. So that we may suppose that as long as others dealt fairly with them, so long they were trusty and faithfull, but in after times coming to learn how others had served them, by understanding how they had been cheated formerly, they themselves learned to deceive others. But of this we have spoken before: and these thing may serve to give us some light into their customs in trafficking.

In the former Chapter we told you that the Language of the Laplanders was such as did very much differ from that of their neighbours, our next business shall be, as well as we can, to discover what it is. Now whatsoever is received, used, commonly, and publikly spoken in any Country, is certainly a Language, but of this of the Laplanders, Zieglerus in general observes only that it was peculiar to themselves, and not understood by their neighbours. Damianus speaks more plain, and accuses them of barbarism and roughness of speech. Our modern Writers say their speech is a confused miscellany of the Language of their neighbours, and that it was[73] called Lingua Lapponica, quasi corrasa, eet Lappatspraock, and that it is made up of many other Tongues, as of that of Finlanders and Swedes, as for instance; the Laplanders say stour, the Swedes, stoor; the one Salug, the other saligh. And that there are also some Latine words, as Porcus, Oriens, &c. But tho these Writers suppose that they have borrowed many words from their neighbours, yet they confess that much of their Language is their own, and neither used, or known by any other Naitons, but that as well the original of the words, as propriety of the Phrases, is peculiar to themselves. Others suppose it took its rise and was derived from Finland: and indeed it is confessed on all hands that there are many words in both Languages that seem no great strangers. So that there is little doubt but there are many words in both Languages which very much agree, which any one that is a little skilled in them must needs confess: and to make this more clear, I shall here insert some words of both Languages not much unlike.

God	The Laplanders call	Jubmar or Immel	The Finlanders say	Jumala
Fire		Tolle		Tuli
Day		Paiwe		Paiwa
Night		Ii		Yœ
A River		Jocki		the same
A Lake		Jaur		Jarwi
Ice		Jenga		Iææ
a Hill		Warra		Wuori
Wood		Medz		Medza
the Eye		Silmæ		the same
the Nose		Niuna		Nenæ
the Arm		Ketawerth		Kasiwersi
the Hand		Kiætt		Kæsi
the Foot		Ialk		Ialka
Cheese		Iost		Iuusto
Bootes		Sappad		Saapas
a Show		Kamath		Kamgett
a Shed		Kaote		Koto
an Arrow		Niaola		Nuoli
Warr		Tziaod		Sotæ
King		Konnagas		Cuningas
Father		Atkia		Ajæ
Mother		Am		Ama
Brother		Wellje		Weli
Wife		Morswi		Morsian
Dog		Piednax		Peinika
a Ferret		Natæ		Nætæ
a Squirrill		Orre		Orawa
a Bird		Lodo		Lindu
a Fish		Qwælie		Cala
a Salmon		Losa		Lobi
a wild Pine tree.		Quaosa		Cuusi.

These words I suppose may serve to declare the affinity that we said was between the Language of the Laplanders and Finlanders: and because the words that I have set down, do not signify any forreign commodities, but things natural, and such as are in use among all People alike, I am given to beleive that the Laplanders had not any peculiar Language, which did wholy differ from that of Finland, but that it took its original thence. For if, as some would have it, they had any Language, they might properly call their own, why did they not out of it, upon things of so common occurrence and ordinary use, rather impose their own words, then such as no man could doubt were taken from the Finlanders. No People certainly were ever guilty of so much folly as to impose forreign names upon so common things, if they had any Language of their own to express them in: as might be at large demonstrated from the Languages of the Germans, ancient Gaules, Spaniards, Italians, Greeks, &c. neither have we any reason to count it a hard inference if we should from hence gather, that the Laplanders themselves sprung from the Finlanders. For otherwise why should they have used any other Language then what they received from their fore-Fathers. And this seems to be the argument Wexonius uses to prove the Language of the Laplanders to have taken its rise from the Finlanders, when from the original of the People he infers the same of the Speech; for in this he intimates that to spring from any Country, and to use the same Language, are very convertible propositions. All which indeed seems to be no more then the truth. But now some one may object that the opinion of those men that affirm the Language of this Country to be primarily its own, could not be destitute of all reason, and that they must necessarily have had some probabilities whereon they grounded their opinion; and truly it cannot be denied but that there are many words which do not any waies agree with the Language of the Finlanders, as may appear from what follows,

And the Difference between these and the like words without doubt was that which gave occasion to some to think that anciently the Laplanders had a Speech peculiar to themselves, and quite different from that of Finland,[75] of which ancient Language these relicts did remain, and for this they give this reason; that the Laplanders were forced to frame to themselves a new Language, for fear, least being understood by their neighbours the Finlanders, they should fall into their snares. So Olaus Petri saies that often times they found spies about their tents in the night, hearkning after their Councels, now for this reason, according to the Policy of their Forefathers, flying into the allotment of Rengo, in the Province of Nolnense, they there agreed upon, and framed to themselves a Speech quite different from that of Finland. So that there are very few words found to agree in both Languages. Now by the Spies he there talks of, he understands the Finlanders, who being driven out of their Country by Matthias Kurkius and the Tavastians, roved up and down, seeking where they might most conveniently settle, as may appear from what goes before in that place. Others think that these are the relicts of that Language which they first brought into Lapland, which they suppose to be no other but that of the Tartars. But how false this is, may appear from the vast difference between those Tongues, in which there is not one word that signifies the same thing in both Languages. And that you may not think I say this without any reason, I will give you a few instances.

And indeed there is as great incongruity in all the rest of the words as in these, so that this opinion is not only foolish, but ridiculous. And neither is the other, which pretends they framed a Language to themselves, grounded upon any greater truth then this former. For first why should they only have changed some words and not all? And then these words which do agree in both Languages are not the names of things less known, or not so ordinarily used, as other things, but of such as were as common as life, light, or breathing: wherefore I am clearly of the other opinion, and do beleive that these differing words are as much Finnonick as any of the rest. But they who from the difference of these words infer the independency of the Speeches, do not at all consider that, then which there is nothing more common and incident to Languages, viz. to be changed and altered according to the times, and so much the more by how much the People have greater commerce with other Nations. And this is plain from the example of the Islanders and Norwegians; for that the Islanders sprung from the Norwegians is by the Histories of both Nations made so clear that no man can doubt of it. But now the Islanders use many words which those of Norway are quite ignorant of; and yet I hope no man will thence say that the Islanders have a Language wholly independent and different from that of Norway: for the one living by themselves, and having little or no dealings with other People, do to this day keep entire the same Language which they first brought, and which they received down from their ancestors: but it was quite otherwise with the Norwegians, who together with their Empire lost also their ancient Language. The same seems to be the case of the Finlanders, who being brought under the Jurisdiction of others, and holding more frequent commerce with their neighbours, lost much of their ancient manner of speaking, which the Laplanders on the contrary living a more solitary life, it is probable, do still keep uncorrupt. Wherefore it is no wonder if in their language we meet with many words, which compared with those of the modern Finlanders, seem to have nothing of likeness; tho happily one that is well skilled in the dialect and propriety of the Finnonick Language, will find enough to make him conjecture that there are many words which, as they are now used seem quite different, yet are very agreeable in the original. And this is likewise the common fate of other languages, as for example of the German, in which a little too rashly the learned Olaus Wormius in his literatura Runica, as he calls it, Cap. 27, hath taken notice of so great a difference. For in these daies not only nach, but effter is used, as may appear affterred, afterdam &c. And so likewise the Germans use not only Gesicht, but also Antlitz; not only Verstand, but Vernunfft; and as well essen, anfangen, Schuss, Alter, Gefængnus, auffthun, Bett, Dopff, &c. as, As, beginnen, keimen, uralt, haffte, entdecken, Lægerstad, locken, in all which they agree with the ancient Germans. In my opinion therefore the difference of a few words, is not authority enough to prove that the Laplanders in ancient times had a peculiar language. But it shews rather that they are not all of the same antiquity, but that some came from Finland longer ago, who brought those obsolete words with them, and some of later daies, who now use the new; and this I think to be the best account of the Language of the Laplanders. Of which this also is observable, that it doth not in all places alike agree with it self, but hath its several[77] different Dialects, and is so various, that those that live in one part of the Country, can scarce understand those of the other. There are especially three Dialects, the first used by the Umenses and Pithenses in the West, the 2^d by the Luhlenses in the North, the last by the Tornenses and Kimenses in the East. And the variety of these Dialects was doubtless caused by the difference of times in which they came into Lapland; some coming sooner, some later, some settling in one part, some in another. Now of all these Dialect, there is none more rough or unplesant then that of the Luhlenses, who as well in their life and manners, as in their way of speaking, are far the most rustick and clownish of all the Laplanders. But that you may see what a disparity there is between these Dialects, I will set down a few example: the Pithenses say Jubmel, the Tornenses, Immel, the Pithenses say Jocki, Warra, Olbmo, nisw, skaigki, kiist, nissu, pardei, seibig, muriet, reppi; for which the Tornenses put, virte, taodar, almai, kab, kawtza, raopka, kaap, alik, owre, kops, riemnes. Now as the Language of the Laplanders is varied according to the diversity of the Territories and Marches, just as it is in other Nations, particularly in Germany, where the Swavelanders, Saxons, and Belgians, speak all different tongues, so hath it this also common with other Countries, viz. that the nigher the Territory tends to any other People, so much the more do the Inhabitants participate of their Language; and so the Tornenses and Kimenses, who border upon the Finlanders, do at this day use very much of their speech: nay they go yet farther, and make it their business to learn the Language of their Neighbours, so the Tornenses and Kimenses get the Finnonik, the Luhlenses, Pithenses, and especially the Umenses the Swedish Language, and that man that is skilled in these Tongues hath not little conceit of himself, and is indeed much esteemed among his neighbours. It is therefore no wonder if there be many Swedish words, found among the Laplanders: for it could not otherwise happen but that this People, who were supplied by others in many things which they had not themselves, should with Forreign commodities receive also and use Forreign names; and of this I could give many instances, but it is not the business in hand. Now of this kind we ought to esteem these words following; in Lapland, Salug signifies blessed, which the Swedes call Saligh: Niip a knife, the Swedes call it kniif; Fiælo, a rafter with the Swedes tilio, and many more of the like nature. Of all which the R. and learned Johan. Tornæus gives this account, that the use of Forreign words was introduced partly by necessity, and partly by conversing with Strangers; and upon this account it is that they that converse with the Swedes do oftentimes use Swedish words. The like may be said of those that deal with the Finlanders, and with the Germans in Norway, and this is the reason why one and the same thing is often called by divers appellations, as for example, the Swedes call a Horse Hæst, the Finlanders, Hapoitz, the Germans, Ross, which also is the name the Laplanders give the beast, for they having no Horses of their own were forced to borrow a name from the Country from whence they had them. Now what Tornæus observes concerning the word Ross, I beleive may be applyed also to the word Porcus, which I suppose they had rather from the Germans then Latines, for the Germans call a Barrow-Hog, Bork, now their Swine they had all out of Norway, and it is very probable they did thence borrow that appellation also. And not[78] to trouble our selves any farther, this will hold true in all the rest of that kind. Wherefore setting apart other considerations, and looking upon this Language, not as it contains in it forreign words, but only such as they alwaies used within themselves, and were ever received among them, it remains that we conclude it to be not a miscellany or collection of Latin, German, Swedish scraps, and the like, neither as a peculiar speech, different from them altogether, but such as originally took its rise from the Finlanders, tho time hath brought it to pass that perhaps few of them understand it.

This Tongue, as well as others, hath its Declensions, Comparisons, Conjugations, Moods, Tenses, &c. and perhaps it may not be amiss if I should here insert some examples: I will therefore first decline you a Laplandish Noun, and afterwards give you the Finnonick Declension of the same, that by comparing both you may better understand the parity and disparity of these Languages. This Noun shall be Immel, for so the Tornenses call it, tho other say Jubmel, the Finlanders terms it Jumala, and it signifies God.

Lappon.	Finlappon.
	Singul.		Plural.		Singul.		Plural.
N.	Immel.	N.	Immeleck.	N.	Jumala.	N.	Jumalat.
G.	Immele.	G.	Immeliig.	G.	Jumalan.	G.	Jumalden.
D.	Immela.	D.	Immewoth.	D.	Jumalalle.	D.	Jumalille.
A.	Immel.	A.	Immeliidh.	A.	Jumalaa.	A.	Jumalat.
V.	ô Immel.	V.	ô Immæleck.	V.	Jumala.	V.	ô Jumalat.
A.	Immelist.	A.	Immæliie.	A.	Jumalasta.	A.	Jumalilda.

I will add one more Noun, that the case may be more clear, and that shall be Olmai, which signifies a man.

Singul.	Plural.
N.	Olmai.	N.	Olmack.
G.	Olma.	G.	Olmaig.
D.	Olmas.	D.	Olmaid.
A.	Olma.	A.	Olmaig.
V.	ô Olmai.	V.	ô Olmack.
A.	Olmast.	A.	Olmaija.

Stoure, great, stourapo, greater, stouramus, greatest.
Enach, much, enapo, more, enamus, most.
Utze, little, utzapo, less, utzamus, least.

The comparative for the most part ends in po, the Superlative in mus. They have also their Articles, but seldom use them before Nouns, as it also in other Tongues.

In the Masc. and the Fem. Gender the Article hath the same termination, but differs in the Neuter; for tott signifies hic & hæc, towt, hoc.

Their Pronouns are mun, I, tun, thou, sun, he, mii, we, sii, you, tack, they.[79] The Verbs also are conjugated in their Tenses, and Persons, as in the Indicative mood thus, Sing. Mun pworastan I love, tum pworastack thou lovest, sun pworasta. Plur. Mii pworastop we love, sii pworost you love, tack pwrost. And after this manner do they decline their other Verbs.

These will serve to give us some light into the nature of this Language, at least as much as is to our purpose, who did not undertake to write a Grammar, but only give some small description.

Now the Laplanders have a peculiar way of pronouncing words, according to which it is impossible to express them in letters, for they do mouth out all their words, so that the vowels might be heard loud enough, but the other letters come very softly out; they do also quite cut off and drown the last syllables, especially of Nouns. Letters they neither have, nor ever had any, and in this they agree with their ancestors the Finlander: the Calendar which they use, is no other but the Swedish in Runick letters. And this also, before they came to have commerce with the Swedes, and had learned of them the observation of Holy-daies, was never in use among them. Johannes Buræus tells us that he heard from persons of good credit, of certain grave-stones and monuments, which had sometimes bin found in Lapland (more whereof perhaps might be found) on which were engraved Runick Characters. But suppose we this true, it is not, I hope, therefore necessary that we should conclude that these were formerly the letters of the Laplanders, to which indeed, as well themselves as their forefathers the Finlanders are equally Strangers. But we have more reason to think that the Swedes coming thither in ancient times, either by force of arms, or otherwise, inhabited there abouts, and left those stones. To this day both the Laplander and Finlander use the Latine letters; in the same Character the Swedes and Germans make them, altho the number of them that can read among them is but very small, and of them that can write, a great deal less, and are only such as they call great Scholars.

Now this Speech being only used among the Laplanders, and there being none that desire to learn it but themselves, in all negotiations with others, they are forced to use the help of Interpreters, of whom upon this account there are great numbers, as I have formerly said: tho these Interpreters speak all Languages, but the Finnonick, very barbarously, which is also the fault of all Laplanders, who are very hardly brought to learn or pronounce any other Tongue, and much given to confound one with another. So that they which traffic in Norway, and border upon that Country, do in their speaking mingle together the Speech of the Norwegians and Swedes, as for instance, jeghkiæmi, for jag kom, jag gaong, for jag goar. So for hustro, they say koona, for min myssa, mitt hofwud, &c. But of the Language of the Laplanders let this suffice.

Hitherto we have treated of the Laplander as he hath relation to the Common-wealth, we shall in the next place speak of him as a private person. And this we shall do first, considering the things they have need of. Secondly, their imployments. And thirdly their leasure and pastimes. All necessary accommodations are either such as are to defend us from ill inconveniences, or to give us necessaries. Of the first sort, are Houses and Cloathes, of the 2^d, Meat and Drink. We shall begin with their houses, or places of aboad. The Laplanders have not any houses like other Northern People, it having bin their custom to wander up and down, and so, sometimes in one place and sometimes in another, to set up small sheds for their present use: so that they had no certain habitations, but having eaten and consumed the fish and beasts in one place, they march to another, carrying their sheds or tents with them.

But this liberty of wandring up and down the Country, was in a special Edict forbid them by Charles the ninth, in the year 1602, and a certain place of habitation assigned to every family. The words of the Edict are to this purpose: “We do in the first place command that in every Lapmark an account be taken of all Fenns, Rivers, Lakes, &c. and who they are that have hitherto had the benefit and use of them, with the names of all such: and then that the number of the families be compared with that of the Rivers, &c. and so equally divided that one family shall not possess more Rivers and Fenns then are for its use. Lastly every Lapmark being thus divided, it shall be committed to honest and good men, who, without either favor or prejudice, shall assign to every family its just portion: and thenceforth it shall not be lawfull for any Laplander, at his plesure to wander up and down all marches, as hath formerly bin used.” From the time of this Edict the Laplanders had their certain bounds and limits assigned them sufficient for the sustaining of their families. Neither was it afterward lawfull for any one to invade the propriety of another, or to wander where he pleased.

Notwithstanding, that custom of removing their sheds from one place to another was quite abolished, but is yet used among them, tho now they move not out of the bounds assigned them. So that they have no certain mansion, but as the Season of the year offers it self, either for fishing or hunting, so do they order their habitations accordingly on the side of some River, Wood, or Mountain, and having spent there some daies or weeks, remove their tents again to a more seasonable place. To this agrees also our modern writer Sam. Rheen. This wandring is chiefly caused by their manner of getting their living, for the Laplanders having all their livelihood from Rain-deers, Fish, and wild beasts, they are forced to live where they may have sufficient pastures for their Rain-deers, and plenty of other beasts,[81] and fishes for themselves; and yet to take care that they destroy not the breed. But this cannot be done if they should live alwaies in one place, and therefore it is that Buræus saies, they order their habitations according to the seasons of fishing, hunting, &c. Now this conveniency cannot be in all places at all times alike, for fish do abound most when about the time of their spawning they are gathered together, which some fish do at one time, and some at another, and one sort in one Lake, and another sort in another Lake; so that they that are of this trade cannot alwaies live in one place. In like manner it is also with their Rain-deers: and therefore Sam. Rheen saies they take their journeys either to provide pasture for their Rain-deers, or to fish: for at that time, when fishes generate either in this or that Lake or River, then the Laplander, with his house and family, takes his journy. But this journeying is not so as that they should forsake and never return again to their former places; but they do, as it were, go in a circle: so that in the space of a year, the pasture being again grown that was before consumed, they return into the same seats again. This is the custom of the Laplanders that live in the Mountains: but they that live in the Woods, do not only once a year, but oftner return into the same places. For they leave and return to their habitations severall times in a year, viz. as often as occasion is offerred either of fishing, fowling, hunting, &c. Now they do so order their journeys, that the Fishermen at those times when the fishes do spawn, do alwaies live on the side of some River. They that take care of, and trade with Rain-deers, do in the Winter live in the Woods, but in the Summer ascend towards the mountains of Norway: for in the Winter they cannot abide on those Mountains, where there are so frequent storms, great Snows, and no Wood. At that season therefore they descend into the nighest woods, where by reason of the depth of the Snow they can easily keep their Rain-deers together: so that from Christmas untill the Feast of the Annunciation they remain for the most part in one place, at which time the Snow beginning to melt, they march nigher and nigher again towards the Mountains, where they remain till S. Ericus’s day: about which time because the female Rain-deer use to bring forth, therefore they remain in the same place untill the feast of S. John, or Midsummer-day. Afterwards, when, as well in the Mountains as Vallies, the grass and pasture do most florish, they proceed farther and farther, some on the tops of the highest Mountains, where the Rain-deers are less infested with flies and gnats, in which Mountains they wander up and down till the feast of S. Bartholomew, when by little and little they betake themselves to the Woods again, and then Christmas coming they do again as we told you in the beginning. And these are the circuits of the Laplanders, and reasons why they cannot stay in one place, together with the times of their severall removes. But now these journeys sometimes are for many miles, and of a far longer space of time, so that sometimes they march for 20 miles and farther. Now because some of them live in the Mountains, some among the Trees, especially Pine-trees, nigh the Rivers and Lakes; therefore are they accordingly called by different names. Some are called fiæll Lapper, because they live in the Mountains nigh Norway, which are called fiæll. Others are termed Graan Lapper, because they live among the Pine trees, which are called by the Swedes and Norwegians, Graan. For their[82] journeys in the Summer they make different preparations from what they do in the Winter; in the Winter they use sledges (of which I will speak hereafter) but in the Summer they go on foot, the Rain-deers carrying their goods on pannels and pack-saddles, and sometimes their Infants also. So that in the Winter they put their houshold-stuff in one sledge, and their tents in another, and so march from place to place, but in the Summer they use pannels which they make after this manner:

They have two lathes something broad, but flexible, made of firr, of which for the most part Boxes are made, these lathes they joyn together at the top, putting the one end into a mortice made in the other end, and so make a kind of a circle, then by that part where they are joyned together they hang them on the Rain-deer, one on the right-side, the other on the left, and so againe by withes ty them under the beasts belly, that they may be the[83] more steady. Now these are placed so to support their dorsers made of the same wood, bended into an oval figure much like a drum, if both ends were round. These dorsers at the bottom they draw together with twiggs of birch, placed in the form of a grate, and the tops of them they tye with thongs, or cords, which they loose as often as any thing is to be put in, or taken out; and least any thing should fall out, they cover these dorsers all over with bark of birch, or some skins. These dorsers they hang by ropes or thongs to the tops of the forementioned lathes, which they call Tobbii; so that they may hang down on both sides the Rain-deer, the tops being outward, and the bottoms turned inward toward the belly of the beast. And thus they load their Rain-deers, not only with their goods and houshold stuff, but also with their Infants, which cannot walk themselves. For on one side of the Rain-deer they often hang their cradles, and children in them, of which I will speak hereafter. Now in these journeys they have a certain order which no one without cause ought to disturb; for in the first place marches the Master of the Family, having some Rain-deers after him, loaded after the foresaid manner, afterwards follows his wife in like manner; then the whole herd of Rain-deers, which his Children and Servants drive softly on. Last of all brings up the rear, he that carries the Drum. Now these pack-Rain-deers they do not use to drive yoked or joyned together, but in a long line one after another, that which follows being alwaies tied to the pannels of that which went before, and the Laplander leading the foremost by a rope tied about his neck, and so they march on till they come to the place intended, where they set up their sheds again, and remain for some weeks, which are to them instead of houses. But now there is some difference in the sheds of the Laplanders that live in the mountains, and are called Fiællapper, and those that live in the Woods, who are called Graan Lapper; for the one coming to the same place but once in a year, doth not build this shed of so durable stuff as the other: the former, when he departs, almost destroying his habitation, and the latter leaving it standing. The former build their sheds thus, first, at four corners they erect four posts, upon the tops of which they place three rafters, so that there shall be one on each side, and one behind, but none cross the formost posts; upon these rafters they afterwards place long poles, so that with their tops they may lean upon, and support one another, whereby the whole form seems to be like a quadrilaterall house, which ascending like a Pyramide, is narrower at top, and broader at bottom. These poles so placed they cover with course woollen cloth, which we before called Waldmar; but the richer sort over this woollen cloth place linnen also, by both which they may be the better defended from rain and storms. These are the sheds of the Laplanders that dwell in the mountains, for the most part made of clothes, &c. which when they leave any place they take with them, and erect in another. But your Graanlapper, or Wood-Laplanders, make their sheds for the most part of board and posts, that at the top meet in a Cone, which they cover with the boughs of Firr and Pine-trees, or else with the bark of those trees, and sometimes with turff. That they covered them with the barks of trees, Herberstenius witnesseth; Andræas Buræus saies that those barks were of birch trees, to whom also assents Olaus Petri, who only adds, that they did a long time boil those barks to make them more flexible. Olaus Magnus, Lib. 4.[84] Cap. 3. adds also skins, and these were the houses Lomenius Comes saw, and describes in his Itinerary to be made of long poles and barks of trees. Sam. Rheen describes the tents of the Wood-Laplanders to be made of boards with six sides or walls, covered with boughs of Firr, or Pine-trees, sometimes with the barks, and sometimes only with turffs. Wexionius increases the number of sides, and saies that they were octogons, somewhat broader towards the bottom, and five ells high, and especially those tents of the Kimenses. Olaus Petri tells us the same of the Pithenses. Now these Tents they do not pull down or carry with them, but leave them in the same place, only when they come again they add new boughs, &c. where they were decayed, and to fit them for their use. Besides these two sorts of Tents, Olaus Magnus reckons up another, for in this, Lib. 4. Cap. 2. he saies part of them place their Tents in trees that grow in a square figure, least in the fenny Countries they should be choaked with the great snows, or devoured by the wild beasts, which come together in great troops. What he means by trees that grow in a square figure I cannot tell, but I suppose he intends only that they did use to erect their Tents between 4 trees which grew so, that each of them might be the corner prop, of the four square shed, but this sort is to us quite unknow. Tacitus saies the Fenni used to dwell among a company of boughs, and perhaps that gave occasion to our Author to talk thus. He hath also got a 4^th sort which he could have no where else but from Zieglerus, for Zieglerus had called them Amaxobios, from whence Olaus Magnus saies they dwelt in Waines and Carts; and therefore Olaus induced by this word of Zieglerus, thought the Laplanders had bin such. But this is quite false, for Waggons and Carts were utterly unknown to the Laplanders, for whom it was impossible to use them, by reason of the slipperiness of the Ice, and depth of their snows. Neither was it indeed in that sense that Zieglerus calls them Amaxiobios, but because they wandred up and down like the Amaxobii, who are a known Nation of the Scythians. There remains therefore only these two sorts of sheds, which I have mentioned, for the 5^th, which Paulus Jovius reckons, was either upon sudden occasions, or used only by those that were under the dominion of the Moscovites: the words of this Author are, “These People lie in caves filled with dried leaves, or in trunks of trees made hollow either by fire or age.” But in both our forementioned sorts, things are so ordered that every Tent had two doors, one, a foredoor, and the other, a backward; the former bigger and more ordinarily used, the latter less, through which they use to bring in their provisions, and especially the prey they took in hunting, also Birds, Beasts, Fishes, which it was unlawfull for to bring in at the foredoor. These are the two doors with the use of both, especially the back-door, through which it was unlawfull for any woman to pass, because, as I said before, women were forbidden to go into the back part of the Tent, the reason of which I think to be partly this, because in that part they placed Thor and sacrificed to him, and partly this, because it was esteemed an ill omen for a hunter to meet a woman. And hither may we refer what Zieglerus saies of that door, that it was unlawfull for the Woman to go out of the door of the Tent that day her husband was gone a hunting, which cannot be understood of any door but the back-door, the use of which was not only that day but alwaies forbid women. The Laplanders have no[85] Chambers, but only certain spaces, which they determine and bound by loggs and posts laid along on the ground, of which we shall next speak. The whole space of ground within the Tent was so ordered, that in the middle there might be a hearth, surrounded with stones, in which there was a continual fire, except at midnight; behind the hearth, toward the back part of the tent, they place three loggs, with which they bound that space, of which we but now spoke. In the middle of this space is the little door, at which only men must enter, which they call Posse; right over against that is the common door, which they call Ox; but that space we told you was bounded with these three loggs, they call, lops; this place therefore is only proper to men, and it is unlawfull for any woman to pass those loggs, and go into it. Sam. Rheen saies about the kettle hanging over the fire, they place the 3 blocks, upon which, with a hatchet, they divide their flesh, fish, or other things they intend to make ready. He saies here indeed the space is called Posse, but understands chiefly the space of the door, for that was properly called Posse; the other space being called Lops. The common door they used to make towards the South, and the other towards the North. The space on both sides, and the sides themselves they called Loide; here they made their bed chambers, the husband with his wife and children lying on one side, and the servants on the other. Olaus Petri saies only the daughters lay on the side of the husband and wife, I believe, that their Parents might have them alwaies nigh them, and so take greater care to secure their honesty, whilst the sons in the mean time lay with the servants: but now the spaces that remain towards the doors they call Kitta, and are ordained for the use of the women, for in the space nigh the common door they are brought to bed. But that you may the better understand all this, I will here insert a description of the Area. A is the little door they call posse, B and C is called lopps, as is the place where the men lay up their hunting instruments. D and E are called loide, whereof one is the appartment of the Master of the Family and his wife, the other of the servants. F. G. is kitta, were the women are conversant. H. is the hearth, I. the door called ox; those three logs upon which they divide their flesh are the two that lay along towards I. and the 3^d crosswaies distinguishes from other parts the mens appartment, or posse.

The 3^d thing we are to note in these sheds, is that they strew their floors with branches of Birch trees, least by the rain they should be wetted, and[86] they use no other kind of pavement; only upon the boughs, for cleanliness sake, they lay skins of Rain-deers, on which they sit and lie. And these are the dwelling houses of the Laplanders, besides which they have also Store-houses in which they keep their commodities, especially flesh, fish, and such other provisions; these they call Nalla, and make thus: they cut the upper part of a tree off, so that the body remain four or five ells from the ground high, upon this trunk they place two rafters in the figure of an X, or S^t Andrews Cross, and upon these they build their repository, making a door to it, and covering it with boards. There is one thing peculiar to these Store-houses, which is, that the door is not in the side, but bottom of them, so that when the Laplander is come down, the door falls too, like a trap-door, and all things are safe. To these they go up by ladders which they make of the trunks of trees, in which they cut great notches like stairs. Now the reason why they place them so high, is because of the Bears and other wild beasts, who oftentimes pull them down, and to the great dammage of the Master eat all his provision; they used also to cut off the bark of the tree, and anoint the stock, so that neither mice nor wild beasts could be able to climb up for slipperiness. And perhaps these are the houses Olaus magnus meant, when he said, they placed their houses upon trees for fear of wild beasts. But that you may the better conceive these Store-houses also, I shall here give you the Figure of them.

Among the Laplanders the men and women wear different kinds of Garments, which they alter according to the Weather, and place: for they wear one sort of clothes in the Winter, and another sort in the Summer, one kind at home, and another abroad. Let us first consider the Garments of the men: These in the Summer have trouses, or brougs, reaching down to their feet, close to their body, upon which they wear a gown, or rather a coat with sleeves, which comes down to the middle leg, which they tie fast with a girdle. And in this respect it was that Zieglerus in his time wrote, that they used close Garments fitted to their body, least they should hinder their work. He calls them close because of their trouses, and fitted to their body because of their being girded. These they wear next their bare skin, without such linnen shirts as the Europeans use, they having no flax in their Country. These Garments are of course home-spun woollen cloth called Waldmar, of a white or gray color, such as the wool is of before it is dyed. The wool they have from Swedland, and buy it of the Merchants called Birkarli, but the richer sort wear a finer cloth, and not of the same color, but sometimes green or blew, and sometimes red, only black they abominate. Tho sometimes in dirty works, and at home they wear the meanest clothes, yet abroad, and especially upon Festivals and Holydaies, they love to go very neat. Their girdles are made of leather, which the richer sort adorn with silver studs, and poorer with tin. These studs stick out like buttons in a semicircular figure. At this girdle they hang a knife and sheath, and a kind of square bag, tho something longer then broad, also a leathern purse, and then a case with needles and thred in it. Their knives they have from Norway, the sheath is of the skin of the Rain-deers, sewed together with tin wire, and in other parts with the same adornments, at the end of which they use to hang rings: the bag is also made of the skin of the Raindeers, with the hair on it, on the outside of which they also place another skin, equall to the bag, and make it fast by three knots, and this skin they cover again with red cloth or of some other color, adorned also with wire. In this bag they keep a stone to strike fire, not of flint, but christall, as I will shew hereafter. Also a steel, with some brimestone to light a fire where ever they come: as also Tobacco and other odd things. The leathern purse is also made of the same skin in an oval figure like a pear, in which they keep their mony, and other more choice things, and at this also they hang rings. Their needle case is of a peculiar sort, they have a single cloth with four sides, but the upper part is much narrower then the lower, so that it is like an oblong triangle cut off at the vertical angle, and to make it stronger they bind about the edges with leather, and so stick their needles into it, this they put into a bag of the same shape, adorned with red, or some other colored cloth, and[88] wire, drawn together by a leathern string, by which they hang it to their girdle. Besides these, they have Alchymy chains, with a great company of rings of the same, these they hang about all their body, the bag they hang before, nigh their navel, all the rest they fling behind them. And these are the Garments and ornaments of the body: their head they cover with a cap, over which the richer sort wear a case of Fox, Beaver, or Badgers skin, they are very like our night-caps, it is made of red or other colored cloth, or of the Hares fur, first twisted into a thred, and then knit almost like our stockins; or lastly of the skin of the bird called Loom, with the feathers on it: sometimes they so order it, that keeping also the head and wings of the bird, they make not an unbecoming cover for the head. Olaus Magnus in his 4. Book, Cap. 3. saies they make their caps of the skins of Geese, Ducks, Cocks, which, as well as other birds, are there in great abundance. But he doth not here mean common Cocks, but the Urogalli, or Heath-Cocks; however he gives us the picture in his 17 Book, Cap. 26. They have ordinary gloves, but shoes of a peculiar make, they are made of the skin of the Rain-deer with the hair on, out of one piece, only where they tread they sew both ends together, so that the haires of one part may lie forward, and the other backward, least if they lay all one way they should be too slippery: but neither is there any more leather on the bottom then on other parts, as it is in our shoes, only there is a hole at the top in which they put in their feet: the toe bends upwards, and ends as it were in a point. Upon the seame they place some narrow pieces of red, or other colored cloth: these shoes they wear on their bare feet, and bind them twice or thrice about the bottom with a thong, and least they should be too loose, they fill them up with a sort of long Hay, which they boil and keep for that purpose.

But now let us come to the garments they do not so ordinarily wear, but only on some occasions, which both for the men and women are made alike, and all of leather, to secure them from the gnats. But in the Winter time the men have breeches to defend them from the weather, and coats which they call Mudd. These Mudd are not all alike, but some better, some worse; the best are of the skins of young wild Rain-deers, just when they have cast their first coat, in the place of which comes a black one, which is about the Feast of S^t James, and these are very soft and delicate. Their feet they defend with boots of the same skins, and their hands with gloves or mittens of the same, and their heads with a cap, which reaches down and covers part of their shoulders also, leaving only a space for them to see through. All these Garments they wear next their skin without any linnen underneath, and tie them round with a girdle, only their boots and gloves they stuff with hay, and sometimes in the Winter with wool. And this is that which Johannes Tornæus saies of their cloathing, that their garment is made of the Rain-deer, the skin of the beast supplying them with coats, breeches, gloves, sandals, shoes, &c. the hair being alwaies on the outside, so that they seem to be all hairy. And hence we may understand Zieglerus, when he saies their Winter garments were made of the skins of Bears and Sea-Calves, which they tied in a knot at the top of their heads, leaving nothing to be seen but their eyes, so that they seemed to be in a sack, only that it was made according to the shape of their members; and hence,[89] saies he, I beleive they came to be supposed all hairy like beasts, some reporting this out of ignorance, and some delighting to tell of strange wonders they saw abroad. And truly it is not without reason that he gathers the fable of hairy men to be raised from their hairy Garments, which sort of monsters whether there be in other Countries I cannot tell, but I find the Cyclops’s with one eye in their forehead by Adamus Bremensis to be placed here upon the same account, because they had only a hole in their cap through which they looked, all the rest of their body seeming hairy, and therefore this hole they feigned to be an eye. But whereas he saies the skins were of Bears and Sea-Calves, he is a little mistaken, for these skins were not so common among the Laplanders, and are by them designed quite for another use. However these Garments they used after their fashion to adorn with pieces of red, or other colored cloth, and embroider them with wire, in flowers, stars, &c. as I will hereafter declare more at large.

But I come to the habit of the women, which also was of one sort in the Summer, and of another in the Winter. In the Summer they wear coats which cover their breasts, arms, and all their body, about the middle they are gathered, and so hang down, these they call Volpi. These gowns they also wear next their skin, for the use of smocks is no more known among women then the use of shirts among men: and they horribly imposed upon Lomenius Comes, that made him beleive otherwise. Lomenius saies thus, they have smocks, not made of linnen, but of the entrails of beasts, which they first spin into thread, and afterwards wear them: but all this is quite false. The entrals indeed they do spin into thred, but of that they make neither cloth nor smocks, but use it to sew their skins; but women of the common sort wear course cloth, and the better sort finer, as it is with the men, which for the most part is English cloth, richly wrought. They have also a girdle, but different from that of the men, for it is much larger, and sometimes three fingers broad, and then also it is adorned not with studs, but plates of a fingers length, or more, which are engraved with divers shapes of Birds, Flowers, &c. and these they fasten upon a leathern fillet so nigh one another, that the girdle is almost covered with them. These plates are most commonly made of tin, from whence Sam. Rheen calls them tin girdles, but those for the better sort are made of silver. Upon these girdles they hang many Alchymy chains, upon one of which they hang a knife and sheath, upon another a pouch or purse, upon another a needle case, and upon all a great company of Alchymy rings, according to the fashion of the men: These things they do not hang by their sides, as women among us use, but before them. The weight of the trinkets they carry about them, doth commonly weigh twenty pound, a pretty heavy burden, and such as a man would wonder they should be able to bear: but they are very much delighted with it, especially with the number of the rings, the gingling of which is very gratefull to their ear, and as they think no small commendation to their beauty. Wexionius makes the chains and rings to be tin, which I beleive is hardly true, commonly I am sure they were made of Alchymy, and if they had bin of tin they had neither bin durable, nor would they have made a noise. They have also another ornament for their breast, which they call Kracha, it is made of red, or some other colored cloth. And first it goes about their neck, and then on both sides comes down upon[90] their breast, and a little below their breast ends in a narrow point. This cloth, especially before, and sometimes about the neck, they adorn with studs, engraved with divers forms, as also with bracelets, which the richer have of silver and gold, the poorer of tin and Alchymy. After this manner, in short as he uses, Johannes Tornæus describes them, the women do so deck themselves with gold and silver that their breasts shine like sheilds, but those that cannot reach silver, use copper and Alchymy. Now these studs they use to have not only about their neck, but upon their gowns where they draw them together, and lace them; and not only in single but double and triple rows. They cover their heads with a low kind of kercheif, plain at top, round, and of red color, some of the richer sort on extraordinary times add also a strip of linnen for ornament, as at their Fairs, Weddings, and Feasts. Upon their legs they wear stockins, which reach no lower then their ankles, but that only in the Summer. Their shoes are like the mens, and so also bound to their feet with thongs. The womens habit in the Winter is almost the same with the mens, for they have the Muddas made of the skins of Rain-deers, and at that time wear breeches too, by reason of the deep Snows, storms, and badness of the waies: nay and cover their head with the same caps men do, which sort of caps they wear also sometimes in the Summer to defend them from the gnats: these caps they tie about their heads, and the lower part, which would otherwise fall about their shoulders, they make to stand out like the brims of our hats. And these are the garments as well of Virgins as married women, for both use the same attire, neither is there any sign in their habit whereby to distinguish them. Besides these garments wherewith they clothe themselves in the day, they have also other which they use a nights, such as are called night-cloathes, for they have no feather beds: and without all doubt Olaus Magnus is mistaken who in his 4 Book saies they had. Their night garments were of 2 sorts, such as they lay upon, or such as they did cover themselves with, which also differ according to the Summer and Winter Seasons. Those they lie upon are Rain-deers skins, 2 or 3 of which they fling upon some birch leaves, which they use instead of matts, without beds, upon the ground, that they may lie softer, so that they lie upon the skins without sheets, of the use of which they are quite ignorant. They cover themselves in the Summer with blankets, which they call raaner or ryer, and with these blankets they cover not only their whole body, but also their heads too, to avoid the gnats, with which they are extremly infested in the night time. But that they may breath with more freedom, and not be inconvenienced with the weight of these blankets, they sometimes hang them up over their head with ropes fastned to the top of their Hut. These are their Summer coverlets: but in the Winter they first throw about them the skins of Sheep or Rain-deer, and on them the blankets now mentioned. And there is one thing more worth our notice, that they lie under these both Winter and Summer stark naked, and make no use of linnen. And so much for the Garments of the Laplanders. I shall add the Figures of both Sexes habited after their manner. The woman hath a child in her arms, in a Laplandish Cradle.

Having discoursed of their Garments, I proceed to speak of their Diet. Their food is not the same amongst them all, but different according to the places they inhabit. The Mountaineers live almost wholly on their Rain-deers, that furnish them with Milk, Cheese, and Flesh: tho sometimes they buy from the neighboring parts of Norway Sheep, Goats, and Oxen, which they milk in the Summer, and kill in the Winter, because they have neither Pasture nor Stable room for them to keep them long. And for this reason they buy but very few of them, and feed almost al[92]together on their Rain-deer, which they have in great abundance. The flesh of these they feed on in the Winter, and that alwaies boiled, but in the Summer their diet is Milk, Cheese, and dried flesh. Their dainties most in esteem with them are the tongue and marrow of their Rain-deers, and with these they are want to entertain their Priests. One odd kind of dish these of the Mountains have, and that is the blood of their Rain-deers boiled in water to the consistence of a hasty pudding. The others that dwell in the Woods feed partly on Fish, and partly on Birds and Beasts, and that too both Summer and Winter, but more frequently on Fish. The flesh of Beares they prefer before all other, and with that they feast their dearest friends.

They have also some kind of Sawces of Black-berries, Straw-berries, and other peculiar ones of their own, as also wild Angelica, and the inner rine of the Pine-tree. The use of Bread and Salt is almost unknown to them, and when they have any of the later, they use it very sparingly. Instead of bread they eat dried fish, which by grinding they reduce to a kind of meal, and instead of Salt the inward rine of the Pine-tree, prepared after an odd kind of manner. They pull the bark off first, and then they take the inward rine, and divide it into thin skins like parchment, making it very clean; these they dry in the Sun, and then tearing it into small pieces they put it up in boxes made of the barks of trees: these they bury under ground, and cover them with sand. When they have bin dried about a day, they kindle a great fire over the hole where they put their boxes, and by that means the rines acquire a red color, and a very pleasant tast. On Fridaies they eat no flesh, but feed either on fish, or milk, having retained this custom from their Roman Catholic Priests. They boil all their fresh flesh, but not very much; that their broth may be the better and fuller of gravy: and sometimes they put also fish into the same kettle. Their milk they either boil with some quantity of water, it being of it self to thick, or else they let it stand in the cold, to freeze into a kind of Cheese, that it may be kept longer for use. Their fish they eat sometimes fresh as soon as they catch them; sometimes they dry them in the Sun, and being hardned by the wind and air, they may be kept severall years.

Their sweet meats, which serve them instead of Apples, Nuts, and the like, are preparations made of severall sorts of Berries. When their Straw-berries begin to be ripe, they gather them, and boil them in their own juice, without the addition of water, with a slow fire, till they are very soft: then they sprinkle them over with a little salt, and putting them into a vessell made of birch-bark, they bury it in the ground: and in the Autumn and Winter when they have occasion for them, they take them out as fresh as if they had bin newly gathered: and these stand them in good stead when no other Berries are to be had. Sometimes whilst they are fresh they put them to the flesh of Fish, and make an odd kind of dish, after this manner. Having boiled the Fish they first bone them, and then add Straw-berries to them, and beat them together in a wooden pestle to a mash, and so eat it with spoons. And this dish they make also with all other kinds of Berries. Another Kickshaw that pleaseth them very much, they make of Angelica. They take the staulks before it seed, and scraping of the outward skin, they put the rest upon coals, and so eat it broiled. They have also[93] another way of preparing it, and that is to boil them in whay for a whole day till they look as red as blood. But this sort of meat is very bitter of it self, but by custom becomes plesant enough to them, especially since they are perswaded ’tis a great preservative of health. They likewise boil sorrell in milk; as also the rine of the Pine-tree, which, as was said before, being prepared, serves them instead of salt.

I come next to speak of their drink, which is ordinarily nothing but water; Lomenius calls it dissolved Ice: but certainly he is mistaken, for having such plenty of Rivers and Lakes, for all the Ice they can hardly want water. And to prevent its freezing, they have alwaies some hanging over the fire in a kettle; out of which everyone with a spoon takes what he pleases, and so drinks it hot, especially in the Winter time. Besides common water, they often drink the broth I spoke of, made of flesh and fish, which they call Læbma, and also whay, if you will beleive Olaus. These are their usuall drinks; for Ale and Beer is utterly unknown to them. That which they drink for plesure, is spirit of Wine and Brandy, with a little of which you may win their very souls. This they buy from Norway at their Fair times, and use it especially at their solemn Feasts and Weddings. I had almost forgot Tobacco, of which they are very great admirers, and traffic for it as one of their cheif commodities.

In the next place let us see the manner of their eating. Their dining room in the Winter time is that part of the Hut where the man and his wife and daughters use to be, and is on the right hand as you go in at the foregate: but in Summer without doors upon the green grass. Sometimes too they are want to sit about the kettle in the middle of the Hut. They use not much ceremony about their places, but every one takes it as he comes first. They seat themselves upon a skin spread on the ground cross-leg’d in a round ring; and the meat is set before them in the middle, upon a log or stump instead of a table; and severall have not that, but lay their meat upon the skin which they sit on. Having taken the flesh out of the kettle, the common sort put it upon a woollen table cloth called Waldmar, the richer on a linnen; as for trenchers and dishes they are quite unknown to them. But if any liquid thing be to be served up, they put it in a kind of trey made of birch. Sometimes without any other ceremony every one takes his share out of the kettle, and puts it upon his gloves, or his cap. Their drink they take up in a wooden Ladle, which serves instead of plate. And it is farther observable that they are abominable gluttons when they can get meat enough; and yet hardy too to endure the most pinching hunger when they are forc’t to it. When their meal is ended they first give God thanks, and then they mutually exhort one another to Faith and Charity, taking each other by the right hand, which is a symbol of their unity and brotherhood. Samuel Rheen tells us they lift up their hands first, and then say Grace after this manner, All thanks be given to God, who hath provided this meat for our sustenance. This is their Grace in Pithilapmark. In Tornelapmark their Grace is a little different; they say in their own Tongue, Piaomaos Immel lægos kitomatz piergao odest adde misg mosea wicken ieggan taide ko mig læx iegnaston, that is, Good God praised be thou for this meat: make that which we have at this time eaten give strength to our bodies. And so much for their Diet, and manner of eating.

Having spoke of those things that relate to their Meat, Drink, Cloathing, and other necessities, the subject of our next discourse will be their employments, which are either rare and more solemn, or daily and more usual: these latter too are of two sorts, either common to both Sexes, or peculiar to one. Of those that are proper to men Hunting is the cheif, for in this Countrey that exercise is lawfull to none but men: Olaus Magnus is of the contrary opinion, and saies Lib. 4. Cap. 12. that there is here such a multitude of Beasts, that the men alone, without the help of women, dare not go out to hunt; and therefore they are as active in this sport, if not more than men. I beleive he had not this from any good tradition, or his own knowledg, but rather followed the authority of some ancient Writers, as Procopius Lib. 2. Gothic. or Tacitus de mor. Ger. for whatsoever they say concerning the Fenni and Scritfinni, is so far from being true of the Laplanders, that they do not permit women so much as to touch their hunting weapons or beasts brought home, and debar them all passage at that door thro which they go to that sport, as will be shewed hereafter. They observe in hunting many things with great superstition, as not to go out upon ominous daies, such as S^t Marks (whom they call Cantepaive) S^t Clements and S. Catherines, because they believe on these daies some misfortune will happen to their weapons, and that they shall have no good success all the year after. They think they cannot prosper, unless they have first consulted their Gods by their Drum, which they use before their going out, and have therefore severall beasts pictured upon it. This is chiefly before the hunting a Bear. The third observation is that they will not go out at the usual door, but at one in the backside of the house called Posse, I suppose it is to avoid women, the meeting of whom is an ill omen to huntsmen, and therefore they are forbidden to come on that side of the house where this door is, as Ol. Matthias assured me while I was writing this, who was very well acquainted with this Country. Zieglerus saies the same, tho something obscurely, that a woman is not to go thro this door that day her husband is hunting: but it is not only that day, but at no time else. All these things are by way of preparation. The hunting it self is various according to the time of year, and severall sizes of beasts. In the Summer they hunt on foot with Dogs, which are very good in these parts, not only for their scent, but that they dare set upon any thing, being still tied up to make them more fierce. In the Winter they themselves run down the game, sliding over the snow in a kind of scates, which I shall describe more fully in another place. Little beasts they chase with bow and arrows, the greater with spears and guns; tho sometimes they use other arts. That sort of beast they call Hermelines, they take in traps as we do Mice, which are so contrived of wood that the touching of any part makes them fall;[95] sometimes in pits and holes covered with snow, to hide the deceit, as also with Dogs that will gripe them to death. Squirrels they shoot with blunt darts, that they may not do an injury to their skins, which they very much esteem. After this manner also they take Ermines. Other beasts, as Foxes, Beavers, they kill with Javelins spiked with iron: but if they meet with a beast that hath a pretious skin, they are so expert at their weapons, as to direct the blow where it will do it least harm. Foxes are frequently tempted with baits upon the snow strowed upon twigs over deep pits, or caught in gins laid in their usuall haunts, or else poisoned with a sort of moss, which is peculiar for this use, but is seldome made use of where there are abundance of field Mice, which are the Foxes generall food. They fasten snares to boughs of trees to catch Hares in, and some of the above mentioned beasts: and if any one find any thing fast in these, he is obliged to give notice to the owner. I come now to the larger beasts, of which Wolves are most commonly caught in holes, but sometimes shot with bullets: these are their game frequently because they have the greatest plenty of them, and suffer the most dammages by them: and for their greater destruction, Sithes are often hiden under the snow to cut off their legs. After this manner too Leopards and Gulo’s are destroyed, which is now a daies almost left off, because the Countrey is so well furnished with guns, with which they also kill Elkes when they can find them. But with greatest care and diligence they hunt Rain-deers and Bears, the former with all kind of weapons. At their rutting time in Autumn, about S. Matthews day, they entice them to their tame does, behind which the Huntsman lies to shoot them. And in the Spring, when the Snow is deep, the men themselves slide after them, and easily take them, or sometimes drive them into traps with Dogs: or lastly they set up hurdles on both sides of a way, and chase them in between them, so that at last they must necessarily fall into holes made for that purpose at the end of the work. The hunting of the Bear follows, which, because it is done with the most ceremonies and superstitions, will require the more care and accurateness in the relating of it.

First of all, their business is to find out where the Bear makes his den against Winter. He that finds it is said hafwa ringet bioern, i.e. to encompass the Bear. He usually after this goes to all his friends and acquaintance with much joy, to invite them to the hunting as to a solemn and magnificent feast, for, as is before said, this beasts flesh is a great delicacy. But they never meet before March or April, till they can use their sliding shooes: at which time he chooses the best drummer among them, and by his beating consults whether the hunting will be prosperous or no, which done they all march into the field in battel array after him that invited them as Captain, who must use no other weapon then a club, on whose handle is hung an Alchymy ring. Next him goes the drummer, then he that is to give the first blow, and after all the rest as their office requires, one to boil the flesh, another to divide it, a third to gather sticks and provide other necessaries: so they strictly observe that one should not incroach upon anothers office. When in this order they are come to the den, they set upon the Bear valiantly, and kill him with spears and guns, and presently sing in token of victory thus, Kittulis pourra,[96] Kittulis ii skada tekamis soubbi iælla zaiiti, that is, they thank the Bear for coming, and doing them no harm in not breaking their weapons, in the singing of which their Captain is the cheif Musician. After celebration of their victory, they drag the Bear out, beating him with staves, whence they have a Proverb, slao bioern med riis, that is, the Bear is beat, which signifies he is killed. Then putting him upon a sledge, they draw him with Rain-deers to the Hut where he is to be boiled, singing Ii paha talki oggio, ii paha talka pharonis, that is, they beseech the Bear that he would not raise tempests against them, or any way hurt them that killed him. This they say by way of jest, unless we will suppose them (as some of them really do) to imagine the killing of some kind of wild beast portends ill to the hunter. Samuel Rheen speaks of a different song from this we have mentioned, much to this purpose, that they thank God for making beasts for their service, and giving them strength and courage to encounter and overcome so strong and cruel a creature, and therefore I beleive they may join them together and sing both. That Rain-deer that brings home the Bear is not to be used by Women for a year, and some say, by any body else. If there be materialls, near the place where the Bear is kill’d, they usually build up a hovel there to boil him in, or if not, carry him to a place that is more convenient, where all their Wives stay to expect them, and as soon as the men come nigh them they sing Læibi ia tuoli susco, that is they ask their wives to chew the bark of the Alder Tree and spit it in their faces. They use this rather then any other Tree, because when ’tis bruised between their teeth, it grows red, and will dy any thing, and the men being sprinkled with this, as if it were the Bears blood, seem to have gone through some notable exploit not without danger and trouble. Then their wives aiming with one eye through an Alchymy Ring spit upon them: Samuel Rheens opinion differs only in this, that but one woman spits in the Captains face. This ceremony is not done in the Hut where the Bear is kill’d, but at the back door: for they build two Tents, one for the men where the Bear is to be drest, and the other for the women in which they make the feast: where as soon as the men come in, the Women sing Kittulis pouro tookoris, that is, they thank their husbands for the sport they had in killing the Bear: so they sit down men and women together to eat, but not of Bears flesh. Supper ended the men presently depart into the other house, and dressing the Bear provide another meal: and it is not lawful for any of those Hunters to ly with his wife in three daies after, and the Captain in five. The Bears skin is his that first discovers him. They boil the flesh blood and fat in brass Kettles, and what swims they skim off and put in wooden vessels; to which are fasten’d as many Alchymy plates as there are Bears killed. Whilst the meat is boiling they all sit down in order about the fire, the Captain first on the right hand, then the Drummer, and next he that struck the first blow; on the left hand first the Wood-cleaver, then the Water-bearer, and after the rest according to their place. This done the Captain divides it between the Women and Men. In the division the Women must have none of the posteriours, for they belong only to the men; neither is it lawful for a Woman to come and fetch their division, but ’tis sent them by two men, who say thus to them, Olmai Potti Sueregislandi, Polandi, Engelandi, Frankichis, i. e. that they came a great way off, from Swedland, Poland, England, or[97] France; these men the women meet, and sing Olmai Potti Sweregislandi, Polandi, Engelandi, Frankichis, Kalka Kaubsis laigit touti tiadnat, i. e. you men that come from Swedland, Poland, England, or France; we will bind your legs with a red list, and so they do. But if we believe Samuel Rheen the Drummer divides the mens part to every one an equal portion. When all the meat is eaten, they gather up the bones, and bury them together; then the Captain hangs up the skin upon a pole, for the women blindfolded to shoot at, they singing all the while Batt Olmai Potti Sweregislandi, Polandi, Engelandi, Frankichis, i. e. we will shoot at him that came from Swedland, &c. but she that hits it first gets the most credit, and they believe her husband will have the best fortune in killing of the next Bear. She is also obliged to work in cloth with wire as many crosses as there are Bears kill’d, and hang them upon every one of the hunters necks, which they must wear three whole daies. It is the opinon of the aforesaid Author, that all the women do the same, and the men wear them four daies: he saies also that the Raindeer that brought home the Bear must have one cross. I cannot as yet find any other reason of this ceremony, but that they suppose these crosses to be preservatives aginst all the dammages they can receive from the Gods of the Woods for killing their Bear: for to this day they are of the opinion that some Gods have taken charge of some beasts, especially of the Bear, because he in this country is King over all the rest. After the time of abstinence is exspired, the close of all this solemnity, is the mens returning to their wives, which is thus; All after one another take hold of that rope, to which they hang their Kettle, and dance thrice round the fire, and so run out of the mens Tent into the womens, where they are met with this song, Todna Balka Kaino oggio, we will thro a shovel full of ashes upon your legs. Samuel Rheen speaking of this custome, saies the men must not go to their wives till it be done, as if it were an expiation for their uncleanness in killing a Bear. Thus you see with how many Laws and superstitions they Hunt this Beast, some of which are common in hunting of others, as the not admitting women to the sport, and debarring them from touching the prey when it is taken, as also that the men return home through the back door. And here ’tis observable that they never carry in Beasts, Birds, or Fishes, but throw them in before them, without doubt out of superstition that they may seem to drop from Heaven and be sent by providence: tho most of them know not the original of such superstitious ceremonies, but only follow the example of their forefathers. In fine nothing is accounted here a greater credit or honor to a man then the killing of a Bear, and therefore they have public marks for it, every one lacing his cap with as many wires as he has kill’d Bears.

I come now to their fowling, which is proper also to men, and is alterable according to the time of year or largness of the fowl, for in the Summer they shoot altogether, but in the Winter catch in Snares and Springes, especially the Lagopus call’d by the Swedes Sniæriper. They make kind of hedges with abundance of holes in them, in which they set Springes, so that this Bird being most upon the ground, and running about, is easily caught in them: as for the taking of other Birds there is nothing worth a particular observation.

By the former Discourse it plainly appears that in hunting they use severall Instruments and Weapons, in our next therefore it will be requisite to give some account of them. The first and most frequent is a bow three ells long, two fingers broad, and an inch thick, being made of Birch and Pine (which by reason of the resine in it is very flexible) and covered over with Birch bark, to preserve both from the weather. What Lomenius saies of its being made of Rain-deers bones, must needs be false, since no bone can be so pliable as is required in the making of a bow; his words are these, Rangiferi asperantur ossa in cultros & curvantur in arcus congeneribus feris trucidandis, if he had left out & curvantur in arcus he had spoke more to the purpose: but I believe he had this, besides many other things, to fill up his Journall from Olaus Magnus, who among the utensils these People have from the Rain-deers, saies the Fletchers much desire their bones and horns, from whence Lomenius collects that bows are made of them. But it is evident that Olaus meant not this bow, but a kind of cross-bow termed by the Germans Armbrust, and the French Arbalestre, which is impossible to be made of bone, but the handle might be adorned with it, because in these Northern parts they have no mother of Pearle, which other Countries perhaps make use of to this purpose. It was then a good plain wooden long-bow, which would not require an engine to bend it, but might be drawn with an hand only. And since I told you it was made of two pieces of wood, we will see next how they were joined together, which is with a kind of glew made of Perches skin well scaled, that melts in using like ours. They have also steel-bows, which are so strong, that when they bend them they must put their foot in a ring for that purpose at the head of them, and draw the string up to the nut, made of bone in the handle, with an iron hook they wear at their girdle. From their bows I pass to their darts and arrows, which are of two sorts, either pointed with iron to kill the larger beasts, or blunt without it like bolts, to kill the smaller. These points are not alwaies made of iron, but sometimes bones, which are fastned with glew into a hole bored with a hot iron at the end of a staff, and afterwards sharpened with a knife, or on a whetstone. But besides they use Guns, which they (as hunters do in other places) with a great deal of superstition enchaunt that they should never miss. These are made at Soederhambn, a town in Helsingia, famous for weapons, from whence the Bothnians buy them, and sell them to the Laplanders: hence they have Gun-powder and bullets, or at least lead to make them: and sometimes Norway furnishes them with all these. Spears they use only in hunting Bears, and are so little different from ours that they will not need a description. I come now to their other instruments relating[99] to this sport, the cheifest of which are their shoes, with which they slide over the frozen snow, being made of broad planks extremely smooth; the Northern People call them Skider, and by contraction Skier (which agrees something with the Germans Scheitter, that is, cleft wood) and sometimes Andrer or Ondrur or Skiidh. Their shape is, according to Olaus Magnus, five or six ells long, turned up before, and a foot broad: which I cannot believe, because I have a pair which are a little broader, and much shorter, and Wormius had a pair but of three ells long. And those are much shorter which are to be seen at Leiden, which Frisius saies are just seven foot long, four inches and a little more broad: and it must needs be so to hold with Olaus Magnus, and every bodies opinion, that one shoe must be longer than the other by a foot, as if the man or woman be eight foot high, one must be eight foot, and the other nine. Frisius saies they are both of a length at Leiden, and Olaus Wormius takes no notice of any difference in his, but I believe then those were of two Parishes, for my biggest is just such an one as Frisius describes covered over with resin or pitch, and the shorter plain. But because the larger is of greatest use, it is no wonder that one or two of them were sent abroad for a pattern, but since those at Leiden are both the biggest, they were not made for men so tall as Frisius speaks of, they fitting men of six foot, which is a stature sometimes met with in Lapland. They are smooth and turned up before, not behind, as they are pictured in Wormius, not by the fault of the Author, but the Painter, for the original in his study shews them otherwise; I have observed in my longer shoe that it is not quite strait, but swells up a little in the middle where they place their foot. Frisius did ill in giving a picture but of one, and in that nothing of this bending, I will therefore describe both, and a Laplander sliding in them.

These shoes are fastned to their feet by a with, not run through the bot[100]tom but by the sides, that it might not hinder their sliding, or wear out with often using, which is not expressed in Frisius’s Picture, this is directly in the middle, and ti’d to the hinder part of the leg, as you may see in the figure. That which is often in Olaus Magnus, and set forth by Frisius, is a meer fancy and figment of an Italian Painter, that could not understand what these shoes were, but by describing them like long wooden broags turning up with a sharp point before: which is very idle, because the foot goes into it at the hinder part, and agrees not with Olaus’s other cuts; for if the place of the foot were there, it could not endure so great a weight before it, or effect that for which this shoe was first invented: for they must tread firm upon the Snow, which they could not do if all the weight lay at one end; but when ’tis in the middle, that which is before and behind will keep the foot from sinking in. The way of going in them is this: they have in their hand a long staff, at the end of which is a large round piece of wood fasten’d, to keep it from going deep into the Snow, and with this they thrust themselves along very swiftly. This way of running they not only use in plain and even, but in the most rugged grounds, and there is no Hill or Rock so steep, but with winding and turning they can at last come up to the top, (which Pope Paul the Third could not believe) and that which is a greater Miracle will slide down the steepest places without danger. These shoes they cover with young Rain-deers skins, whose haires in their climbing run like brisles against the Snow, and keep them from going back. Wormius saies they were cover’d with Sea Calf’s Skins, but I believe he talk’d of those, that the Siæfinni, or the Maritime people use. And this is the first instrument of hunting, which they use as well in other businesses in winter time, for they can pass no other way over the Snow, at which time they can out run any wild beast. The other instrument they use is a sledg, which altho it is fit for any journy, they use it in hunting especially the Rain-deeres, the description of which, because ’tis fit for all manner of carriages, I shall defer to another place.

Besides hunting, which is the cheifest, they have many other emploiments relating to their lives and fortunes, of which Cookery is the first: for what ever food they get by fishing, fowling, or hunting, the men dress and not the women. They therefore are quite ignorant of this Art, (which the men are not very expert at) and never use it but upon necessity, and in the absence of men.

The second is the boat-makers, which they make of Pine or Deale boards, not fasten’d with nails but sew’d together with twigs, as among the ancients with thongs, Olaus Magnus and Johannes Tornæus sayes with roots of trees, but most commonly with Rain-deers nerves. When they launch these boats[101] they caulk them with moss to keep out the water, and use sometimes two, sometimes four oares, so fasten’d to pegs in the sides, that one man may row with two.

The third trade is the Carpenters, to make sledges, which are not all of the same shape, those they travel in, call’d Pulca being made in the fashion of half a boat, having the prou about a span broad turned up, with a hole in it to run a cord thro to fasten it to a Rain-deer, and the poupe of one flat board: the body is built of many, which are fasten’d with wooden pegs to four or five ribs; they never go upon wheeles, but are convex and round, that they may roul any way, and more easily be drawn over the Snow. This description agrees with that sledg which I have, and the Testimony of Herberstenius, Olaus Magnus, and Johannes Tornæus. The fore part of them is cover’d with Sea-Calfs skin for about an ell, stretch’d upon hoops, least the Snow should come in, under which they put moss to keep their feet warm. These are about three ells long, but those that carry baggage, called ackkio, ajefive, are not cover’d any where. The people defend their goods from the weather, according to Wexionius, with raw flax: but that is not probable, because no flax grows there, and the use of flaxen garments is unknown, and therefore I believe they do it with skins or bark. In Olaus Magnus lib. 17. cap. 25. there is a cart painted upon wheeles, the Author describes it in these words, qui domestici sunt Rangiferi curulibus plaustris aptantur, but what these curulia plaustra signifie he does not explain. And since the Painter has drawn other things according to his own capacity, and understanding, I do not know whether he has not follow’d his own opinion more then Olaus’s narration, but ’tis certain there are no wheele carts, for what they carry in Summer is put in dorsers upon Rain-deers. These Tradesmen make their sliding shoes, which because I have describ’d in the former Chapter, I need not now speak of.

The fourth is making boxes and chests to lay up weapons and other things in, which are all of an oval shape, of which sort Lodovicus Otto Bathoniensis gave me one. They are made of thin birch plancks, which are so contrived and bent into an Oval, that the pegs or twigs, with which they are fasten’d, are not perceiv’d. The lids are of one board, and for ornament often inlaid with Rain-deers bones in diverse figures, which for better illustration you shall see describ’d at the end of this Chapter in the cut markt with the letter C.

The fift Trade is making Baskets, in which Art no Nation can compare with them. The matter they make them off is roots of Trees, which they work not as other people do, for they make them of what bigness they please, and if occasion require, will be so accurate in their work as to interweave the roots so neat and close together, that they shall hold water like a solid vessel. Their shapes are diverse, some round with a cover and handle to carry them by, and others squares or oblongs. Not only the Laplanders and Swedes use these, but they are also for their curiosity and strength sent into farther Countries: the figure B. at the end will give a view of a round one.

Beside these the men make all manner of houshold-stuff of wood or bone; and particularly spoons, one of which I have with all its Rings and Ornaments, as you may see at figure A. I have two weaving instruments, a shuttle[102] about two inches long or more, with an hole at one end D. and a kind of comb or small Loom in w^ch they weave particular wreaths and ornaments E.

They make also very neat Tobacco boxes carved with knifes in bone, with many Rings and other pretty appendages about them, all which being[103] considered will prove this Nation not to be so dull and stupid as by some it is supposed.

They have also one Art more worth taken notice of, as ingraving flowers and several Beasts in bone, into which they cast several plates of Tin, and with these figures the men and women adorn their girdles and other things: the same way they make their molds for casting bullets. They make instruments for all emploiments, as Cookery, &c. those for hunting are usually made of bone, and others are commonly adorned with it. Zeigler mentions tubs, which are rather cups, or vessels cut out of a stump of a Tree, as traies are: and Wexionius mentions other vessels made of bark, but I forbear to speak of any more, only I shall add that they learn their art not from masters but their fathers according to their capacity.

Having run thro the mens emploiments, the womens are next to be considered. Two trades are most peculiar to them, as doing the work of Taylors and Shoomakers, for they make and mend all the Clothes, Shoes, Boots and Gloves; and they have a third the making all those things that join the Rain-deer to the sledg, as collars, traces, &c. in order to which they learn subservient arts, as making thred, which is commonly of Rain-deers nerves, because they have no flax: of this sort I have some by me. Olaus Magnus saith ad indumentorum usum, for the making of shirts, which made Lomenius believe the women wove this thred into cloth, who I perceive in his short description of Lapland, hath very closely followed his words more then his sense. In the making of their thred, which is of about 3 ells long, the extent of the Rain-deers nerves, they first cleanse the nerves, then having cut off all the hard parts, they dry, and hatchell them, and lastly mollify them with fishes fat. Besides this they spin wool for swadling clothes, and Hares fur, with which they knit caps, as in other parts of Europe they do stockins with four knitting needles, which art the Germans call stricken. These Caps are as soft as Swans down, and extremly warm. In the same manner they make Gloves, which are very beneficiall to them in the cold. The work of their fillets is very curious, for they put in them many figures, as you may see at the end of the foregoing Chapter, at the figure I. The fourth trade is their covering thred with tin, which first they draw into wire by pulling it thro little holes in horn with their teeth, which holes they fill half up with bone, that the tin may be flat on one side, and fitter to be put on thred. The picture of a woman drawing wire you have in the next page. Then they put it upon the nerves by the help of a spindle, which doth so twist them together that they seem all tin, and when they have done, they wind it about their head or foot, least it should entangle and be spoiled. And this is their way of making thred of tin, as in[104] other Countries of gold and silver, the chiefest use of which is in adorning their clothes after the way of Embroidery, which is the womens fifth art. Ziegler adds to this faciunt vestes intextas auro & argento, that they interweave in their clothes gold and silver, which I cannot believe, because they do not do so now, and whatever is spoke of the mettal, they weave neither linnen nor woollen, but buy it from the Bothnian or Norway Merchants: so then they do not weave this thred into their garment, but embroider them with it. Thus they adorn all their vestments, as gowns called Muddar, boots, gloves and shoes, and she that doth it neatest, is preferred before other women, and had in greater estimation. They do not immediately put this upon the fur of skins, but lists of blew, green, or red woollen cloth.[105] Their gowns are embroidered about the neck, sleeves, breast, and sides; gloves about the tops, shoes; instep and toes; boots, about the knees; in which work they commonly picture; Stars, Flowers, Birds, Beasts, especially Rain-deers: and to make their clothes more glorious, they set them with spangles, fillets, points, and knots of this thred, and wear upon their head shreds of diverse colored cloth, the pictures of all which you have in the former Chapter, Boots F, Gloves G, Shoes H. The Rain-deers harness they embroider in the same manner.

Lastly they have nothing that appears in sight, but it is hereby made very commendable and ingenious. I have by me men and womens scrips, pin-cases, sheaths for knives, very curiously wrought. Of all which, that I might not seem to give too a large commendation of them, I have put the Pictures in the foregoing page.

The other buisinesses, which we have not treated of yet, whether they be at home or in journies, belong to both Sexes, and that they may be the better undertaken, men and women wear breeches, and as Joh. Tornæus takes notice, equally undergo all pains and work excepting hunting: by which words exceptâ venatione he doth not deny but men and women have peculiar emploiments. In their travels the master of a family goes first, with his baggage and Rain-deers after him, and next him his wife with hers; in Summer they both walk on foot, in Winter both are drawn in sledges, which I have described in the next page: in these they like children are tied and bound fast with fillets and cords, especially when in hast, having only their hands and head at liberty, and their back leaning against the end. The Rain-deer is not harnessed like an Horse, but hath a strong cloth about his neck, to which is fastened a rope that goes between his fore and hind feet, to the hole in the prou of the sledge. He therefore that drew Olaus Magnus pictures was much deceived, when he made Rain-deers joined to the sledge with traces on both sides, and such a collar about their necks, as is used in other Countries upon their thillers; and in another place two yoaked together drawing a cart with wheels, which is a thing unknown to the Laplanders, and men riding upon them as on a Horse, whereas they never do so, but walk on foot, and carry their goods only on them in dorsers. He that is drawn rules the beast, not with a bridle, but an halter made of Sea-dogs skin tied about his head or horns, fastned to a stick which he holds in one hand, with which he removes the thong to either side, according as he would go or turn: with the other he guides the sledge, for it being round at bottom is still wavering, so that he which rides, must still with the motion of his body, and hand, take care it overturns not, as you may see in the picture. When they thus travel in the Winter, the Rain-deer are bravely adorned with needle work of tin-thred upon diverse colour’d cloth, about[106] their necks and back, and a bell, with which they are mightily pleased. They travell in these at what rate they will; but if upon a remove, alwaies slow, because of the weight of their goods, in which journies the man and his wife go first, and all the family come after. Ziegler saies in 24 houres they can go 150 miles: Herbersternius saies in a day 20 German miles: but ’tis not to be believed that it is performed with one Rain-deer in the day of[107] 12 hours, except the waies be good and slippery, but they ordinarily go 12 14 or 16 German miles in ten hours, which number doubled will make out Zeigler’s opinion: and that not with one Rain-deer which is impossible to out so long, but that it must dy or be left to rest the next day. In this way of travelling the Women are as expert as the men, and Olaus Magnus saies more. As the men and women travel together, so they help one another in fishing, and at baiting time to feed their cattle, which is evident in the Rain-deer, for the women take as much care of them as the men, and equally take the trouble to milk them: and in fishing ’tis manifest; for women in the absence of men, are very intent for some weeks at catching fish, which they gut and dry up for Winter. Their way of catching them is with Nets, and other instruments, as every where else. I know not what Paulus Jovius meant, when he said they have a foolish way of fishing, except he refers to their hooks which are nor of Iron but Wood: they make them of Juniper bent round: these they fasten to sticks, and throw them into the Rivers, and very easily take many large fishes. If they fish with a Cane or Whale-bone, the fisher never knows when the fish bites, but pulls up at a venture. Their way of fishing alters with the season, in the Summer usually with drag nets, between two boats, or else with spears like Tridents, but that they have more teeth. With these they strike pikes, especially when they ly sunning themselves near the top of the Water: they do the same by Night burning dry wood at the prow, by which light the Fish are enticed thither. In the Winter time they thrust nets under the ice to a banck side, and then by a great noise above drive the Fish to them; all these things the Women often do alone, which is the less to be wondered at, because every where in this Country there is a great multitude of Fish. Besides all these, they carry and cleave wood, and make hedges, with such like works, which are so inconsiderable as not to be worthy to enlarge our discourse.

Having spoken of their ordinary emploiments, it will not be amiss here to annex something of their Divertisements: where first we may note, that the people of this Country are generally dispos’d to idleness, not willing to take any great paines, unless when meer necessity constrains them to provide against want. This they seem to derive principally from their Ancestors the Finlanders, as is elsewhere said. To which as well their cold constitution by reason of the sharpness of the Air in this Country (that it self is sufficient to dispose men to laziness,) as the length of their Nights, and indulgence to much sleep, may contribute not a little. In fine, that I may omit their many other infirmities, whereby they are incapacitated to undergo any considerable hardship, they are lovers of sloth and wholly given up to it. But further, to consider how they bestow their vacant time[108] from business, ’tis the general and most recieved accompt, that making and receiving visits, and familiar conversation become the greatest part of their recreations. For whereas their manner of life so nearly resembles solitariness, that each family seems confined to its own hut, they can take no greater satisfaction in any thing then such mutual entercourse. And here it may be observed, that in their discourses at these meetings of friends and acquaintance, usually the most ordinary affairs and daily occurrences have the chiefest place: as particularly their welfare, emploiments, and the like. But besides ’tis their humor to make remarks upon the transactions of all forreiners, whose names or customes commerce has at any time brought to their knowledg. And furthermore they can take no greater pride, then either in traducing the management of their affairs, or imposing drollish Nick-names upon them. Tho indeed those of the richer sort are used to entertain their visitants with greater merriment and magnificence. Besides these visits they use some sports wherewith they recreate themselves, especially in Winter (when for some space of time they live as scateringly as in Summer, but are more familiar,) or at their public assemblies in the places of Judicature and Fairs. Again some sports are looked upon as only peculiar to men, others the female Sex also have their part in. Of the first sort this is one. They make a line in the Snow, in place of a goal: behind it at some paces distance they set up a mark, from whence each person taking a run to the goal, and there taking his rise, throws his body as far as possibly he can, and he that at one leap compasses the greatest space of ground, is reckon’d the Conqueror. In this first sport they both leap and run. Another they have where the trial of skill consists in leaping only, and that too not in length but height; there stand two men upright, at no great distance the one front the other, and hold in their hands sometimes a rope, sometimes a pole, now higher, now lower, as is agreed upon by the combatants, usually at the common height of a man: then each Person attemts to leap over from a station assign’d, and he that performs most dextrously, gains the applause to himself. A third sort of sport among them is with bow and arrows. At a convenient place they set up a mark of a very small bigness, and shoot at it with arrows from any distance prescrib’d. He that hits either soonest or oftnest, bears away the bell from the rest. These sports hitherto mentioned are almost instituted by them meerly for the consideration of credit and renown: yet sometimes they play for prizes such as they agree upon among themselves, and instantly they lay them down in the place where they keep their games. Their prizes are seldom mony, usually skins, especially of Squirrels, sometimes one, sometimes more as they see convenient and agree upon it. But in those sports wherein as well the women as men are plaiers, they commonly play with a leather ball stuffed with hay, about the bigness of ones fist; whatever company of men and women is there present, is sorted into two sides, one whereof seizes on this ground, the other on another opposite to it, and at some distance off. Then every Person of one side in his turn, beats the ball with a club thorough the Air, those of the contrary side catching it at the fall; and if any one chance to catch it in his hands, before it touch ground, then the order of the play is inverted, and this side strikes out the ball, the other is fain to catch. Thus play the[109] men and women, the boies and girles together, nor do the men shew themselves more expert at it then the women. They besides have another play at ball: in the hard frozen snow they draw two lines at some distance from one another, then all the multitude both of men and women parting into two sides, one applies it self to the defence of this, the other of that line; then they meet in the middle space between their two goals, and fling down the ball, then each partie with bandies and clubs strives to strike the ball cross the opposite parties line, each party still maintaining the defence of its own line; but if one side chance to strike the ball with their bandies over the others line (for it is foul play to fling it with their hands) and so take their goal, that is accounted the conquering side. The sports as yet mentioned are such as belong to the younger sort, as well as to those of more mature age: the next is peculiar to these last and only to men. Their custom is to separate themselves into two companies, and attacque one another by wrestling: first each company stands like a file of Soldiers all along in order to confront the adverse company: then each man catches his adversary by the girdle, wherewith all Laplanders are alwaies girt, as is elswhere shown, (their girdle goes six times round their body, and so is fast and fittest for their purpose,) so each man having caught hold, endeavors to fling the other down, which they are not allowed to attempt by craft or deceit, as by any lock or the like; Any one that is found delinquent in this kind, is branded for a fowl plaier, and excluded the lists. These are the sports that are almost peculiar to the Laplanders: besides them they use some, which they borrow from other places, such is playing at Cards, a sport sufficiently known thorough all Europe, for even the Laplanders take no little satisfaction in it: they procure their Cards of the Merchants that trade thither. They use likewise to play at dice, which they themselves make of wood after the common fashion, with this only difference, that whereas dice commonly have some number of spots inscribed on every side, they have a figure made only on one side like an X. he wins in this sport, that casting two Dies, on the top of either can show the X. their stakes are usually Squirrils skins, or some small trifles, and in the failance of these leaden bullets, which they use in their hunting to charge their Guns withal: and it happens sometimes that a fellow having lost all his bullets, in hope of repairing his damage by winning again, not only at present will be sensible of the harm, but being disappointed of his Hunting puts to stake and looses his future acquisitions and hope of livelihood. These are the usual waies, whereby the people of Lapland spend their leisure times and divert themselves.

We have hitherto taken a survey of their ordinary imploiments, and such as are almost every day in use, as well those peculiar to each Sex, as common to both; likewise of their Divertisements and sports, wherewith they use to intermingle those emploiments: It remains that we treat of those businesses, which do not every day occur, but are singular and solemn, and undertaken upon special occasions. And first of what appertain to their Marriages; Concerning them ’tis most memorable, that whenever any person purposes to marry, ’tis his first business, to make search after a Maid well stock’d with Raindeers. For the Laplanders have a custom, (as shall hereafter more particularly be mentioned) of bestowing upon their Children soon after their birth, some certain number of those Raindeers, and their increase is accounted of, not as the Parents estate, but the Childs portion. She therefore, that is best provided of them, is in most likely-hood of meeting with an Husband. Nor have they regard to any thing else, as either good breeding, or beauty, or other the common allurements of woers. For they who dwell on a hard and barren soile are generally solicitous concerning food, which because their Rain-deer afford, every one thinks himself best secured against want when he is best provided of them. As soon therefore as the young man has cast about him for a wife, which is usually done at their public meetings for paying of taxes, or upon the account of fairs; next he makes a journy to her parents, taking along with him his father, if alive, and one or two more whom he thinks will be most kindly welcome, but especially one who may declare his affections, and win the favor of the Maids parents. When they arrive at the hut, they are all kindly invited in, only the suiter is fain to wait at door, and bestow his time in chopping wood, or some such trivial business, till he be summon’d in also, for without express permission ’tis uncivil in him to enter. When they have drank of the Spirit of Wine, which the spokes-man brings, he applies himself to the management of his province, discloses the Suiters affections to the Daughter, and makes his address to her Father, that he will please to bestow her in Marriage upon him. Which that he may atcheive with more success, he honors the Father with the greatest titles and names of renown that he can devise, at every one bowing the knee, as if he were treating with a prince. He stiles him with the High and Mighty Father, the Worshipful Father, as if he were one of the Patriarcks, the best and most illustrious Father, and no doubt if they were acquainted with the Roial title of His Majestie, He would not scruple to call him, the most Majestic Father. The Wine, that the Suiter is supposed to have brought along with him therewith to pay his respects to her parents, whom he pretends to, they call either Pouristwyn (that is) the Wine of prosperous access, or that Wine wherewith he designs to caress his Father and Mother in Law,[111] that are to be; or else, Soubowiin (that is) the Wine of wooers which tis expedient for wooers to bestow, thereby to procure permission of converse with the daughter, and gain the favour and liking of the future Bride. But we must take notice, that the business is nor proposed to the maid her self first, but her parents; nor may the Suiter have any conference with her without their permission. Nay ’tis the usual custom, at this time to dispatch her away upon some sleevless arrand, either to the Rain-deers pastures in the Woods, or a Neighbors hut, so as neither the Suiter nor any of his company may have a sight of her; but if at last either she or some other woman procure leave for Her of her Parents or kindred, to speak to him, their entertainment finished he gets him out of the hut to his sledg, and then takes out his woollen Cloth-Garments, (such as they use to spruce themselves up withal, at their public Festivals, or more solemn affairs) and what else is requisite to the present business: when he has trimm’d himself up, he makes his address to his Mistress and salutes her. Their manner of Salutation is by a kiss; in which that they mainly aim at is, that each not only apply his mouth to the others, but also that both their noses touch; for otherwise it goes not for a true salute. Next he makes her a present of the rarest delicacies that Lapland affords, the Rain-deers tongue, the Beavers flesh, and other dainties, which she refuses to accept of in the presence of any body; presently after she is call’d aside to some convenient place without the hut, then if she profess her self willing to receive them, the Suiter farther puts it to her, whether she will grant him leave, that he may take his repose by her in the hut; if she grant it, ’tis concluded between them of their future marriage: withal he presents his gifts above mentioned. If she rejects his suit, she casts them all down at his feet. The Bridegroom usually carries them in his bosom, before he presents them. The full approbation of the Parents, and the celebration of the wedding is used oftentimes to be deferr’d for a considerable while, sometimes for two or three years together; and all that while they bestow upon courting their Mistresses. The reason why their time of Courtship or wooing proves so long, is because the Bridegroom is necessitated to gratifie with frequent presents, the parents and friends nearest in blood to the Bride, without the leave of each of which he cannot compass the possession of her. This is expressed by Samuel Rheen in these words, When any Person pretends marriage to the Daughter of one of the richer sort, he is obliged to make a present to her parents and nearest Kinsmen, such as is made for state to Ambassadors or cheif Officers, as large as his means will reach to, which present they call Peck, that is, Peices, every peice at least must contain two marks of silver, that is, six ounces, there are some too, that must contain twenty, forty, sometimes threescore ounces a peice, such peices the Bridegroom is bound to bestow upon His Mistresses parents and her near kindred. In what things these presents particularly consist, I shall mention hereafter, for they do not give barely silver, but moulded into some fashion, or other things besides; while therefore the Bridegroom is emploied in procuring these pieces, ’tis no inconsiderable while that passes.

In this interval he ever and anon makes a visit to his Mistress, to whom while he is travelling he solaces himself with a Love Song, and diverts the wearisomness of his journy. And ’tis their common custom, to use such[112] kind of Songs, not with any set tune, but such as every one thinks best himself, nor in the same manner, but sometimes one way, sometimes another, as goes best to every man, when he is in the mode of singing. An ensampel of one they use in the Winter season, communicated to me by Olaus Matthias, a Laplander, I here annex.

This is a love Song of the Laplanders, wherewith they incourage their Rain-deers to travell nimbly along. For all delay, tho in it self short, is tedious to lovers. They use too at other times to entertain themselves with such Sonnets, when at some distance from their Mistresses, and therein to make mention of them, and extoll their beauty. One of this kind I received of the said Olaus, and seeing we have lit upon this subject, I here set it down.

As they come to visit their Mistresses, they are necessitated to bring along with them some spirit of Wine, as a singular and most acceptable present, and Tobacco too. But if in the mean while, as it often falls out, the father intends not to bestow his daughter upon the man that hath made pretensions to her, he seldom refuses them, but defers the positive answer till the year following, that he may the oftner entertain himself with the spirit of Wine the Suiter brings along with him. And thus he delaies his answer from one year to the other, till the Suiter perceive himself cheated, and be constrained to require at his hands his charges made to no purpose. There is then no other remedy to be taken, then bringing the business before the Judg, where the Maids Father is sentenced to refund either the entire sum, or half of it, as the case stands. Where withal we must observe this, that the expences made by the Suiter on the Spirit of Wine, at his first arrival, do not fall under this compensation, but he alone stands to the loss of that. But if after the downright refusal of the Maid, he of his own accord will show his liberality, he may try what luck he will have at his own peril. If all things happen conformable to his wishes, then some set day is appointed for the wedding. The day before it, all the kindred and Neighbors as well of the Bridegroom as Bride resort to her parents hut, and the Bridegroom presents them all with wedding gifts, about which they had agreed, and of which mention is made above.

The Bridegroom is bound to present the Father with a silver cup, to drink in; this is the first of those they call Stycke. The second is a large Kettle, either of Copper or Alchymy. The third, a bed or at least hansom bedding. The presents for the Mother are, first a girdle of silver, secondly a Robe of honor such as they use to call Vospi. Thirdly a Whisk, which they wear about their neck, and let it hang down to their brest, interlaced all about with bosses of silver, and this they call Krake. These are the presents for the Father and Mother: besides he bestows upon the Brothers, Sisters, and all the near kindred, silver spoons, silver bosses, and some other such kind of things of silver, for each of them must be presented with some gift by the Bridegroom, if he mean to obtain his Bride. These are the presents, which the Bridegroom is more especially bound to make to his Father and Mother in law that are to be, and the rest of the kindred. And he makes them in his father in laws hut, in the sight of all there. The day following the wedding is celebrated, first by the ceremonious joining of the Priest in the Church, afterwards by a set dinner. The new Wife together with the Bridegroom walk along, both dress’d in the best clothes they can procure at their own charges. For ’tis looked upon among them as unhansom to make use of the borrowed cloths of others, unless it be wool as I have elswhere shown. They take saies Tornæus so great pleasure in good cloth of what ever color, that as far as their patrimony will permit, they procure their extraordinary apparel and festival Garments of that kind: who declares expressly that their festival apparel, or that which they wore on more solemn daies, was not of skins but rich cloth. These Garments the Bridegroom girds up with a silver girdle, but the Bride first looses her hair: and the fillet wherewith she bound it up together before, she gives to the Virgin that is next a kin to her: afterwards, on her bare head, and loose hair she puts a kind of a silver fillet gilt over, or two, such as is the womens custom to wear at o[117]ther times besides, instead of a Garland or Coronet, so that by how much this fillet is looser, then to environ only her head; so much it hangs down the more behind: likewise about her middle they put on a silver girdle. This is the Brides apparel, unless that sometimes they put upon her head something of linnen, instead of a veil, which at other times the women use when they have a mind to make themselves extraordinary gallant, for as for what appertains to their garments, we have before observed, that both the Bridegroom and Bride wear their own, and those their best, and such as on festival daies they deck themselves withal. We have shown in another place, that the womens were called Volpi, and were made either of wool, or the richer sort of cloth, so that neither about this does Olaus Magnus in his place a forecited, concerning the Lapland Bride, sufficiently agree with their custom at this day. They set the Bride saies he, apparell’d in Ermins and Sables skins on a Rain-deer. At this day both dress’d very fine are carried to the Church or Priest, to be joined in Marriage; this was not the custom in old times, if we give credit to Olaus Magnus, for then they were joined at home, not by the Priests but the Parents, his words are in Lib. 4. Cap. 7. in which place he treats of the Laplanders weddings, as the Title of the Chapter informs us. In the presence of friends and kindred, the Parents solemnly ratifie their Childrens Marriages, and that too by the striking of fire with a flint and steel, particularly there he makes the Parents joining them, and adds moreover the manner, viz. by fire striken out of a flint, which without doubt as some other things, he cull’d out of Zeigler, but as for the parents doing it, Zeigler has nothing of that, the manner of their joining he explains in these words, They ratifie their Marriages, and begin them in a ceremony of fire and flint, so pat a conjugal mysterie, that they think nothing can be more agreeable, for as the flint conceals within it self fire, which by concussion breaks forth, so in both sexes there is life hid, which by the mutual coupling of marriage is propagated at last to be a living ofspring. And just so Olaus has it, so that there can be no doubt made but that he followed Ziegler. When they arrive near the Church, they observe in their procession a certain order, first walk the Men, the Women follow. The Men are led up by a Laplander, whom they call Automwatze, or foreman, then follows the Bridegroom, after him the rest. Some number of Virgins lead up the womens company, after them comes the Bride led between a man and a woman, next to her follow the rest of the women. Tis here to be observed that the Bride like one strugling against it, and endeavoring the contrary, is dragged along by the man and woman that are to wait upon her, and would seem to admit of her marriage with great unwillingness and reluctancy, and therefore in her countenance makes shew of extraordinary sadness and dejection: so afterwards in the Church they are joined together by praiers and benediction according to the Christian rite. After the same manner does John Tornæus relate this busines, only that he saies the Bride is led by two men, her Father and Brother, if alive, or otherwise by her two next Kinsmen. The portraicture of the Bride in her wedding apparel, and with her two leaders you have in the next page. After the solemnity of the marriage is ended, there follows a wedding feast, that is made in her Parents hut, and as for the provision, each of the persons invited contributes his share of the victuals, tho[118] they bring it not thither just then, but the day before: when the Bridegroom distributes his presents to the Brides parents and kindred, then every one brings his victuals that will be serviceable to the feast. But because the meat they bring is ordinarily raw, they deliver it to a Laplander, on purpose appointed to that office, viz. to receive it of every Person that brings, and afterwards to boil it, and lastly to distribute it among the guests, tho commonly the greatest part of the provision be made, by the Bridegrooms as well as Brides parents. In their sitting at table they keep this order, in the uppermost places sit the Bridegroom and Bride next to one another, then follow in order the rest, as the parents, and kindred. At the table no person helps himself, but receives his meat from the hands of a Laplander, who is both dresser and carver of it. First of all he serves the Bridegroom and Bride with their portion, and in order the rest. Now they who by reason of the scantiness of room in the hut, cannot be admitted to the feast, such are boies and girles, climb up to the roof of the hut, and from thence let down threds with hooks tied to them, to which they fasten pieces of meat, and the like, so that they also enjoy their share of the banquet. The entertainment ended, they give thanks, as at other times they use, and shake hands one with another. The last thing wherewith they shut up the merriment of the feast, is drinking Spirit of Wine, which if they can light upon, they then are sure to buy; first the Bridegroom drinks, then the Brides parents, then each man shifts for himself, and so they make merry, but this custom the richer sort only observe, and those too who have the opportunity of buying, by the presence of those who sell these commodities; as for the meaner sort they are accustomed to divert themselves with talk. When the Wedding is over, the Husband may not take along with him his Wife with her goods and fortune, but must remain for an whole year in service with his Father; when that time is past, if he sees convenient he may set up for himself, and turn housekeeper; and then the Father bestows upon his Daughter at her departure, the Rain-deer, which are her due, because given her in her younger years: he gives her also other gifts besides, and what furniture will be requisite for the new married couple, particularly he gives for her dowry an hundred or more Rain-deers, as likewise silver, copper, Alchymy, a tent, bedding, and other houshold-stuff. And next all the kindred, the Brothers and Sisters, and whoever have received of the Bridegroom his gifts of respect, are likewise obliged to return him back[119] again some present, so that he who had received one or two markes of silver, returns for a gift again one or two Rain-deers: so that it comes to pass, that the Laplanders, who can gratifie the friends and kindred with numerous presents, if they wed a rich Laplanders Daughter, come to great wealth in Rain-deer by this kind of marriage. These are the cheif things the Laplanders observe in their contracts and marriages, which before we quite leave, we may take notice first, that it is unlawful among them, to marry a wife too near in blood. And they have so special a regard to the degrees of consanguinity and affinity, that they never request marriage in the prohibited ones. And again ’tis unlawful, having one wife to marry another, or when one is married to put her away, by Divorce. Polygamy and Divorce were never heard of among the Laplanders, neither in the time of Paganism, saies Tornæus, nor afterwards, but they alwaies observed marriage honestly and like Christians; yet in former daies perhaps they did not altogether abhor the communicating their wives, whom they permitted to strangers especially and guests. So indeed writes Herberstenius. But John Tornæus mentions an instance of later date, and the Testimony too of a Laplander of Luhla, tho he doubts to give credit to him. ’Twas reported to me, saies he, that in the time of my Predecessor of Luhla-Lapmark, a certain immodest Laplander, came to lodg with another, in Torne-Lapmark, a civil honest man, as was his whole family, who could read books, and lived a pious life, for which he was stiled by scorners Zuan Bishop. Then the Man of Luhla, when he had disordered himself with drinking Spirit of Wine, addressed himself to his hosts wife, in hope of debauching her, but because there were there present two officers, who had Spirit of Wine to sell, the Zuan Bishop call’d for them, and told them the fellows design, desiring likewise that they being Ministers of the State, would apprehend and bind him: they immediately bound him to a Tree, and left him there for a whole Winter night together, to be frozen with cold. At last he was forced to regain his liberty with mony; and pleaded it as an excuse, that it was the custom in Luli-Lapmark, that if any person visited another, the entertainer permitted such familiarity with his Wife. Thus saies Tornæus, but doubtingly, for the fellow might have only framed this for his own excuse; ’tis certain no other person has taken notice of it in them of Luhla, and the other Laplanders are so ignorant of this communion of their wives, that they cannot endure they should look upon other men. The Laplanders dwelling towards Norway at the river Torna are so jealous, that if a Woman chance to meet a man, and speak but a few words to him, they immediatly fall into a suspicion of her.

Next to Marriage it will be expedient to treat of their Child-bearing, and their Children. Where we may note first, that they wish for nothing more, and that they take no greater plesure in any thing then fruitfull Matrimony. And hence it is, I suppose, they are so prone to lust, as is elsewhere shown: but altho they desire this so ardently, yet they are very seldome fruitfull in Children, for they can scarce beget more then eight, which number is the greatest, and usually they beget but one, two, or three. An occasion of this their barreness, Sam. Rheen imagines their bad diet, as likewise the extreme coldness of the Country, which I think may be very true. He moreover adds Gods anger, which he collects from this, because tho they are not worn away with War or Plague, yet notwithstanding their Country is never the more populous, and their Nation wasts rather daily. The motive of this anger he supposes to be their obstinateness in maintaining their ancient impieties. They use indeed at this very day, not only in Child-bearing, but other affairs too, to be solicitous concerning the events, and to search after them by their superstitious rites. Their first care is concerning the sex, for as soon as they perceive the wife to be big with child, they have an opinion that they can inform themselves whether it will prove a Boy or a Girl, after this manner: they forthwith view the Moon (for they imagine that a Child-bearing woman bears some resemblance to the Moon, as we shall hear) if there be a Star just above the Moon, they thence collect that the burden will prove of the male sex, if below, of the female. But I wonder they make a comparison between the Moon and a woman with child. For can there be any account given of their resemblance? is it, that like the Moon, she grows big with her burden, and when that is laid, lessens again? I rather suppose that these are the reliques of their Pagan superstition, which made the Moon the tutelar Goddess to women with child. For so most of the Pagans did account other, which opinion being outdated, they yet pretend some resemblance between them. Their second care is touching the health or sickness of the child, which thing also they suppose the Moon will inform them in. For if a Star be just before the Moon, they take it for a sign that the child will prove healthfull, and grow up to be a man. But if it comes just after her, they thence presage that the child will be a very sickly one, and not long lived.

The woman with child laies her burden in a hut, but (which any body may understand) a sufficient incommodious one, especially if the time of her delivery happen to be in the Winter, for tho they have a fire kindled in the middle of the hut, yet that can give her but little warmth. After her delivery, her first restorative and cordial, is a good draught of Whales[121] fat, which they procure out of Norway, the tast of which is as strong and ill savoured as of a Sea-calves lard, when dried. The child, as soon as brought forth is washed over as in other Countries, but it is a peculiar custom of the Laplanders that first they do it with cold water or snow, and then afterwards dip them in hot water, when it begins to fetch its wind, and can scarcely draw breath. And also they use to dip in the water all the other parts of the body, the head only excepted; They heat water, saies Sam. Rheen, in a Caldron, and in that they set the infant streight up to his neck, but they let no water come upon his head, before such time as he is baptized by the Priest. The newborn Babe is instantly wrapped up in an Hares skin, instead of linnen swadling clothes.

The woman lying in, hath her peculiar place assigned her in the hut where she lodges, till she recover her health. And it is just by the door usually on the left hand: there is no other reason given for it then that this part of the hut is less frequently disturb’d by company, and there they have all things needfull for them administred. Tho this seldom resort thither be rather, by reason of the womans lying in in that place, either because they would not disturb her with their company, or, which I rather suppose, because they look upon her at that time as unclean. But the women of Lapland seldom keep their beds long after their delivery, and in that while are extraordinary carefull touching the Baptism of their Infants: for after they began more diligently to be instructed in the Christian Religion, they take the greatest pains imaginable to have their Children baptized as soon as possibly may be. In former times it was otherwise, most of them then were baptized very late, and at their mature age; some deferred it for altogether. Of this Gustavus the first is a witness, in his Charter, the words whereof I have cited elsewhere. As touching the former Gustavus Adolphus in an other Charter and Preface, premised to that which he published Anno 1634, in which the State of the Religion in Lapland is declared at large; Baptism, saies he, is administred indeed to them but only at Winter, if their young children can live till then, it is well; if not, they die without Baptism. Some of their children come to years of Discretion before it, so that with those that are grown up, there is no small paines to be taken when they are to be baptized. The time of Baptism being the Winter time, was because they have Sermons then preached to them, and the Sacrament administred, and that no oftner then twice; once about New-years-day, and againe at Lady-day, of which I have treated in another place. Before these times there was not so much done as that, but the Laplanders were fain to come with their Children to the neighbouring Churches of the Swedes in Angermannia and Bothnia, of which Olaus Magnus must be understood to speak, when he saies Lib. 4. c. 17. Once or twice in a year they visit the Baptismall Churches, and bring along with them their sucking Babes in Baskets tied to their backs, to be baptized. But at this day those women that are able, and not impeded by some grievous sickness, carry their Children to the Priest themselves, about a fourtnight after their delivery, that by him they may receive Baptism. So much good hath building Churches in Lapland done, and having Sermons there, not in a strange Tongue, but the Laplanders proper own: and so zealous are they for hastening their Childrens Baptism, that the Mother scarce lying in above[122] a week or fortnight, after her delivery, will undertake a most tedious journy, over the tops of Mountains, thorough wide Marshes and high Woods with her Infant to the Priest; for the women of this Country are naturally hardy, and able to endure any thing without trouble, and therefore, tho they feed upon course food in their sicknesses, and drink nothing else but water, yet they recover again quickly. They carry their young Infants to the Priest, one way in the Summer time, and another way in the Winter. In Winter they lay it upon a sledge. In Summer they put it in a Pannier fastned to the back of a Rain-deer. The Infant is not set upon the back of the Raindeer, but is tied in his cradle, and fastned to the pack saddle after this fashion.

Olaus Magnus makes them put in Baskets, as his words afore quoted do intimate, and those Baskets too to be tied at their backs, and the Picture he makes of them represents not only the woman, but the man too so laden, each with two Children a piece: so that together they travell with four Children, and with wooden shoes on their feet; but here I am afraid the Painter followed his own fancy too much. Certain it is that the Baskets there represented, bear no resemblance to those of Lapland. The Laplanders are wholly ignorant of this sort of Baskets, that are carried at ones back. Nor are their Baskets like wooden square Boxes, such as his figure represents them, but of a round compass, and one part shut down upon the other, as I have said elsewhere. But to return to their Baptism, in it they give their Children names, according to the names of some of their friends and kindred. Samuel Rheen adds that they affect to put Pagan names upon them, such as Thor, Guaarm, Finne, Pagge; but that the Priests avert them from so doing as much as possibly they can. And this is peculiar with them, that they often change their names, and put others upon them then those that were given them at their Baptism, for the love they bear to some friend or kinsman deceased, whose memory thereby they desire to preserve. Tornæus too avouches the same thing, and if at any time in their younger years they fall into sickness, then they use the name given[123] them in Baptism instead of a surname, especially they observe this in boies. But altho the Laplanders wives are hardy, so as to be able to undertake a journy a week or two after their delivery, and to go about other emploiments, tho they have made their public appearance, and have been churched by the Priest, yet by their husbands they are looked upon as unclean, till six weeks be accomplished, so that they admit of no familiarity or conjugal society with them for all that space of time. And thus much of their child-bearing.

I proceed next to their Education of them, the first thing that occurs here is their Nursing, which is alwaies by their own Mothers milk, for the Laplanders make no use of Nurses. And this they do not only for some small time, but usuall for two years, three or four together; but if sickness or any other occasion happen, so that they cannot themselves suckle their young ones, they give them the Rain-deers milk, which is grosser and thicker, then they can well draw out of a suck-bottle, (as at sometimes they are accustomed to do, elswhere) and for that reason, if the necessity be urgent they give it in a spoon. Besides their Mothers milk, they instantly accustom their young Infants, to eat flesh, for they thrust into their mouths a piece of Rain-deers flesh, that they may suck the gravie out of it, and so get nurishment.

The rocking the infant in his cradle, follows next, whereby they get him a sleep. Their Cradles are made of the stock of a tree hollowed, like a boat: these they cover with leather, and at the head they erect an arched kind of roof, of leather likewise. In such a cradle they lay & tie in the Infant, without any linnen clothes or sheets, instead of which they lay him on a sort of soft moss, of a red color, which they dry in Summer, and have great plenty of it. When the Infant is to be rocked, they let the cradle hang by a rope from the roof of the hut, and by thrusting the cradle and tossing it from one side to the other, they lull him a sleep. They use likewise to please their young children with some certain baubles, for at their cradles they tie some rings of Alchamy, to make a noise and clinking. To these rings which serve instead of rattles they moreover add some emblems, wherewith their children may be timely admonished of their condition and future duty. If it be a boy, they hang up at his cradle a bow and arrows, and a spear made very artificially out of Rain-deers horn, whereby they signifie, that their children must diligently practise to be expert and ready in using the bow and spear. If it be a girle; the wings, feet, and beak of a white Partridge, which they call Smæripa, and is call’d Lagopus having feet like the feet of an hare, thereby implying, that their Daughters must carefully learn to be cleanly, and like those birds nimble and active. As soon as the children come to some age, they instruct them in all necessary arts, the Fathers the boies, the Mothers the girles, for they have no School-masters among them, but each person is his own childerns Master, and they are so far put on by their parents as to be able to perform any works in use among them. Their boies they cheifly teach the Art of Shooting, and hitting marks with an arrow, because in old time they were necessitated to get their living by the help of bow and arrows, whereas the greatest part of them maintain themselves by hunting, and therefore when they have practised never so little the use of the bow, the boies victuals are kept from them, till they can[124] hit a mark with an arrow, and as it was the custom anciently among the Baleares, and so now among the Laplanders, their boies earn their food every day by their dexterity in shooting, and thereby at last they prove most excellent marks-men. Olaus Magnus makes mention of this their practice, and wonderfully extolls their dextrousness herein, and avers that he himself has seen some of them who could exactly hit a farthing or a nedle, set at such a distance off as would just let them see it. On the boies, that they may take more care to hit the mark, when they have hit it, they bestow a white girdle, wherein they take huge delight, and sometime a new bow. But as the Laplanders do look to their children in time to teach them arts requisite to get their living, so also to provide them means to maintain themselves withal, where it will not be impertinent to mention, that tis a custom with them to bestow upon their infant a female Rain-deer, soon after its birth or Baptism, if it be of female Sex, and upon the horns of it they ingrave her mark, so to prevent all controversies or quarrels, that may arise concerning her right. She receives likewise another, when she cuts her first tooth. Which they call Pannikeis, that is, the tooth Rain-deer. John Tornæus writes as if these gifts were given only by women. The Woman saies he, that first spies a tooth in his mouth, is fain to honor him with a present of a Rain-deers Calve. This custom might probably have its rise thus, because, when the infants have gotten teeth, they have need of more solid meat, therefore they stock them with Rain-deer as being their cheifest food. That Rain-deer then, and whatever encrease comes of it, are preserv’d to the future uses of the child, as may appear by what we have elsewhere said, in the Chapter of their marriages, and so likewise of the other Rain-deer which parents give the child besides, for tis usual among them to superadd one to the former, and this they call Waddom, that is, the given one. And this is the chief care of the Parents towards their children, but if they die, instead of them are substituted Guardians, as among other nations, out of their nearest kindred, who manage all these affairs for them.

Tho the Laplanders lead a miserable and hardy kind of life, yet they enjoy their health perfectly well. They have not so much as heard of most diseases, and are not all infected with those, that elswhere use to depopulate whole Countries. There are no acute and burning feavers among them, no plague. And if any infection be brought among them, it instantly loses its force. Some years since an infection was brought into Lapland in hemp, but none were hurt by it, besides the women that in spinning chewed it, for the Northern cold easily dissipates the poisonous vapors. The ordinary and frequent disease among them is, sore eies, from whence not seldom proceeds blindness. The cause of this may be, that from their infancie they for the most part are forced to be in smoak, wherewith their Huts[125] are fill’d both in Summer and Winter. Ericus Plantinus gives the same reason, and moreover adds the light of the fire to be a cause of it. And this gives them the greatest trouble imaginable, that their old age usually ends in blindness. They are often troubled also with the Pleuresy and inflammation of the lungs, stiches in the back, and dizziness in the head. The small Pox likewise sometimes takes them. Now as diseases are rare among them, so Physick is altogether unknown. Against all diseases inwardly they use the root of a kind of Moss, which they call Jereh, or in the failance of that, the stalke of Angelica, which they call Fadno, and is any where to be found. For this use they boil the Angelica with the whey of Rain-deers milk, as I said it was a custom among them before, in the Chapter of their food, and so prepared it is made use of as a special Medicine. If they feel any pain in their joints, they apply some fired chips to the place ill affected, that the ulcer then made may attract the vicious humors, and so mitigate the paine.

They cure wounds with no other ointment or plaister then of resin, which the trees sweat out: if a member be benummed with cold, the Cheese made of Rain-deers milk affords the presentest remedy to it; they thrust a red-hot iron into it, and with the fat of the Cheese that instantly distills from it, they anoint the part affected with incredible success. Others apply the Cheese it self, slicing it thin like a plate or leafe. This Cheese so boiled in milk is extraordinary good for a cough, and what other distempers, either of lungs or breast arise from cold, if it be taken so heated. It helps the stomach when disaffected by their drinking water. Because diseases are so rare among them, most of them come to extreme old age. Nay Sam. Rheen saies there are some among them that live to be above an hundred years old, and that most of them usually reach 70, 80, and 90 years, and at this age he saies many of them are still sufficiently brisk and lively; able to manage their business with expedition, to take a journey, to course thorough Woods and Mountains, and to perform other such labour: and lastly that they grow not grey-haired either soon or easily; so that old age dispatches more of them then diseases do. But if any be so dangerously sick as to keep his bed, either worn with age, or some distemper, they first enquire concerning him by their Drum, whither he will recover his health againe or die, as I have in another place shewn this to be one of the uses of the Drum, and Cl. M. Matthias Steuchius in his Letter to me tells us the same; I remember, saies he, I was once told by a Laplander that they can tell the very houre and manner of any mans death by those their Drums.

When they perceive any one neer death, then if there be present any well disposed persons, and versed in the Christian Religion, they exhort him in his agonies to think of God and Christ. If they are regardless of Religion, they instantly abandon the sick person, carefull only about the funeral banquet, which they begin sometimes to celebrate before the person departing is quite dead. Steuchius confirms this by a Story; There was a rich Laplander named Thomas, who when he was taken with a dangerous fitt of sickness, so as to loose all hope of recovery, he summond before him his friends and acquaintance; they when they perceived him to be desperate, they hasted to the Victuallers that keeps the Inn towards Norway and Jamptland, and of him they bought Ale and spirit of Wine ready to[126] sacrifice over their friend, whilst he was alive: when they had spent a whole day in quaffing, they camme to the sick mans Hut, and by that time found him quite dead. This is an example of the latest date, that hath happened in these our daies, from whence we may learn how just and reasonable the complaints were, which were premised to the Charter of Gustavus Adolphus, concerning the Lapland School. Furthermore, it is customary if any die, of whatever distemper, all instantly forsake the Cottage where the departed person lies; for they imagine (which is elsewhere shewn) that there survives something of the deceased, such as the ancient Latins called Manes, and that that was not alwaies benign, but sometimes hurtfull: for this reason they are afraid of the corps of the deceased. And if the person departed were of the richer sort: they wrap his corps in a linnen garment, if a poor mean man, in a woollen tattered one, so as to cover over as well the head, as all the other parts of the body, this they call Waldmar. So indeed do they that are more observant of the Christian rites then ordinary there; as for the others, they cover their dead with their own vestments, and those too the best they had when alive, as N. Matthias Steuchius assures me by a Letter, and confirms it too by a late example that a person worthy to be credited, related to him by an Inhabitant of Undersaok, a near neighbour to Lapland. The body of the dead, saies he, they cover with the best garments he had alive, and shut it up in a Biere. They lay the corps so wrap’d up in a Coffin, or funeral Chest, which is done by one peculiarly intreated to undertake the employment, and who must receive of the nearest kinsman to the deceased person a ring of Alchimy, and wear it fastned to his right arm. The reason of so tying this ring is, because they beleive it to be a preservative against the harm the Manes of the deceased person may otherwise bring upon them, for this reason he is fain to wear this same ring till the Burial be over, I suppose, because then they think the ghost may be more quiet, which is the ancient superstition as well of Greeks as Romans. The Coffin is usually made of the hollowed trunk of a tree, when they have not wherewithall to make a Coffin, as is common with them that dwell in the barren Mountains near Norway, they lay the corps of the deceased on a Carr or Sledge, which they call Akia, instead of a Coffin. The place of their Buriall in ancient times, before they turned Christians, was the first convenient place they met withall for that purpose, especially a Wood. As for them that dwell at a considerable distance from the Church at this day, they leave not off the custom of burying them any where where they first light, with the Sledge too, especially if there are only bare Rocks, and no Trees to be seen. Others on every side beset the Sledge with the corps too with stocks of Trees, both above and below, on each side, so as that it may not contract filthiness or moulder, nor the corps be torn in pieces, or devoured by wild Beasts.

There are some besides that lay them in Caves, and stop up the mouths of them with stones. But what Peucer writes that they dig a hole, and lay their dead bodies under their hearth, thereby to escape the hauntings of Ghosts, that is neither known nor heard of by the Laplanders: “Whereas saies he, they are strangely frightned and haunted with the Ghosts of their kindred after death, they provide against that by burying their bodies under their hearths: by this only remedy they guard and protect themselves[127] against the hauntings and affrightments of Demons, this if they do, no ghosts afterwards appear; if they neglect to do it, they are perpetually interrupted and infested with the apparitions of their too officious kindred.” They are so far from burying the corps under the hearth that they rather remove them to as great a distance as they can, But it is a singular and memorable passage, that those especially who are less observant of Christian rites, do use to bury with their deceased, first an hatchet, and next a flint and steel, of which ceremony they give this account, that if they ever come to rise againe in that darkness they shall have great need of springing a light; to which the flint and steel may help them, as likewise there will be occasion for a ready way, wherein they may travell to Heaven, to which purpose their hatchet may stand them instead, them especially that are buried among thick Woods, that if any Trees obstruct their passage, they may cut them down. And this do they themselves at this day affirm, now they have heard of a last day, and a Resurrection of the dead. But I suppose it rather to be an ancient superstition remaining still in these Countries, nor used only by the Laplanders. I my self saw some few miles distant from Upsal, raked out of the Sepulcher of a famous person, the great Treasurer of this Kingdom, M. Steno Bielke, a steel and flint; which that it was a relique only of Paganism, not the place only, but Tomb over him did sufficiently testify. It is certain that it was the ancient persuasion of Pagans, that there was no other way for the dead to arrive at the abodes of the Blessed, but thorough darkness, which they are the more afraid of, because it is the nature of their Country to have thicker darkness and of more durance then is usual among others. As concerning the hatchet, it is no wonder, whereas in other places it is a received custom to lay by dead People their Weapons, of which the principal one, among the Laplanders, is the hatchet. As for what appertains to the modern Laplanders, Olaus Petri imagines that they bury these things with their dead, because they beleive that after the Resurrection they shall take the same course of life they lead before, and for that reason they furnish them with the same utensils. Thus do they who are less observant of the Christian ceremonies, and dwell farthest off from the Christian Churches. The others take special care to have their dead carried to the Church-yard, which too the Priests do earnestly request of them. It is said too that some of them, when they have bin accustomed to bury in such a place are so ambitious as to give money to have their deceased buried not in the Yard, but the Church.

But here none of the Laplanders will willingly dig up a grave, unless he be extraordinary poor, such whom the richer of them hire at a considerable rate to such an emploiment, or some other of Swedland, whom they can procure. So the deceased person is buried according to the Christian rite, when they have mourned for him, putting on the worst clothes they have, that is peculiar to them, that they leave behind them the sledg whereon the course was brought to the Church-yard and all the vestments wherein the deceased lay during sickness, these they bring to the Sepulcher, for fear I suppose lest any deadly thing should cling to them, and that cannot be used by others without harm. So when the Person is buried, a funeral banquet is provided, the time of it is usually, the third day after the burial,[128] the banquet is furnished out of the flesh of the Rain-deer; that drew the person departed to his Burial place. That they sacrifice in honor of him; and all the kindred and acquaintance feast upon it. At this feast they take special care, not to loose the bones, but gather them all up diligently, and lay them in a coffer and bury them under ground; if they have the opportunity of procuring Spirit of Wine, they drink it about to the memory of the person deceased, and call it Saligawiin, that is the Wine of the blessed, meaning, I suppose that they drink it to the memory of him, that is happy by his departure from earth: however it happened, that those kinsmen of Thomas the Laplander, as was above mentioned, made this feast before the due time. They fasten upon the coffer, wherein they shut up the Rain-deers bones, the image of a man fashioned out of wood, bigger or less in proportion to the deceased person; thus much of their funeral rites. Only some of the richer sort repeat the feast every year, in the manner aforesaid, where may note, that the Rain-deers are not only slain for their business of the feast, but likewise in manner a Sacrifice, and that the bones are offered to the Manes of the deceased, at tis more largely treated of in another place. It moreover is apparent that the Laplanders time of mourning is not used to be short, but of a long continuance, especially for the loss of married persons or children, and consists not in ostentation, or appearance, but only in inward sorrow. I come now to their manner of inheritance and division of their goods, which follows upon the death of any one, for the Laplanders likewise have their sort of riches, consisting most in moveables as cattle, silver, brass and copper vessels and the like, but there is nothing for which they are more esteemed then plenty of Rain-deer. Some of them have a hundred, some a thousand or more; Olaus Magnus makes mention of but half these numbers Lib. 17. Cap. 28. but what may be read in the papers of John Buræus, confirms their number to be much greater. Oroveen, tis there said, was so rich in Rain-deer, that their number could not be known. Arent Justinus stole a hundred of them, and yet they could not be missed. And other things which serve for daily uses, they keep in public, or else lay up in their cupboards, as I have elsewhere shown, but they bury under ground either silver plate or mony, and the place they call Roggri, they lay it first in a close box, that in a copper kind of kettle, and that they cover over with boord, and so strew it over with earth and moss, that no body may perceive any thing to be hid there, this they do so privatly, that neither their wives nor children can tell any thing of it, so that it sometimes chances, that, when they dy suddenly, all these things ly buried and never come to the heirs, but what come to their hands are thus divided among them, if they be moveables, the Brother receives two thirds, the Sister one, as was appointed by the Provincial Laws of the Swedes. The two Rain-deers given to the children in their tender years, the one the Tooth Rain-deer, the other the Parents free gift, are exempted from this common division, as likewise their increase, which sometimes comes to a considerable number. If the goods be not moveables, as territories, lakes, mountains and such like, the children of either Sex, possess them with equall right, and make use of them indifferently, tho this be not a bare permission, but founded in the division of Lapland, made by Charles the Ninth, in which to every family were given its own territories, Lakes, Woods, Mountains, and the like, as has[129] been mentioned in another place, from whence I suppose tis, that they remain still to each single family, and are not liable to division or to be distributed among the heirs as other goods; for these are not their own proper possessions, as other goods are, but only granted from the crown of Swedland to them to receive the profits, and upon that score every year they pay a certain tribute, which we have treated of before, so that there remains nothing else to be added here.

After our discourse of the inhabitants of Lapland, their Nature and manners, something is to be said of other things there remarkable. First of their Cattel, of which they have some common to other Nations, some proper only to themselves. They have no Horses, nor Asses, Oxen, nor Bulls, Sheep nor Goats. The inhabitants do not regard Horses, for the little use they have of them; Oxen, Sheep, Goats, they procure from their Neighbors, for the provision of meat, wool, and hides, and they keep them but one Summer, still killing them a little before Winter. The Beasts proper to Lapland which no other Nation has, are Rain-deers, Peucerus stiles them Tarandi, but without reason, for the Rain-deer compared with Tarandus as ’tis described by Pliny, have scarce any thing a like, the Tarandus having the bulk of an Ox, an head bigger than a stags, and hair as thick and rough as a Bears, which he can change into any color, as he shews in his 8^th book, but nothing of this agrees to the Raindeer, as we shall shew anon. Likewise Gesner did erre in bringing this Animal from two divers species. ’Tis not known who imposed the name; but whatever become of the Etymology or imposition of the name, tho it seem to be of late times, the beast it self was long before known. The first that wrote of him was Paulus Warnefrid: he speaks there of a people which he calls Scritobini, which were doubtless the Laplanders, for he describes their cloths to be the same with those which the Laplanders call’d Mudd, he affirms that the beast of which they had their hides was not unlike a Stag, which serves to prove that they were the Rain-deer, for so they are call’d by Herbestenius, Damianus, and Olaus, who tells us that they are something taller then a Stag: those which have broad horns (found most in the North) are less than others. But tis not the same thing to talke of tallness and bulk; for tho other Stags owe their height to their long legs, they have less bodies than the Rain-deer. They have 3 horns, 2 branching out backward, the third sprowting down their foreheads (which Olaus observes is to guard them from the wild Beasts especially the Wolves.) Lomenius speaks of 4 horns, 2 backwards and 2 forwards, as appears by his picture, in which the Artist falls short of the matter, as my draught which is more accurate will show: but Albertus Magnus makes them have three rows of horns, for so Jonstonus out of him, they carry saies he 3 horns, each breeding 2 horns more, which makes his head seem bushy.[130] Two of these are bigger then the rest, which answer to the Stags horns, growing sometimes to that bigness as to be 5 cubits high, and are adorned with 25 branches. The Doe has 2 short horns, one being fixt in its forehead which it uses in conflict with other beasts. These horns are proper only to the Buck, the Doe having much less and fewer branches. They are commonly covered with a kind of Wool, which is most frequent after they are cast and begin again to shoot; so Olaus. In the spring, they begin to sprout, tender, but rough and full of blood: when they come to a sufficient growth, they cast their hair in Autumn. The Rain-deer differ from a Stag, that their feet are thick like a Bulls; hence Olaus took notice of their round hoofs: when they walk, the joints of their feet make a noise like the clashing of flints, or cracking of nuts, which is peculiar only to these beasts. Lastly their color is different from a Stags, for it comes nearer an Ash: besides they are white not only on their belly but on their haunches, which Damianus observes does render them more like Asses then Stags, and Zeigler agrees with him. But I cannot see on what account Olaus attributes a main to this beast: they have indeed, especially under their necks, hair longer then ordinary, such as Goats and other beasts have, but nothing agreeable to an horse main: tis farther observeable that tho they are cleft they do not chew the cud. Likewise instead of the bladder for their gall they have a black passage in their liver. This is the picture of one drawn to the life.

Moreover the beast is naturally wild, and such still abound in Lapland,[131] but now multitudes are tamed for domestick service; those that are bred of tame ones, remain so, of which there is great plenty. There is a third sort bred of the wild and tame, for they use, as Sam. Rheen observes, to set out tame Does about rutting time, for the better conveniency of catching the wild ones. Thence it happens that sometimes the tame ones breed that third sort, which they call particularly Kattaigiar or Purach, and are bigger and stronger than the rest, and fitter to draw Sledges. He saies too that they retain something of their primitive wildeness, sometimes being very headstrong, and kicking at him that sits on the Sledge. The driver hath no remedy then but to turn his Cart, and lie under it, till the Beast ceases to be unruly, for they are strong, and will not be governed with whips. They go a rutting about S. Matthews tide, in the same manner that Staggs do: if any Buck be killed in that Season, the flesh stinks like a Goats, which makes the Inhabitants desist from killing them at that time, but at other times they are good meat. The Does (which they call Waijar) are big ten months, they calve about May, when they can recruit themselves with the Sun, and fresh grass. They breed but one a piece, but are so fertile, that of an hundred there is not ten barren. Those that have calved are stiled Raonæ, which become exceeding fleshy, as if they were fatned against Autumn, at which time they are usualy killed.

Those that have young ones never are housed, but give suck without, and in this case the great multitude breeds no confusion, for each Doe knows her proper Calf, and is known by it; so saies Sam. Rheen, who affirms that they know one another after two or three years absence. When the Calves are grown they feed on grass and leaves, and what the Mountains afford: their color is mixt of red and yellow. About S. James tide they cast their hair, which in the next growth turns blackish. They are at their full growth in 4 years, each year changing their name; the first, they are stiled Namiloppa, i. e. nameless. Tornæus calls the Buck Hiroas, but Rheen gives him the name of Herki. When they are able to work, they are tamed; one sort being condemned to the Sledge, and thence named Vaijom-herki, others to carry burdens, thence called Lykam-herki. Those that are design’d for labour they commonly gueld, which renders them more tractable: this is done when they are a year old. Those which are reserved for breeding, are called Servi. The Bucks are not so numerous as the Does, of which there be an hundred for twenty, which are profitable for Milk, Cheese and breeding. Both men and women milk them kneeling, one hand being emploied to hold the pail, and the other the dugg. They milk them sometimes loose, and sometimes bound to a post, about 2 or 3 of the clock in the evening, and but once a day, the rest being reserved for the calves: those which have Calves alwaies yield most milk: the greatest quantity they give at once is a Swedish pint and half, that is about the fourth part of the ordinary measure upon the Rhine. The milk is fat and thick, and very nurishing, which is their chiefest food; that which they do not boil they make Cheese of, which is thus described by Rheen. The Dairy-Maids first let the milk stand to cream, when it hath stood they take off the cream with a skimmer. When one Cheesefat is filled, they fill another, and put it on the first, and so till 6 or 8 are filled, then they turn the Cheesefats, that the lowermost be in the top, and use not their hands to press the cheese, but let them press[132] each other. Each Cheese requires as much milk as ten Rain-deers can spare: their shape is round about two fingers thick, and as big as a Trencher, which we use at table, their Milk makes very fat Cheese, but no Butter, instead of which they have a kind of tallow, as I shew’d before.

Now the Laplanders having such advantages from these beasts, take great care in driving them to their Meadows, and defending them from wild Beasts. They are so concerned for them, that they bring their Wives, Children, and Servants, to watch them in the pastures, and drive those that wander back to the Herd. When milking time comes, they drive them into folds, which are spots of ground, hedged in with hurdles stuck on forks, each fold having two doors, one by which they enter, the other which carries them out into their Medows. Their meat in Summer is the best grass the Mountains afford, with leaves of young Trees. They avoid all hard rough grass, especially where Bullrushes grow. The other Seasons of the year they feed on a kind of white Moss, which abounds in Lapland: when the Mountains are covered with Snow, they scrape out this Moss with their feet. And S. Rheen observes that tho they get least food in the Winter quarter, they grow whiter and fatter then at other times, for in Summer the excessive heat makes them worse. These Cattel too are subject to disseases, which if once begun, spread and kill the whole Herd, but this very rarely. They are infected with that more frequently, which Olaus describes. About March worms or wornels do begin to breed in their backs, which when alive, creep out and make the Beasts skin, if then killed, full of holes, like a Seive, and almost useless.

The Wolves trouble them, tho they have their horns to defend themselves; but they are not alwaies so armed, for they cast their horns once a year, which grow again very slowly. The Does never cast theirs till they have calved. The Rain-deers use not their horns when they encounter the Wolves so much as their forefeet, with these they receive them coming on, otherwise their feet defend them by flight, which they can easily do, if not hindred by Snow. The third inconveniency is that if they be not very carefully lookt to, they will wander and be lost, therefore the owners put certain marks on them to distinguish them from others; their marks they put sometimes on their ears, and not their horns, because they cast them. But if they escape all accidents whatever, they never live above 10 years.

And thus much for the Rain-deers, which alone supply the want of Horses, Sheep, and other Cattel. Therefore the Inhabitants apply themselves only to the care of these, neglecting all the rest; besides Dogs, which faithfully watch their Houses and Cattel, and are very serviceable for hunting, as I have mentioned in that Chapter.

Of all the Beasts in Lapland the Bear is chief: him saies Sam. Rheen, they stile King Of the Woods, and gives this reason, because in strength and fierceness he exceeds all the rest. They are very numerous, some fiercer than others, especially those which are mark’t with a white wreath about their necks, many of which are found in the North. These annoy the Inhabitants Cattel, and overturn their Stores; which they fix on the top of a Tree, to preserve their flesh and fish, and all that concerns provision: but in one night the Bear destroys all the food they have laid up.

Next the Bear the Elk is remarkable, which Olaus calls the wild Asse, Scaliger confounds it with the Rain-deer, for he saies, tho it had Asses hair, it was called by the Swedes, Ranger, by the Goths, Rangifer, by the Germans, Ellend, by the Moscovites, Lozzi, and some Books say that in Norway they were named Rehen: what Books he means I am ignorant, but I am sure the Elks, which the Germans call Ellend, were never called Rehen, but Ælg, or Ælgar, which is now the common name through all the North; neither can I think otherwise of the Moscovites Lozzi, for it is the same with the Lithuanian Losso, as Herbestenius observes. That which the Lithuanians call Loss, the Germans call Ellend, and many in Latin Alce. So that Loss, Lozzi, Ælg, Ellend is the same Beast, but quite different from the Rain-deer, contrary to what Scaliger thought. For first it excells the Rain-deers in bulk not a little, being as high as any Horse; its horns are shorter, but above two palms in breadth, shooting out a few, tho not many young sprouts. His leggs are not round, but long, especially the foremost: he engages very smartly, and his sharp hoofs enable him to encounter all Men and Dogs that oppose. He hath a long head, and huge thick lips alwaies hanging down; his color is not so white, but all over his body it inclines to a dark yellow mixt with ashen: when he walks he makes no noise with his hoofs as all Rain-deers do; whoever sees both Beasts (as I have often) will perceive such difference, that he will wonder how any one should mistake. There is no great breed of these in Lapland, but they have them from other places, especially Lithuania. Charles the ninth, by a public Proclamation claimed all the skins of those that were killed for his Exchequer, as I mentioned in another place. Olaus saies that they continue altogether in the South of Lapland, and are taken most frequently by running them down, or hunting; in other places they are rarely found: but it is manifest that twice a year they swim in great Herds out of Carelia, over the River Niva, to wit, in the Spring to go into Carelia, and in Autumn to return into Russia. Some few Stags have bin seen in Lapland. S. Rheen mentioning the chief Beasts which have bin found there, reckons severall species of four footed Beasts, as wild Rain-deers, Bears, Stags,[134] Wolves, Gluttons, Beavers, Otters, Martins, Squirrels; but these Stags are but few and little, such as they call Damacervi, or Platicerotes, which since they have nothing peculiar from those in other nations, let it suffice that they are named. To these I may add wild Rain-deers, but because they differ from the tame ones only in bulk, being bigger, and in color somewhat blacker, I will likewise pass them over. Sam. Rheen after the Stags mentions Wolves, of which there is a great number, distinguisht from those in other Countries only by their color, something whiter, whence they are often called white Wolves: their hair is thicker, longer and rougher. These most of all molest the Rain-deers, which are armed against them with their horn.

I find in some Papers of Euræus that the Wolves did never assault the Rain-deer if it was bound to a stake: the reason may be because he fears some trap when he sees the rope that binds the Raindeer: for the Wolf is a very suspicious creature, and thinks every thing he sees to be a snare to catch him. Besides he may suspect that men lie hidden to kill him, whereas the Rain-deers are only bound for the better conveniency of milking them. Nevertheless, the Wolves venture not only on Beasts, but on Men and Women, especially those that are big with child. Travellers are forced to go armed, particularly Women near their time, for the Wolves take their scent and watch more greedily for them, therefore no Woman is permitted to travel without a guide assisting her. The next are the Gluttons, which are frequent here, they have a round head, strong and sharp teeth, like a Wolfs, a plump body, and feet shorter than the Otters: their skin is of a very dark color, some of them resemble Sables, only they have softer and finer haire; this Beast lives not altogether on Land, but many times in the Water, like the Otter, tho much bigger and stronger: some compare it to the Otter, but it is far greedier than he, for thence it gets its name. For Olaus tells us that it is called by the Swedes, Jerff, by the Germans, Wildfras: but this German name doth not denote the Beast to eat much, but to devour what it finds in the Woods, for wild signifies any thing in the Woods; wherefore either Scaliger did not understand the word, or else the Printer did not follow his copy: which appears more plainely, from that the Gulo doth not only infest wild Beasts, but tame (as hath bin often known in Swedland) and Water creatures too, being it self accustomed to the Waters.

There are abundance of Beavers in Lapland, because the Nation abounds with plenty of Fish, whence they have store of food: Olaus thinks that the plenty of them proceeds from the quietness of the Waters, which are never troubled with Ships, as the Rhine and Danow are. I add nothing of these because they are not distinguish’d from the vulgar sort, neither are the Otters. Next to these Sam. Rheen speaks of the Foxes, as being numerous, and of severall sorts over all Lapland. He reckons up, besides the common ones, those that are black, brown, ash-colored, white; and those that are marked with a cross. The black are most valued because they are rare: in Moscovy Men of honor and preferment have their Caps made of their skins, which are sold, as Herberstenius observes, for 10, sometimes 15 pieces of gold. Those that are marked with a cross, Johnston calls Crucigeræ, and describes them thus: they have from their mouth, over their head and back[135] to their tail a black streak, another crossing their back, and down to their forefeet, which two lines do resemble a cross. These are preferred before the common red Foxes, being bigger, and having thicker hair. The ashen-colored Foxes are those which Johnston calls Isatidæ, their color is mixt of ash and blew, such as is the color of the woad, tho this color is not spread all over his body, nor is any single hair wholly of this color, for the longest hairs are black at the end, the shortest white, from both which this color results. Olaus calls these Celestine, or sky-colored Foxes, where too he tells us that they are of less worth than the rest, and the white ones too, because their color is so, without the tincture of any other, such as Conies use to have. The reason is because their number is great, and their hair not durable: but that there is such abundance of these skins happens because the Foxes are more easily taken, not living in the Woods, but on the naked Mountains between Norway and Swedland.

After the Foxes the Martins are mentioned. These too are frequent in Lapland, and indeed no Nation doth afford more or better skins than this doth. But these differ too, those that have yellow on their throat being preferred before the white: but this is observable that the Laplanders have no Martins but in the Woods, and they have also a particular sort of meat, for they feed on Squirrels and Birds. In the night time, saies Olaus, by the advantage of their sharp claws they can easily climb any Tree, where they make a prey of the Squirrell, who is quite as nimble, tho not so strong, and therefore can sometimes save himself by skipping round the arm of a Tree: this the enemy cannot imitate, especially if the Squirrell leads him up to the top branches, otherwise he cannot escape, and leap from the top of one Tree to another. The Martin is not injurious only to the Squirrel, but to both small and great Birds, which he seizes on as they are at roost: if they be the greater Birds they presently betake themselves to flight with him sitting on their backs, and persisting to bite so long, till they drop down dead.

Next are the Squirrels, which are incredibly numerous. These particularly change their color every year. When Winter draws on they turn from red to grisle, which color is valued in the skin; this color the further the Beasts are Northwards, is the purer, and less mixt with red, and is so too the farther the Season is from Summer, at which time they are never hunted, but all in the Winter. Tho they do so abound, yet they are wont to go away in such troops, till there are scarce any left. The reason of their departure is not known: some think it is because they fear hunger and foresee the want of meat. Others think it is to avoid the injury of the weather. Rheen and Ol. Pet. describe their march on this wise. They go to the brinks of a River, where they find the bark of Pine, or Birch trees, on which they trust themselves, and venture to launch forth, pricking up their tailes for sailes. Thus they are carried at the mercy of the wind till it overturns them and their bark. Their body is of that nature that it will not sink, but being drowned, is driven to shore, where very often great numbers are taken up, and their skins, if they are found soon enough are as fit for use as ever: but, tho such an accident, as this, sweeps away most of them, yet the few that are left preserve the species, and multiply very soon, for each Squirrel brings forth 4, 5, or more at a time. And those are all the Beasts which S. Rheen mentions.

But besides these, there are others, such as are the Sables which Olaus Magnus calls Zabelli, their skins Johnston in his History of Animals commends. Olaus saith that their skins were made use of by the Lapland Women, especially by the Brides to adorn themselves with them; and that there is but small plenty of them in these parts. Some make this beast like a weezel, others especially Scaliger like the Martin, and indeed he seems to be in the right both to the bulk and shape of it. Their color the nearer it comes to black is the more esteemed. There are found several all white, such as we have often seen the Muscovian Embassadors bring over to the King for a most singular present. By which Adamus Bremensis in his Scandinavia seems to have understood white Martins. There are also Ermins which are found only among the Laplanders. Jovius first wrote of them that they were good exchange for any sort of Merchandize. These Ermins are nothing but white weezels having the end of their tails black, Johnston takes notice thereof out of Albertus Magnus, he calleth the beast Erminius, which is the same thing with Armelinus and Hermelinus, differing neither in bigness nor nature from the weezel, the color argues nothing, for he has that only in Winter, but in Summer is of a bright yellow. It is as greedy of Mice as the Weezels are, whence the Sweeds call it Lekat. I am unwilling to call it with Scaliger a Swedland Mouce. Among these I had rather reckon a little sort of beast which they call Lemmus, which Olaus Magnus saith the Ermins feed on, Samuel Rheen speaks of a sort of Mice found in Lapland which they call Mountain Mice or Lemblar, which Wormius describes with short tails and staring hair, and not unlike a Mouce. I will speak little of their color, which Olaus saies is various, Samuel Rheen affirms it red, who observes too that they come of a sudden, and cover the ground with their multitude. Olaus observes that this is alwaies in stormy weather, and thinks that it rains these creatures, but is all together in a doubt, whether they are brought thither by the Winds, or bred in the clouds. Wormius thinks plainly that they are bred in the clouds: but the learned Isaac Vossius in his notes to Pomponius Mela corrects him, and saies the reason why these animals are supposed to fall from the Clouds is because they use not to appear, but immediatly after rain they creep out of their holes, either for that they are fill’d with water, or because this creature thrives much in rain, which opinion seems most probable to me. These creatures are very bold, never making their escape when Passengers come by, but keep on their way, and make a noise like the barking of a dog: they fear neither club nor sword, but if any one strike at them, they turn again and bite. It is observable in them that they never go near or do any mischeif in any hut, sometimes they set upon one another, being divided as it were into two armies, this the Laplanders take to be an omen of future war in Swedland, and gather whence the enemy will come, by observing whence those animals first moved that provoked the rest. These creatures have their enemies too, first the Ermines as I mentioned before, then the Foxes, which bring a great number of these into their holes: hence the Laplanders have no small disadvantage, for the Foxes using this sort of food most, regard not the baits which they lay to catch them. Thirdly the Rain-deers devour them, and lastly the dogs which eat only the fore part of them. These creatures never live, if they chance to eat any herb grown after they had tasted it before: sometimes they perish[137] otherwise, as being choaked in the Hedges or dropping into Water. The last sort of beasts are hares, which are esteemed for their white skin, especially in the winter, at which time they are as white as the Foxes; they change their color every year, alwaies turning white towards this season; for which tho many reasons may be given, I think this is most considerable, that Nature and Providence designed it, least when the ground was quite cover’d with Snow, their color might easily discover them, and they being equally oppressed by man and beast should be quite destroy’d. For which reason too, probably some birds at that time are White. Olaus Magnus testifies the same of hares, that immediatly after Autumn they begin to grow white, and at that time are frequently taken half white and half not, but in the midst of the Winter they are all white as before.

I come now to the Birds, of which here is great store. Samuel Rheen mentions these, Swans, Geese, Ducks, Lapwings, Snipes, all sorts of water Birds, and wild fowl, as Heathcocks, Stock-doves, Partridges, Woodcocks; he makes a distinction between water fowle and those that are bred in Woods, and proves that they abound with each sort, because the country has so many pools, ponds, and woods. Of these birds, some are in other countries, some only in these Northern parts. Swans, Geese and Ducks, are known every where: he means wild ducks, for they have no tame ones. Olaus Petri takes notice of the same thing. It is remarkable in these wild foul, that they come from the South into the North, where they build their nests, hatch and breed up their young ones, which is not frequent elsewhere. I believe it is because they do not find such security nor plenty of food in other places. The Snipes I suppose are scarce found any where else, their back and head are black, and most part of their wings, white on their breast and belly, red bills, very long, and set with teeth, short feet and red with skin between their claws, as all water fowle have. As you may see in the next page.

To this we may add that sort of Bird called Loom, which Samuel Rheen omitted, unless he comprehended them under the water-fowle in general, for there is such a number of them, and so various, that the particulars would take up too much time: Olaus Wormius has a draught of this bird, it is no sort of duck, as appears by its bill, which is not broad but sharp. This bird peculiarly goes not upon land, but alwaies either flies or swims, it hath feet very short for the proportion of its body, and standing so much back, that tho they are very convenient for swimming, yet it cannot so poise its body on land as to be able to go: hence it is called Loome, which signifies lame or unable to go. Of the wild fowl that which Samuel Rheen calls Kiæder and we render Wogallon, intimating the biggest sort, is named Cedron near Trent, if Gesner may be credited, who describes the rest very probably: but as to[138] the color of the Hen, which he affirms does differ nothing from the Cock, he is mistaken; for the color is quite yellow with black specks. The same may be observed of the Stock-doves which he calls the lesser Urogalli, for the hen differs from the cock, he being all black, and she yellow, like the hen of the Heathcock, from which she is distinguist by nothing but bigness. Olaus Magnus because the Color was not exactly yellow, called it ashen, for sometimes it is composed of both these, most enclining to an ash. There are no other sort of wild cocks, then those the Sweeds call Orrar and the Latines Tetraones or Urogalli minores: their combs are the same with the Urogalli, placed not on the top of their heads, but above each eie, which the painter not understanding drew them from his own tame cocks. Some call these birds Pheasants, but whoveer compares them, will discern two distinct species. Both sorts are found in Lapland, but the latter not so frequent; nor are the others equally plentiful every year, for in some there are none. I come now to the woodcocks, which I think is the right name; the Swedes have a bird which they call Jærpe, and the Germans Haselhun, but it is doubted whether these are the same with the woodcock, for they do not frequent marshes as the woodcocks do, but live altogether in woods and groves, whence Rheen reckons them among that sort of fowle which inhabit the woods. However, there is plenty of these birds in Lapland, and they afford good meat for the inhabitants; but no bird abounds there more then the White Partridge, not only in the woods but on the highest Mountains, even then when they are covered with Snow. I call it Lagopos which Samuel Rheen sometimes Fialriipor or Snioeripor, the Germans and especially the Helvetians term is Schnæhuner, i. e. Snow-hens, or Shnævoigil, i. e. Snow-birds, because they delight in Snow and to dwell on the top of the Alpes. They have a kind of hair instead of Feathers, and hears feet, whence they are called Lagopodes. Samuel Rheen describes them thus, that in the Winter they are as white as Snow, having not one black feather, but that which the Hen has under her wing: when spring comes they turn grey like hen pheasants, and keep that color till Winter. Olaus Magnus mentions a sort of snow birds, which naturally changes its white into ashen, but I can scarce believe he means the Lagopodes, because he speaks of their red feet, such as Storkes have, whereas the[139] Lagopodes much differ. Another thing Samuel Rheen observes, that the Lagopodes never sit on trees, as Olaus his Snow-birds are painted, but are alwaies on the ground very active, scarce ever sitting still. Their shape is this.

The next is their Fish, of which they have incredible store; Zeiglerus saies their draughts are so great, that they are forced to transport some of them into other Countries. Jovius speaks too of great plenty they reap from the Seas, because he is describing those Laplanders which live near Muscovy: whereas the rest can have plenty enough out of the rivers. The best sort they have is Salmon, for which Olaus Magnus saith there is not better fishing in any part of Europe, then in the Bothnic towards Lapland; whose mountains send down vast rivers of fresh water, against which the Salmons come in such shoales, and with such vigor, that the Fishermen find them at the head of the river on the top of the mountains. Samuel Rheen too prefers these fish before all the rest, and saith that they swim up all rivers that they are able, and come down again about S^t Matthews tide. And that is much worse when it returns, then when it went up, which seems to be, because tis wearied and spent in strugling against the stream, and engendring; which it alwaies does in those parts of the river which are most remote from the Sea: when he comes up the river they call him Salm, at his return lax.

The 2^d sort of fish are Pikes, Olaus Magnus speaking of this saith, that in Lapland there are marshes of fresh water, 400 Italian miles in length, and 100 in bredth, in which there is such abundance of Pike and other fish, that they do not only supply 4 Kingdomes, but are dried and transported farther into Germany to be sold: these fish alwaies use fresh water, and are every where known having long heads, the lower jaw hanging out, many sharp teeth, which the Germans call Hecht. They are found sometimes to exceed men in length. Olaus affirms, that if they have fresh water and food enough, they will attain to 8 foot in length.

The 3^d sort are those which the Swedes call Syck, not much differing from the Carp; only they have longer mouths, and not so broad, they are commonly not so big as carps, but in Lapland they are found extraordinary, sometimes weighing 10 or 12 pounds.

The 4^th sort is Abbor which is with us a perch: this is very plentiful too, and frequently of an incredible bigness. There is to this day in a Chappel at Luhlah, kept one of their heads dried, which is from the top to the under jaw 2 spans thick. There are found water-weezels red and white, chiefly in the pools near the Sea. Samuel Rheen speaks of 2 sorts which the Swedes call Ræding, and Ærlax; whether they are any where else found I know not. Rheen thus describes the first sort. Ræding, has its name from the red color on the lower part of its belly. The latter is very like a Salmon but not so big. Some take them for Salmons not come to their full growth, but this is an error, for these fishes are taken in pools, which are on every side parted from the Sea, and are known never to have any Salmons. I had rather refer them to the trout, or Trutta, because it scarce differs in shape, only the Trouts flesh is redder and softer. Besides these there are many other fish in Lapland, but not regarded, because they serve not for food, for which reason I pass them over: only Olaus Petrus gives us this doubtful account of their names, Salario, Cobitis, Barbatula, Rubellio, Borbocha ocutala, Prasinus, Cyprinus, Cobitis aculeata. This Country breeds not many reptiles, no serpents: but this is meant of the upper Regions towards the Norway Mountains, for in the low woody places they are found tho not many. There are but few insects; as for fleas they are quite unknown; but they receive much injury from gnats, which infest man and beast, especially the Rain-deers, which upon that account are driven away to the top of the highest Mountains. The men arm themselves against them by keeping a continual smoak in the house. If they sleep, they put a blanket over their body and head: when they go abroad they put on a garment made of hides, and on their heads cloth caps. I have bin told by the Natives, that many to defend themselves from this insect, dawb their faces all over, except their eies, with resine and pitch.

Besides these, there are great wasps which trouble the Rain-deers, and sting them so deep, that sometimes they leave marks behind them even when the beast is flayed: those little holes which they make with their stings the vulgar call Kaorme. The only remedy for the Raindeer against these, is smoak, which if not present they dip themselves in water: and let this suffice for their Animals.

I descend from their Animals to their Trees and Plants, with which they are well stored, tho Jovius observes that they have no fruit Trees, as Apple, Pear, &c. neither have they any wild Trees which will not bear the cold, as Oak, Beach, which Ol. Pet. takes notice of, but adds that they have plenty of Pine and Fir, Juniper and Birch, Service tree, and Willow, Alder and Dog-tree, the Asp and Ollar: but these Trees do not grow every where, for the Mountains called the Fells, between Norway and Lapland, bear no Trees at all: Pet. Claud. thinks the reason of that to be the continual storm of wind that is on them, but perhaps a truer reason may be the extremity of cold. The ground that lies near the Mountains is thick set with Woods, with this distinction that the parts next them bears nothing but Birch tree, remarkable for their thickness and height, and pleasant prospect, Nature having contrived them so regularly that they seem afar off to be some pleasant Garden. The soil more distant from those Hills, besides Birch-trees, hath Fir and Pitch, which seems like some new kind of wood, composed of these three sorts.

Besides these, there are very few others found in Lapland. Shrubs, especially Currans, or Ribes are very frequent, but they regard not these because perhaps the tast is unpleasant, especially of those which bear Black-berries, which are more numerous than the others. The Junipers grow thick, being very tall and comely. This Country yields all manner of Berries, the chief are those which the Swedes call Hiortron, some Dew-berries, or the Norway Berry, whose species is the same that grows on Brambles, each Berry being divided as it were into graines of a pale yellow color, beginning to be red as they ripen. These commonly grow in marshy places. They creep on the ground, and are sustained by little props, so that they ought not to be reckoned among shrubs. The Berries are very wholsome, and are a present remedy for the Scurvy. The Inhabitants delight to eat them with their flesh and salt meats, as I mentioned before. They have a sort of black Berries, called by the Swedes, Halton, according to Olaus Pet. also the thin leaved heath, that bears a Berry, which some call ground Ewe, the Swedes, Kraokebær, the lesser black Berries called in Swedland Lingon, and the lesser black Berries called Blaobær, all which Olaus Pet. takes notice of, speaking of their manner of dressing meat, particularly of the Heath-berries: whence it appears that these Berries were as plentifull with them as the former. They have all sorts of other Berries, tho the Natives do not so much value them. This Country affords very usefull Herbs, such as are Angelica, which the Inhabitant value so much that they call it the Lapland herb, or Samigraes: they are much pleased with it in their meat: it grows with a short stalk, but thick. In the same place is found Sorrel, which they use too in their food. Some particular herbs they have[142] which are not found any where else, as Calceolum Lapponicum, or Brassica Rangiferorum: what sort of herb it is Sam. Rheen expresses in these words, which, tho tedious, I thought fit to transcribe that we might have his exact opinion it. There grows (saith he) an herb which they call Calceolum Lapponicum because its flower is like the Laplanders shoe, it is of a blew colour with three rowes of seed in the pod, it has larger leaves than the vulgar cabbage, its stalk is a finger thick and the root bitter: it grows extraordinary fast, and rises to three cubits in height, and somtimes more: it is thought a bad and unprofitable herb because no beast will tast of it. There is another herb very usefel and wholesome, and of great esteem among them, which Olaus Pet. take to be like a carrot, he says it is called Mosaraoth, haveing the tast and flower of Pimpervel growing in marshy grounds to an ell in height. That Mosaraoth is not a Lapland but Swedish name, from maosa which signifies marshy places where mosse grows, what the inhabitants call it, I cannot yet learn. And these are the peculiar herbs which this country hath: I have not met with any one that could help me to the exact shape of them. But altho this soil beare some peculiar herbs, yet there are not many species of them, which Olaus Pet. gathers from the west-Bothnia, which borders on Lapland, for in that place there are found but very few.

I come now to Mosse, which is of diverse sorts. The first is tree Mosse, with a kind of long wool, hanging down from the boughs, especially of the Pitch tree, and somtimes from others. The 2^d. which is very plentiful and affords food for the raindeers in the winter is ground Mosse, of a white colour, with long thin leaves growing a foot high. The 3^d. is ground mosse, but softer of a more delicate yellow green: this is pernicious to the foxes, which the inhabitants cut small and mix with their baits to catch them. The 4^th. is also ground mosse, short and soft, of a very fine colour, which because it is so fine they use instead of feathers to lay under Infants new born. I hear of a 5^th. sort with larger and longer leaves, which they call Fathne, good against fainting if it be bruised and drank in broth, but I doubt whether this be Mosse, I had rather believe it Angelica cut small prepared and boiled under ground. The last thing which is to be mentioned is Grasse, which is of diverse kinds, the best sort is that which is found in the vallies near the mauntains called Fells, being short, soft, and juicy; that which grows in other places is thicker, rougher, and dryer. There is a 3^d sort thin and slender which the inhabitants use for stuffing of their shoes, and gloves, to defend their feet and hands from the weather. And these are all the trees, shrubs, and herbs of Lapland.

That mettals grow in Lapland and the outermost parts of Scandinavia, is only a conjecture of the Antients, and there is no certainty of it, therefore none of them make any mention of them. Olaus M. flatly denies that to his age there were any Iron, Copper, or Silver mines found, therefore they were forced to fasten their boats with osiers, without any nails because they had no Iron, but in the 35. year of this age, in Queen Christina’s reign, a silver mine was discovered by the Inhabitants of Pitha near Nasafialo not far from the mountains which divide Swedeland from Norway, this was the first mine known in Lapland, found by Loens Person an inhabitant of Pitha.

In the year 1645. The most Illustrious Ericus Flemming L. Baron of Lais, now Senator of the Kingdome, and President of the company of Mines, first caused it to be opened, and a melting-house built with convenient necessaries. There is also a vein of Lead richer then the Silver and easier work’t. Rheen saith that the mountain is opened, not with Pickaxes or any Iron instruments: but they bore a hole, which must be fill’d with Gunpowder; when the mouth is well stopt they apply fire thro another little hole, which touching the powder breaks the hardest stones in pieces. But the use of this mine lasted no long time, for in the war between the Swedes and Danes in Carolus Gustavus his reign about the year 1658. it was spoiled by one Van Anen the Danish Kings Governour, from which time no man would go to the expence of cleansing and repairing the mine, because it would require a vast charge, before they could get any profit by it, which was too much for men of mean estates to undertake.

The 2^d Silver mine is in Luhla-Lapmark named Kiedlkievasi found by Jonan Petri living in Torpenjaur about the 60. year of this age. It is in the middle of the Village Torpenjaur, on an high mountain 2. miles from the top, 6. miles from Rædstad a village of Norway, between Rædstad and Keidlkievasi; there is a famous high hill called Daorfiæl in the road that leads from the mine to Norway: the foul weather in the winter stops all passage over this mountain. The mine is rich enough and very broad, continuing the same all over, lodged in a hard Marcasite. It has this inconvenience that there are no woods near it, but they are forced to fetch their fuel a mile and a half off: they use powder instead of digging it, (as before) the melting-house stands 5. miles off in a pleasant place near the concourse of several Rivers, especially Darijock and Quickjock, which last gives the house its name. Here is a very spacious wood and great plenty of shrubs, especially currans, and all sorts of herbs. The river affords abundance of the best sort of fish as Salmon, Trout, Perch, &c. distant 27. miles from Taorne discovered in 1655. by an inhabitant who was showing the ore to Ericus Ericsonius who first discovered[144] it. It is very rich and not drossy, only necessary’s are conveyed thither with some difficulty. There is another 3. miles northward called Wittange, found by a Laplander in 1668. The vein is not so good because mixt with Iron, wherefore they do not dig it so willingly as the Other; from these mines the ore is shipt away to the melting-house at Koenge to be melted and thence brought to Torna. There are Iron mines too, one in Torne-Lapmark joyning to the Copper mine, another in the same Lapmark called Junesuando found in 1640. by Laurence an inhabitant there, about 22. miles distant from Torna, whether it is carried to be beaten into bars and rods at the forge at Koenge. A 3^d vein of the same mettal is found in Pelziwachin at Lulha, but of these the two first only are digged. I heard in 1671. of a Golden mine: but because there was no certainty, I will not insist upon it. I mention it because there are some that affirm that it was found in Swedeland in the time of Gustavus the first, but this was divulged by an uncertain Author, as appears by the event, for to this day nothing more has bin heard of it.

I come now to their stones, which are very large and many, of an ash colour but rough hard and intractable, not to be reduced by any instrument to shape for use. Besides these there are others often found on the shores which represent the shape of an animal. These the inhabitants esteem much and adore them for Gods, under the name of Stoorjuncare. In Torne-Lapmark, near the mine Junesuando, on the banks of Torno, there are found yellow plain stones of a circular figure like mony, about the bigness of a half crown, which look like dirt, but are as hard as flints. Dn. Grape in his papers makes mention of them. I will set down a draught of them marked with the letter B. In the mine it self there are found stones in the perfect shape of Octaedra, polished and worked by nature herself, but very small not exceeding the bigness of a nut, and somtimes less, I have put down their figure with the letter C. It is not certain whether the loadstone be found in this Country, tho Olaus Mag. speaks of mountains under the pole which some have thought do breed the stone: his words seem to intimate loadstones as big as mountains, but ’tis certain he cannot mean Lapland, for that has none such, yet there are those who affirm that the loadstone is found there. As for pretious stones they have them frequently, Buræus mentions jewels, and afterwards he adds Diamond, Amethyst, and Topaz. By diamonds he means transparent stones or Chrystal, they are found big and little sticking up and down upon the rocks and craggs: some are as big as Childrens heads, such as I saw the Illustrious Gabriel de la Gardie Chancellour of this kingdom have; they have six sides ending like a pyramid, tho some of them are imperfect; the colour in some is bright and clear not inferior to Chrystal, in other dull and spoiled with flaws, some are pure, others have veins like cracks branching out every way,[145] they serve the inhabitants for flints when they have occasion to light a candle, and yield more fire if striken with a steel than the flints themselves. I have now in a Lapland pouch some Chrystal which they made use of for flints. The Jewellers polish and cut their Chrystals with such art that somtimes they are taken for true Diamonds by those that have skill. I have drawn the greater sort of Chrystal in the native bigness & shape, marked with the letter A. Buræus mentions Amethysts next, some of which I saw brought out of Lapland, but so pale and spotted that they were scarce comparable to those that come out of Bohemia tho I hear since that there are much better found, cut rarely. The same thing is to be said of the Topaz, one of which I have in my study, in every thing like a Chrystal, only the colour inclines to a yellow. I am told that none of the rest doe shine so much as those that come from other places, which is the fault of almost all the jewels of this Nation, not being so apt to bare lively brisk colours as the eastern jewels doe. To this head I reduce all Pearls and Margarites, tho they be not stones. Some rivers in Lapland produce these, therefore there are certain inhabitants appointed to dive and search for them, such as was John Peterson, mentioned by S. Rheen, who first found the Silver mine at Nasafiæl, he is called een diamontzbrycare sampi partefoekiare i. e. one that finds and cuts pearls. Which (tho out of this Country) are not contemptible, it cannot be denied but that most of them want that liveliness which the oriental Pearls have, tho some are found as good, and in bigness and shape exceeding them. There are found some not come to perfection, half round and half flat, the round part being bright the other yellow and dull. I saw one a few years agoe brought out of Bothnia, so exactly round with such fresh colours, that a certain woman offered an 120. crowns for it, a Jeweller assured me that if he had another as good, he would not sell both for 500. They are bred not of such shells as are in the east broad, plane, and almost circular like Oister, but longer and hollower like Muscle shels, and not in the Sea but in Rivers, as may be gathered from Olaus Magnus. Those that are not come to perfection stick within the shells, but those that are perfect, are loose and drop out when the shell is opened.

Lapland if any Country is well watered with springs and rivers: the most noted are those from whence the particular marches and regions have their names, as Umeao, Pitheao, Luhleao, Torneao, and Kimeao, these spring from the Norway mountains, and are encreased by several less rivers, unburdening themselves at last into the Bothnick Sea. Vindela fills Umeao and Skiellefle Pitheao, Luhleao swallows a less river of the same name, and Kimeao is encreased by Avilaiocki, which it self is no small river, for there are numberless rivulets which run into it. So Luhleao which has a double stream, the lesser receives Pyrrijaus Kardijoch, and it is the same case with the greater called Stoor-Luhleao, and Tornæo which is filled with the river Kæungemæ Tængeleao and others. And so it is with all the great rivers, which upon that account are so impetuous and big, that they yield to few in the world: and because they run through hilly and uneven Countrys, and are stopt by several dams & weares, they force their way over precipices, with a great noise, and in those places are not navigable. Such is the sluce at Lughlens, called Muskaumokke, and another named Sao, likewise Niometsaski i. e. an Hares leap, so called because the river Lughla runs between two mountains so near that an Hare may leap over.

The like Cataracts are found at Torna, the most remarkable is called terrafors near the Norway mountains. Next Cængerbrooks-fors then Lappia-fors, then three more meeting in an head called by one name Pælloforser, next Kettille-fors and lastly Kukula-fors near Torna. Although these Cataracts are a great hindrance to sailers, yet they are advantagious to the mettal-melters, and afford an incredible plenty of Fish. Besides these rivers there are abundance of pooles, so numerous that but few can be named, one is Lulafræsk by Lughla, by which Lughleao the greater runs. Next Lugga and Sabbaig all abounding with Salmons. By the lesser Lughleao are Saggatt, Ritfack, Pirrijaur, Skalka, Sittijock, waykijaur, and Karra-green which exceeds them all, each affording plenty of Fish. Pitha has these remarkable ones near it, Hornafvandijaur, Arfussierf, Pieskejaur, but especially Stoorafuan in which there are as many Ilands as daies in the year; but above all Enarefræsk near Kimus. Wexionius saith the Hills and Ilands in it are innumerable, and without an hyperbole, for Tornæus affirmes that never any inhabitant lived long enough to survey them all.

There be some Marshes, little but full of Fish, in that language called Suino i. e. holy, and they account it a sin to foul them. These marches have two Channels one above the Other: somtimes it happens that the fish leave the upper and retreat into the lower, upon which account the superstitious natives bring sacrifice to appease the Dæmon of that marsh whom they suppose to be angry.

Their land which I treat of last, is not in the same condition all over, for that which is near Bothnia is wholsomer and more fertile for all sort of pot-herbs, as those can witness who have made gardens in both soils. They found that some places would bear coleworts, raperoots, parsnips, radishes and the like. In other places by reason of the abundance of rocks and rivers, the ground is too moist and stony, and sandy in many places, which being scattered by the wind covers the ground like snow, such are those places near the mountains of Norway. These sands make a very dangerous passage for travellors, especially when they are covered with snow, because then they cannot tell what they are to avoid, somtimes falling in and being overwhelmed. Towards Norway, are very high mountains which the Swedes call Fiæl the Laplanders Tudderi. Cluverius calleth the top of the mountains Sevo which he took from Pliny l. 4. c. 13. By Adamus they are called Riphæi, but he was to careless in looking over Pliny, Solinus, and Orosius. But whatever the name is, what Pliny saith is true of the mountain, that it is no less than the Riphæan; the top is perpetually covered with snow. Moreover the ascent and rise of this mount is thus described by Pet. Nevren: the mountain which separates Norway from Lappia begins to rise about Zemptland; thence with continued ascent towards the north it reaches a hundred miles, till it comes to Titusfiord, which is a bay of the frozen sea. By this mountain the provinces of Swedeland are divided from Norway, as by a wall designed by nature herself. But altho these mountains are one continued tract, yet they swell higher in some places than others, called by these distinct names, which Samuel Rheen mentions. Waesawaari, Skipoive, Nasawari, Ceruioiue, Kioldawaari, Niottuswagg, Keidtkiwaari, Zeknawaari, Fierrowaari, Cardawaari, Steikawaari, Skalopacht, Darrawaari, Woggousaari, Niynnas, Kaskaoiue, Wallawaari, Skieldawaari, Harrawaari, Portawaari, Kafla, Seggock Ultivis. In like manner there are many other of their names in the other parts of this Country, but because it is hard to meet with them all, and not so much to our purpose, wee’l end now.

Of the Name of Lapland.	Pag. 1.
Of the Situation of Lapland.	p. 3.
Of the Temperature of the Air, and soil of Lapland.	p. 7.
Of the Division of Lapland.	p. 9.
Of the Laplanders in reference to the inclinations, temper and habit, of their minds and bodies.	p. 12.
Of the Original of the Laplanders.	p. 15.
Of the Religion of the Laplanders.	p. 21.
Of the second, or Christian Religion of the Laplanders.	p. 24.
Of some remains of Paganism in Lapland at this time.	p. 34.
Of the heathenish Gods of the Laplanders, and their manner of worship at this day.	p. 37.
Of the magicall Ceremonies of the Laplanders.	p. 45.
Of the Government of the Laplanders.	p. 60.
Of the Judicatures and Tributes of the Laplanders.	p. 65.
Of the Laplanders Fairs, and Customs in Trading.	p. 67.
Of the Language of the Laplanders.	p. 72.
Of the Houses of the Laplanders.	p. 80.
Of the Garments of the Laplanders.	p. 87.
Of the Diet of the Laplanders.	p. 91.
Of the Hunting of the Laplanders.	p. 94.
Of the Laplanders Weapons, and other instruments of Hunting.	p. 98.
Of the Laplanders Handy-craft-trades.	p. 100.
Of the Womens Emploiments.	p. 103.
Of the Emploiments common to both Sexes.	p. 105.
Of their Divertisements.	p. 107.
Of their Contracts and Marriages.	p. 110.
Of their Child-bearing, and the Education of their Children.	p. 120.
Of their Diseases, Death and Burial.	p. 124.
Of their Cattel.	p. 129.
Of the wild Beasts of the Laplanders.	p. 133.
Of their Birds and Fish.	p. 137.
Of the Laplanders Trees and Plants.	p. 141.
Of their Mettals.	p. 143.
Of their Stones, Jewels, and Pearls.	p. 144.
Of their Rivers.	p. 146.
Of their Mountains.	p. 147.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Johann. Tornæus.

[2] Ol. Petr. Nieuren. Plantin. jun. Præf. MS. Lexic. Lappon.

[3] Buræus in his descr. of Swedland.

[4] Paul. Warnefrid.

[5] Ad. Brem. Solin. c. 44.

Transcriber's Note

Images have been moved to paragraph breaks, and may no longer match the locations mentioned in the text.

In the printed text, closing quotation marks were not used; these have been added and are included in the list of changes below.

The following changes have been made to the printed text:

p. iv "R A. BATHURST" changed to "R. A. BATHURST"
p. 4 footnote marker added to "language is from leaping,[4]"
p. 5 removed duplicated line "lities that usually commend Lands for Agriculture. Then as to his urging its"
p. 11 "are equivavalent" changed to "are equivalent"
p. 11 "Lochteby" changed to "Lochteby"
p. 19 "said of their second" changed to "have said of their second"
p. 26 "Arwitfierfs" changed to "Arwitsierfs"
p. 43 "1 daies" changed to "14 daies"
p. 44 "same wirh those" changed to "same with those"
p. 48 was numbered as page 50
p. 48 "Storjnnkare" changed to "Storjunkare"
p. 53 "saies that the" changed to "saies that “the"
p. 53 "Latine T." changed to "Latine T.”"
p. 53 "Lambskin, and and" changed to "Lambskin, and"
p. 57 "recover out" changed to "might recover out"
p. 60 "particular art?" changed to "particular art;"
p. 61 "shonld refuse" changed to "should refuse"
p. 63 "Tavastia,and" changed to "Tavastia, and"
p. 69 "case provided." changed to "case provided.”"
p. 69 "our Crown." changed to "our Crown.”"
p. 71 "convenient manner." changed to "convenient manner.”"
p. 72 "year 1641." changed to "year 1641.”"
p. 73 "eorrasa, eet Lappatspaock" changed to "corrasa, eet Lappatspraock"
p. 80 "used. From" changed to "used.” From"
p. 84 "fire or age." changed to "fire or age.”"
p. 88 "But he doth doth" changed to "But he doth"
p. 100 "must rugged" changed to "most rugged"
p. 111 "(that is the Wine" changed to "(that is) the Wine"
p. 124 "were burt by" changed to "were hurt by"
p. 125 "good fora cough" changed to "good for a cough"
p. 125 "themare still" changed to "them are still"
p. 126 "whole day in qnaffing" changed to "whole day in quaffing"
p. 126 "Aldophus" changed to "Adolphus"
p. 126 "Twe reason" changed to "The reason"
p. 127 "kindred. They" changed to "kindred.” They"
p. 135 "resembleacross" changed to "resemble a cross"
p. 141 "acccording to" changed to "according to"
p. 143 "Scandivavia" changed to "Scandinavia"
p. 143 "nhabitant" changed to "inhabitant"
p. 144 "CHAP XXXIII." changed to "CHAP. XXXIII."
p. 144 "Gaidie" changed to "Gardie"
p. 145 "for 500," changed to "for 500."

Errors, inconsistencies and archaic language have otherwise been kept as printed.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF LAPLAND ***

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The Sun	The Laplanders call	Beiwe	The Finlanders	Auringa
Heaven		Albme		Taiwas
Water		Kietze		Wesi
Rain		Abbræ		Sade
Snow		Mota		Lumi
a Man		Ulmugd		Ihminen
Gent. Man		Albma		Mies
Woman		Nissum		Waimo
Hair		Waopt		Hiuxi
the Mouth		Nialbme		Suu
the Chin		Kaig		Leuca
the Heart		Waibmi		Sydaon
the Flesh		Ogge		Liha
a Wolf		Seibik		Susi
a Bear		Muriel		Karhu
a Fox.		Riemnes		Kettu.

God	The Tartars call	Allah	The Laplanders	Jubmel
the Sun		Gynesch		Beiwe
Heaven		Gioech		Alm
Fire		Atasch		Tulla
Air		Jusger		Biægga
Water		Sauf		Tziatz
a Lake		Dannis		Jauur
Ice		Büüs		Jenga
the Earth		Ier or toprak		Ænnam
a Hill		Dagda		Ware
a Man		Adam		Aolmaitz
Hair		Sadsch		Waopta
the Eye		Gios		Tzialme
the Nose		Burnum		Nierune
a Beard		Beichlar		Sæmao
an Arm		Æhl		Kiettawerdi
a Hand		Cholun		Kietta
a Foot		Ajach		Iwobge
a Heart		Jurek		Waimao
a Bow		Jay		Taugh
an Arrow		Och		Niæla
Father		Babam		Atziæ
Mother		Anasse		Ænnæ
Brother		Cardasch		Wiælæ
Sister		Kiscardasche		Aobbe
a Wolf		Sirma		Kurt
a Bear		Ajuf		Kwoptza
a Fish		Balich		Kwele.

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The History of Lapland

THE HISTORY OF LAPLAND

Imprimatur

THE PREFACE.

CHAP. I. Of the Name of Lapland.

CHAP. II. Of the Situation of Lapland.

CHAP. III. Of the temperature of the Air, and soil of Lapland.

CHAP. IV. Of the Division of Lapland.

CHAP. V. Of the Laplanders in reference to the inclinations, temper and habit, of their minds and bodies.

CHAP. VI. Of the Originall of the Laplanders.

CHAP. VII. Of the Religion of the Laplanders.

CHAP. VIII. Of the second, or Christian Religion of the Laplanders.

CHAP. IX. Of some remains of Paganism in Lapland at this time.

CHAP. X. Of the heathenish Gods of the Laplanders, and their manner of worship at this day.

CHAP. XI. Of the magicall Ceremonies of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XII. Of the Government of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XIII. Of the Judicatures and Tributes of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XIV. Of the Laplanders Fairs, and Customs in Trading.

CHAP. XV. Of the Language of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XVI. Of the Houses of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XVII. Of the Garments of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Diet of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XIX. Of the Hunting of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XX. Of the Laplanders Weapons, and other instruments of Hunting.

CHAP. XXI. Of the Laplanders Handycraft-trades.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Womens Emploiments.

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Emploiments common to both Sexes.

CHAP. XXIV. Of their Divertisements.

CHAP. XXV. Of their Contracts and Marriages.

CHAP. XXVI. Of their Child-bearing, and the Education of their Children.

CHAP. XXVII. Of their Diseases, Death and Burial.

CHAP. XXVIII. Of their Cattel.

CHAP. XXIX. Of the wild Beasts of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XXX. Of their Birds and Fish.

CHAP. XXXI. Of the Laplanders Trees and Plants.

CHAP. XXXII. Of their Mettals.

CHAP. XXXIII. Of their Stones, Jewels, and Pearls.

CHAP. XXXIV. Of their Rivers.

CHAP. XXXV. Of their Mountains.

THE CONTENTS.

FOOTNOTES

Transcriber's Note

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

THE
HISTORY
OF
LAPLAND

THE
PREFACE.

CHAP. I.
Of the Name of Lapland.

CHAP. II.
Of the Situation of Lapland.

CHAP. III.
Of the temperature of the Air, and soil of Lapland.

CHAP. IV.
Of the Division of Lapland.

CHAP. V.
Of the Laplanders in reference to the inclinations, temper and habit, of their minds and bodies.

CHAP. VI.
Of the Originall of the Laplanders.

CHAP. VII.
Of the Religion of the Laplanders.

CHAP. VIII.
Of the second, or Christian Religion of the Laplanders.

CHAP. IX.
Of some remains of Paganism in Lapland at this time.

CHAP. X.
Of the heathenish Gods of the Laplanders, and their manner of worship at this day.

CHAP. XI.
Of the magicall Ceremonies of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XII.
Of the Government of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XIII.
Of the Judicatures and Tributes of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XIV.
Of the Laplanders Fairs, and Customs in Trading.

CHAP. XV.
Of the Language of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XVI.
Of the Houses of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XVII.
Of the Garments of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XVIII.
Of the Diet of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XIX.
Of the Hunting of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XX.
Of the Laplanders Weapons, and other instruments of Hunting.

CHAP. XXI.
Of the Laplanders Handycraft-trades.

CHAP. XXII.
Of the Womens Emploiments.

CHAP. XXIII.
Of the Emploiments common to both Sexes.

CHAP. XXIV.
Of their Divertisements.

CHAP. XXV.
Of their Contracts and Marriages.

CHAP. XXVI.
Of their Child-bearing, and the Education of their Children.

CHAP. XXVII.
Of their Diseases, Death and Burial.

CHAP. XXVIII.
Of their Cattel.

CHAP. XXIX.
Of the wild Beasts of the Laplanders.

CHAP. XXX.
Of their Birds and Fish.

CHAP. XXXI.
Of the Laplanders Trees and Plants.

CHAP. XXXII.
Of their Mettals.

CHAP. XXXIII.
Of their Stones, Jewels, and Pearls.

CHAP. XXXIV.
Of their Rivers.

CHAP. XXXV.
Of their Mountains.

THE
CONTENTS.