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Title: Stonehenge, a Temple Restor'd to the British Druids

Author: William Stukeley

Release date: March 6, 2020 [eBook #61567]

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Robert Tonsing, Tim Lindell, and the Online
        Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
        file was made using scans of public domain works put online
        by Harvard University Library's Open Collections Program.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STONEHENGE, A TEMPLE RESTOR'D TO THE BRITISH DRUIDS ***




Produced by Robert Tonsing, Tim Lindell, and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was made using scans of public domain works put online
by Harvard University Library's Open Collections Program.)






[Illustration: _Auctori d.d. Observantiæ ergo J. V. gucht Sculptor_]




                             _STONEHENGE_

                                   A

                              T E M P L E

                             R E S T O R’D

                                TO THE

                        ►British D R U I D S◄.

                     By _WILLIAM STUKELEY_, M. D.
              Rector of _All Saints_ in S T A M F O R D.

        ————_Deus est qui non mutatur in ævo._        MANILIUS.

                            _L O N D O N_:

          Printed for W. INNYS and R. MANBY, at the West End
                           of St. _Paul_’s.

                                MDCCXL.




                           To His G R A C E

                           P E R E G R I N E

                  Duke of _Ancaster_ and _Kesteven_,

                 Hereditary Lord Great Chamberlain of
                          ENGLAND, _&c. &c._


  _May it please your_ GRACE,

To accept of this attempt to illustrate one of the noblest antiquities
now left upon earth. I am confident your Grace will not dislike it,
either because it is a religious antiquity, or because it belongs to
our own country.

Your Grace best shews your regard to religion, by a constant attendance
on its duties, in the service of the church; and by a regular practice
of its precepts, in their whole extent. And as you are justly sensible,
the foundation of religion rests on a careful observance of the
sabbath: you not only study to encourage it, by your own great example;
but likewise discountenance, that too fashionable custom of travelling
on Sundays, and other profanations thereof: which are the sure root of
national corruption, the sure presage of national ruin.

Nor are your Grace’s virtues more conspicuous, in your religious and
moral character, than in the love of your country. This you inherit
with the blood that runs in your veins; this you derive from an
immemorial series of noble ancestors, renowned in our annals, for
their steady allegiance to the sovereign power; for their vigor in
support of the constitution both in church and state; that have often
hazarded and ruined their fortunes, and poured out their blood, in its
defence. I might instance particularly, the great part they bore in the
Reformation, the Restoration and the Revolution.

After the honour I have enjoyed of having been long known to your
Grace: I could enlarge upon the amiable qualities of your private
life, your domestic and social virtues, your humane and beneficent
disposition to all around you, friends or dependants, or those of your
own family. With truth I might say, that you never refused to serve any
person that applied to you, where it was in your power: that you never
knowingly did an unkind, an injurious thing to any person: that no one
ever withdrew griev’d from your presence. I can safely affirm, and fear
no contradiction, that justice, honour and honesty are some of the real
jewels, that adorn your Grace’s coronet. And they, at this time of day,
receive a seasonable lustre, from your high station, and illustrious
birth.

But the agreableness of the subject insensibly drew me from my main
purpose, which was to make this publick acknowledgment, of the great
favours your Grace has confer’d upon me: and to beg leave to profess
myself,

                                  _May it please your_ GRACE,

                                    _Your_ GRACE’S _most humble_,

                                      _And most devoted servant_,

  _Jan. 1. 1739–40._

                                                    William Stukeley.




                               PREFACE.


_A few years ago I spent some time every summer in viewing, measuring,
and considering the works of the ancient Druids in our Island; I mean
those remarkable circles of Stones which we find all over the kingdom,
many of which I have seen, but of many more I have had accounts. Their
greatness and number astonish’d me, nor need I be afraid to say, their
beauty and design, as well as antiquity, drew my particular attention.
I could not help carrying my inquiries about them as far as I was able.
My studies this way have produc’d a vast quantity of drawings and
writing, which consider’d as an intire work, may thus be intitled_,

                 Patriarchal C H R I S T I A N I T Y:
                                 O R,
                     A Chronological H I S T O R Y
                              O F  T H E
        Origin and Progress of true Religion, and of Idolatry.

         _The parts of which the whole is compos’d are these_:

I. Canon Mosaicæ Chronologiæ, _or the year of_ Moses _settled, by
which he reckons time in the history of the old world; the time of
the year fix’d when creation was begun. This is done in a new manner,
and becomes an intire system of chronology from the creation to the_
Exodus, _and is exemplified by many particular Kalendars of the
most remarkable transactions; which are proofs of the truth of the
Canon. There are interspersed a great many astronomical and historical
illustrations of the sacred pages, particularly_ Sanchoniathon’_s
genealogies, and_ Manethon’_s_ Egyptian _Dynasties, are applied in a
new Method to the history and chronology of the Scriptures._

II. Melchisedec, _or a delineation of the first and patriarchal
religion, from the best light we can gather in the sacred history;
and from the most ancient heathen customs, which were remains of
that religion. In this Treatise it is shewn, that the first religion
was no other than Christianity, the Mosaic dispensation, as a veil,
intervening; that all mankind from the creation had a knowledge of the
plurality of persons in the Deity._

III. _Of the mysteries of the ancients, one of the first deviations
from true religion, to idolatry; this is chiefly pursu’d in an
explication of the famous table of_ Isis, _or_ Bembin-_table, publish’d
by_ Pignorius, Kircher, &c. _wherein that knowledge which the ancients
had concerning the true nature of the Deity, is further explain’d._

IV. _A discourse on the hieroglyphic learning of the ancients, and of
the origin of the alphabet of letters. Very many hieroglyphic monuments
of the_ Egyptians _are explain’d, more especially those that relate to
their true notions of the persons in the Deity. The time and rise of
the alphabet of letters is deduc’d from a new foundation. The present
square_ Hebrew _characters are shewn to be the primitive idea of
letters, from whence all others are deriv’d. Whence the idea of every
letter was taken? an explication of all the old_ Hebrew _coins with_
Samaritan _characters._

V. _The patriarchal history, particularly of_ Abraham, _is largely
pursu’d; and the deduction of the_ Phœnician _colony into the Island
of_ Britain, _about or soon after his time; whence the origin of
the_ Druids, _of their Religion and writing; they brought the
patriarchal Religion along with them, and some knowledge of symbols
or hieroglyphics, like those of the ancient_ Egyptians; _they had the
notion and expectation of the Messiah, and of the time of the year when
he was to be born, of his office and death._

VI. _Of the Temples of the Druids in_ Britain, _their religious rites,
orders, sacrifices, groves, tombs, their_ cursus’_s, places of sports
and exercises,_ &c. _particularly an ample and accurate description of
that stupendous temple of theirs at_ Abury _in_ North Wiltshire, _the
most august work at this day upon the globe of the earth; with many
prints of ground-plots, views and admeasurements of all its parts; of
their manner of sepulture; an account of my digging into many of their
barrows and_ tumuli, _with drawings of them,_ &c.

VII. _Of the celebrated_ Stonehenge, _another Temple of theirs, with
prints of that work; an account of the barrows I dug up, and what was
discover’d in them; of the knowledge the Druids had of the magnetical
compass, and conjectures of the particular times when these works were
made, long before_ Cæsar _arriv’d in_ Britain.

_I propose to publish these two first, and proceed to the speculative
parts afterwards; reserving them, God willing, to the maturer time of
my life._

_My intent is (besides preserving the memory of these extraordinary
monuments, so much to the honour of our country, now in great danger
of ruin) to promote, as much as I am able, the knowledge and practice
of ancient and true Religion; to revive in the minds of the learned
the spirit of Christianity, nearly as old as the Creation, which is
now languishing among us; to restore the first and great Idea of
the Deity, who has carry’d on the same regular and golden chain of
Religion from the beginning to this day; to warm our hearts into
that true sense of Religion, which keeps the medium between ignorant
superstition and learned free-thinking, between slovenly fanaticism
and popish pageantry, between enthusiasm and the rational worship of
God, which is no where upon earth done, in my judgment, better than in
the Church of_ England. _And seeing a spirit of Scepticism has of late
become so fashionable and audacious as to strike at the fundamentals
of all revelation, I have endeavoured to trace it back to the fountain
of Divinity, whence it flows; and shew that Religion is one system
as old as the world, and that is the Christian Religion; that God
did not leave the rational part of his creation, like the colony of
an ant-hill, with no other guide than instinct, but proportion’d his
discoveries to the age of the world, to the learning, wisdom, and
experience of it; as a wise parent does now to his children. I shall
shew likewise, that our predecessors, the Druids of_ Britain, _tho’
left in the extremest west to the improvement of their own thoughts,
yet advanc’d their inquiries, under all disadvantages, to such
heights, as should make our moderns asham’d, to wink in the sun-shine
of learning and religion. And we may with reason conclude, there was
somewhat very extraordinary in those principles, which prompted them
to such a noble spirit as produced these works, still visible with
us, which for grandeur, simplicity and antiquity, exceed any of the_
European _wonders._

_That the doctrines and works of the Druids have hitherto been so
little considered (since authors only transcribe from one to another,
the few remaining scraps to be found in classic writers) was an
incentive to me likewise in the following attempt, and at the same time
it pleads for me, and bespeaks the reader’s favour. I want likewise the
great advantages to be had from a knowledge of the remaining_ Celtic
_languages, books, manuscripts, and history, the_ Cornish, Welsh,
Irish, Highland, &c. _the chief repository now of their doctrines and
customs; so that in my own opinion I may very well say with the poet,_

    Interea Dryadum silvas & saxa sequamur
    Intactas, tua Mecænas haud mollia jussa.     _Virgil._

_And tho’ there has been of late a large volume publish’d on the
subject of_ Stonehenge, _yet we may well say there has nothing
been wrote upon the subject. Nor have I any other notion of this
performance, than that it is as a first attempt to say something upon
those famous philosophers and priests the Druids, who are never spoken
of in antiquity but with a note of admiration; and are always rank’d
with the Magi of the_ Persians, _the gymnosophists of the_ Indians,
_the prophets and hierophants of the_ Egyptians, _and those sort of
patriarchal priests, whose orders commenc’d before idolatry began; from
whom the_ Pythagoreans, Platonists, _and_ Greek _philosophers learn’d
the best things they knew. To clear away rubbish, and lay a foundation
only, in this difficult and obscure work, is doing somewhat. The method
of writing which I have chose is a diffusive one, not pretending to a
formal and stiff scholastic proof of every thing I say, which would be
odious and irksome to the reader, as well as myself. The knowledge I
have acquired in these matters, was from examining and studying their
works; the proofs are deriv’d from distant and different topicks, and
it would be very inconvenient to marshal them syllogistically in a
work of this nature; the proof results from the intire work; in all
matters of so great antiquity it must be found out by the reader; and
to one that has proper sagacity and judgment, conviction will steal
upon him insensibly, if I am not mistaken; and he will own the evidence
in general, is as strong as the nature of the subject will bear, or
requires._

_It was very disagreeable to me that I was forc’d to combat against a
book publish’d in the name of the celebrated_ Inigo Jones, _for whose
memory I have the greatest regard. I wonder the publisher of that work
did not think of a very easy method to convince himself that he was in
an error. If_ Stonehenge _is a_ Roman _work, it was certainly built by
the_ Roman _scale; had he reduc’d his own measures to that standard, he
would have seen the absurdity of his opinion; for we cannot think that
a temple, or elegant building, as he would have it, should not shew its
founders by the scale on which it is form’d; they are all fractions in
the_ Roman _scale, undoubted evidence that the_ Romans _had no hand in
it. For there is no meaning, no design in the choice of the measures,
neither in general nor particular; a thing unworthy of a great
architect, or a great design. But it appears very evident to me, that_
Inigo Jones _had little or no part in that work, especially as it is
moulded at present; and I think I have reason to be of opinion that he
never drew the designs therein published, because I should be unwilling
to say he knowingly falsified them. I have very much shortened what I
had to say against that book, because I have no love for wrangling, and
barely mention’d what was necessary, that the reader may have a true
notion of this noble antiquity._

[Illustration: _P. 1._ TAB. I.

_A British Druid_

_Chindonax Britannicus_

_24 Feb. 1723/4._

_Stukeley designavit_  _G.V.Gucht Sculpsit_]




                         _S T O N E H E N G E_

                          A  W O R K  of the

                           ►British Druids◄

                           D E S C R I B’D.




                               CHAP. I.

  _Of the Situation of_ Stonehenge _in general. That it was a
    temple of the Druids, of the patriarchal mode, who were a most
    ancient oriental colony. In later times, the_ Belgæ _from the
    continent, conquer’d this country from them. Whence these
    stones were brought? Of their nature, magnitude, weight. Of
    the measure of the Druids, the ancient_ Hebrew _cubit, and its
    proportion to the_ English _foot._


The _Wiltshire_ downs, or _Salisbury_ plain, (as commonly call’d) for
extent and beauty, is, without controversy, one of the most delightful
parts of _Britain_. But of late years great encroachments have been
made upon it by the plough, which threatens the ruin of this fine
champain, and of all the monuments of antiquity thereabouts. Monuments,
we can scarce say, whether more wonderful in themselves, more observ’d,
or less understood! among them, _Stonehenge_ has been eminent from the
remotest ages, tho’ ’tis not the greatest, most considerable, or most
ancient. But ’tis my intent to begin my discourse from it, because the
latest, and from thence proceed upwards in our inquiries, about the
times and authors of these stupendous works, the temples of the Druids
in our Island: for I cannot doubt that _Stonehenge_ was such. The idea
we conceive of the distance of time, when these kind of works were
made, cannot be ill-form’d, if we consider, that the utmost accounts
of ’em we have in writing, are from the _Britons_, the remains of the
people who lived here, at the time of the _Roman_ invasion. This is
mention’d in some manuscripts of _Ninnius_ before the _Saxons_ and
_Danes_ came over. And the oldest _Britons_ speak of this only by
tradition, far above all memorial. They wonder’d at _Stonehenge_ then,
and were as far to seek about the founders and intent of it, as we
now. They have recourse to magic, as is usual, when they would account
for any thing seemingly so much above human power, to accomplish.
They tell us, these stones of immense bulk were brought from a plain,
in the middle of _Ireland_, and the like. Which reports give us only
no obscure hint of their true authors, the Druids, who were fam’d
for magic, and were driven last into _Ireland_, in the time of the
_Romans_. There they built such like works again, or their brethren
had built before; till Christianity, to which the greatest and purest
part of their own doctrine was akin, soon put an end to their polity,
which the _Roman_ arms could not do. And they embrac’d that religion,
to which their own opinions and rites had so direct a tendency. This
is the sentiment of _Origen_ on _Ezekiel_ iv. And ’tis sufficiently
evident, if we consider, that the first planters of Christianity in
_Ireland_, immediately converted the whole island, without so much
as the blood of one martyr. Nay, the Druids themselves, at that time
the only national priests, embraced it readily, and some of them were
very zealous preachers of it, and effectual converters of others. For
instance, the great _Columbanus_ himself was a Druid: the apostle of
_Ireland_, _Cornwall_, _&c._ We need not be surpriz’d at this, when
we assert, that there is very much reason to believe, these famous
philosophic priests came hither, as a _Phœnician_ colony, in the very
earliest times, even as soon as _Tyre_ was founded: during the life of
the patriarch _Abraham_, or very soon after. Therefore they brought
along with them the patriarchal religion, which was so extremely like
Christianity, that in effect it differ’d from it only in this; they
believed in a Messiah who was to come into the world, as we believe
in him that is come. Further, they came from that very country where
_Abraham_ liv’d, his sons and grandsons; a family God almighty had
separated from the gross of mankind, to stifle the seeds of idolatry; a
mighty prince, and preacher of righteousness. And tho’ the memoirs of
our Druids are extremely short, yet we can very evidently discover from
them, that the Druids were of _Abraham_’s religion intirely, at least
in the earliest times, and worshipp’d the supreme Being in the same
manner as he did, and probably according to his example, or the example
of his and their common ancestors.

All this I shall prove, in the pursuit of this work. But before we come
to speculation, intend to give an exact description of their several
temples, and the like works; for such will be a good foundation for us
to build upon. That we may proceed from things evident and more known,
to those less known, and which we design to make evident, as well as we
are able, and the nature of it will permit. A matter so immers’d in the
dark mist of time, where very few scatter’d traces remain, must needs
bespeak the reader’s candor. The dignity of the subject will excuse
my boldness in attempting one so difficult. And however I succeed in
accounting for these wonderful works; at least, I shall be instrumental
in preserving their memory, in giving just drawings of them.

_Stonehenge_, by the extravagant grandeur of the work, has attracted
the eyes and admiration of all ages. After the reformation, upon the
revival of learning among us, the curious began to consider it more
intimately, I cannot say successfully. Mr. _Camden_ rose as the sun of
antiquity, that put out former lights, and, like _Cæsar_, affrights
all that value a reputation, from attempting any thing in his way.
His great skill in _Roman_ learning, and our _English_ history, only
enabled him to be, as it were, silent on _Stonehenge_. He saw with
excellent judgment, that neither _Roman_ nor _English_ had place there,
or could serve to illustrate it. He writes modestly, as his manner was;
“Of these things I am not able so much to give an accurate account, as
mightily to grieve, that the founders of this noble monument cannot
be trac’d out.” He could not persuade himself that either _Romans_,
_Saxons_ or _Danes_ had any hand in it. And as for his representation
of it in picture, I verily believe, it was drawn only from fancy or
memory, or by some engraver from his oral description. _A. D._ 1620,
king _James_ I. being at the earl of _Pembroke_’s seat at _Wilton_,
and agreeably surpriz’d with the sight of _Stonehenge_, consulted
the famous architect _Inigo Jones_, upon it; thinking it a matter in
his way. This great man, who deservedly may be stiled the _English
Vitruvius_, gave his opinion of it, as a _Roman_ work; and left, I
suppose, some few indigested notes in writing there-upon. From which
his son-in-law _John Webb_ compos’d an intire treatise, endeavouring
to prove it. But they that are acquainted with _Roman_ architecture,
or have consider’d _Stonehenge_, must needs be of a different opinion.
And as my Lord Bishop of _London_ well observes, in his notes on
_Camden_, “it cannot be safe to close with Mr. _Jones_, tho’ his book
otherwise be a learned and ingenious piece.” _Inigo Jones_ lived 30
years after this, and yet Mr. _Webb_ makes an apology for his work,
“that if he had surviv’d to have done it, with his own hand, it would
have been better.” But ’tis very reasonably believ’d, that tho’ _Inigo
Jones_ was an extraordinary genius in architecture, yet he wanted
many qualifications for an author, especially in such a work as
_Stonehenge_. ’Tis my opinion, that had his architectonic skill been
united to Mr. _Camden_’s learning, he could never have demonstrated
_Stonehenge_ to be a _Roman_ work. Afterwards, Dr. _Charlton_ publish’d
a piece against _Webb_’s performance, and certainly has said enough to
overthrow it, tho’ he could not with equal success establish his own
opinion, that it was the work of the _Danes_. Whereas _Olaus Wormius_
finds no such monuments among the _Gothic_ nations: which, as Mr.
_Toland_ observes, is answer sufficient to his allegation. _Webb_
answer’d the Doctor’s book, and by turns effectually demolish’d his
opinion, but could not still vindicate his own. Yet from all their
disputations, no spark was struck, towards a discovery of the real
truth. What is the worst part in both performances of Mr. _Webb_, his
representation of the real monument in his drawings, is fictitious.
And, as Mr. _Aubry_ rightly observes, “in endeavouring to retrieve a
piece of architecture in _Vitruvius_, he abuses the reader with a false
representation of the whole.” It requires no great pains to prove this,
nor need we take much time to be satisfy’d in it: the work is still
extant. As soon as a judicious eye comes upon the spot, we discern
that _Webb_’s equilateral triangles forming the cell are fancies: his
three entrances across the ditch are so too; and that he has turn’d
the cell a sixth part from its true situation, to favour his imaginary
hypothesis. But ’tis against my inclination to find fault with the
labours of others, nor do I thereby seek to bribe the reader in my own
favour. I had a great pleasure for several years together, in viewing
and examining these noble remains of our ancestors. What I wrote about
them, was for my private amusement, and that of friends. And I publish
them only for the honour of my country, and in hopes that such a
publication will not be unserviceable to religion; which is my ultimate
view.

[Illustration: _P. 2._ TAB II.

_Stukeley. d._

_Prospect of the Roman Road & Wansdike just above Calston May 20, 1724.
This demonstrates that Wansdike was made before the Roman Road._]

Tho’ _Stonehenge_ be the proudest singularity of this sort, in the
world, as far as we know: yet there are so many others, manifestly
form’d upon the same, or kindred design, by the same measure, and for
the same purpose, all over the _Britanic_ isles; that we can have
no room to doubt of their being made by the same people, and that
by direction of the _British_ Druids. There are innumerable, from
the land’s end in _Cornwall_, to the utmost northern promontory in
_Scotland_, where the _Roman_ power never reach’d. They are to be found
in all the islands between _Scotland_ and _Ireland_, isle of _Man_,
all the _Orkney_ islands, _&c._ and numerous in _Ireland_ itself.
And there is no pretence, as far as I can see, for any other persons
or nations being the founders of them. They are circles of stones,
generally rude, of different diameters, upon elevated ground, barren,
open heaths and downs; chiefly made of stones taken from the surface
of the ground. There are no remembrances of the founders, any other
than an uninterrupted tradition of their being sacred; that there is
medicinal virtue in them; that they were made by the _Irish_; that
they were brought from _Afric_; that they were high-places of worship;
sanctuaries; bowing, adoring places; and what names they commonly have,
intimate the same thing. And in many places the express remembrance and
name of Druids remain, and the people bury their dead in or near them
to this day, thinking them holy ground. Mr. _Toland_ in his history of
the Druids, p. 23. tells us, “In _Gealcossa_’s mount in _Inisoen_ in
the county of _Dunegal_, a Druidess of that name lived; it signifies
white-legg’d, according to the ancient manner in _Homer_’s time. On
that hill is her grave and her temple, being a sort of diminutive
_Stonehenge_, which the old _Irish_, at this day, dare not any way
profane.” Many instances of this sort, of all these particulars, we
have in our island: particularly the temple on _Temple-downs_ by
_Abury_. Whatever is dug up in or near these works are manifestly
remains of the Druid times; urns, bones, ornaments of amber, glass
beads, snake-stones, amulets, celts, flint-hatchets, arrow-heads, and
such things as bespeak the rudest ages, the utmost antiquity, most
early plantations of people that came into our island, soon after
_Noah_’s flood. I have all the reason in the world to believe them
an oriental colony of _Phœnicians_; at least that such a one came
upon the first _Celtic_ plantation of people here: which reasons will
appear in the progress of this discourse. I suppose in matters of such
extraordinary antiquity, it would be absurd to set about a formal
demonstration; and those readers would be altogether unreasonable, that
expect we prove every fact here, as they would do by living witnesses,
before a court of judicature. When all is consider’d, that I have put
together on this affair, a judicious person, I presume, will agree, I
have made the matter sufficiently evident, and as much as the nature of
things requires.

In the times just preceding the coming of the _Romans_ into _Britain_,
the _Belgæ_, a most powerful colony from the _Gallic_ continent, had
firmly seated themselves all over the country, where _Stonehenge_
is situate, quite to the southern sea; taking in the south part of
_Wiltshire_, and all _Dorsetshire_. _Wiltshire_ has its name from
the river _Willy_, which in _Welsh_ is _wyli_, in _Latin_, _vagire_,
from its noise. A river of like name in _Northamptonshire_. Upon the
former river at _Wilton_, probably liv’d the _Carvilius_, one of the
four kings that fought _Julius Cæsar_, the picture of whose _tumulus_
we have given towards the end. {TAB. XXXIV.} The _Belgæ_ came into
_Britain_ upon the south, as other _Celtic_ nations before had fix’d
themselves from the east, _Kent_, the _Thames_, _&c._ such as the
_Cantii_, _Segontiaci_, _Atrebates_, _&c._ so that in _Cæsar_’s time,
all the south and east parts of _Britain_ were dispossess’d of their
original inhabitants, and peopled from the continent: and this very
work of _Stonehenge_ was in the hands of the _Belgæ_, who built it
not. In my _itinerarium curiosum_, p. 181. I observ’d no less than
four successive boundary ditches here, from the southern shore; which
with good reason, I suppos’d, were made by the _Belgæ_, as they
conquer’d the country by degrees, from the aboriginal inhabitants.
This shews, they must have been a long while about it, that the
_Britons_ disputed every inch of ground with them, and that for two
reasons; as well because of the extraordinary beauty and goodness of
the country, as fighting _pro aris & focis_ for their great temple
of _Stonehenge_: not to speak of that other greater temple, a little
more northward, at _Abury_. The _Segontiaci_ had got _Hampshire_, to
the east of them, before, as far as the _Colinburn_ river, and the
_Atrebates_, _Berkshire_. The first ditch runs between the river of
_Blandford_, formerly _Alauna_, and the river of _Bere_, the piddle
in _Dorsetshire_, two or three miles south of it. The second runs
to the north of _Cranborn_ chase, upon the edge of _Wiltshire_, by
_Pentridg_: it divides the counties of _Dorset_ and _Wilts_. The third
is conspicuous upon _Salisbury_ plain, as we pass from _Wilton_ to
_Stonehenge_, about the two-mile stone, north of _Wilton_: it is drawn
between the river _Avon_ and the _Willy_, from _Dornford_ to _Newton_.
The fourth is the more famous _Wansdike_, of great extent. _Gwahan_ in
old _British_ signifies _separatio_, _distinctio_ guahanu _seperare_,
and _that_ undoubtedly gave name to the ditch. The method of all these
ditches, is, to take the northern edge of a ridge of hills, which is
always steep; the bank is on the south side. And in my itinerary, p.
134. I show’d a most evident demonstration, that it was made before
the time of the _Romans_, in the passage of the _Roman_ road down
_Runway_ hill. TAB. II. _Wansdike_ is the last advanc’d post of the
_Belgæ_ northwards, and that it was made after _Stonehenge_ was built,
is plain, because the stones that compose the work, were brought from
_Marlborough_ downs in north _Wiltshire_, beyond the dike; and as
then in an enemy’s country. And most probably it was built before
the _Belgæ_ set footing in _Britain_, because of the great number of
barrows or sepulchral _tumuli_ about it, which, no doubt, were made for
the burial of kings and great men.

[Illustration: _P. 4._ TAB. III.

_Stukeley delin._

_Prospect of_ STONEHENGE _from the East_.

_by Vespasians camp._]

The stones of which _Stonehenge_ is compos’d, beyond any controversy,
came from those called the gray weathers, upon _Marlborough_ downs
near _Abury_; where is that other most wonderful work of this sort,
which I shall describe in my next volume. This is 15 or 16 miles off.
All the greater stones are of that sort, except the altar, which is of
a still harder, as design’d to resist fire. The pyramidals likewise
are of a different sort, and much harder than the rest, like those
of that other Druid temple call’d _the Weddings_, at _Stanton-drew_
in _Somersetshire_. Dr. _Halley_ was at _Stonehenge_ in the year
1720, and brought a piece of it to the Royal Society. I examin’d it
with a microscope. ’Tis a composition of crystals of red, green and
white colours, cemented together by nature’s art, with opake granules
of flinty or stony matter. The Doctor observ’d from the general
wear of the weather upon the stones, that the work must be of an
extraordinary antiquity, and for ought he knew, 2 or 3000 years old.
But had the Doctor been at _Abury_, which is made of the same stones,
he might well from the like argumentation conclude, that work as old
again as _Stonehenge_, at least much older, and I verily believe it.
Nevertheless the current of so many ages has been more merciful to
_Stonehenge_, than the insolence of rapacious hands, (besides the
general saccage brought upon the work of old) by the unaccountable
folly of mankind, in breaking pieces off with great hammers. This
detestable practice arose from the silly notion of the stones being
factitious. But, alas! it would be a greater wonder to make them by
art, than to carry them 16 miles by art and strength; and those people
must be inexcusable, that deface the monument for so trifling a fancy.
Another argument of vulgar incogitancy, is, that all the wonder of the
work consists, in the difficulty of counting the stones; and with that,
the infinite numbers of daily visitants busy themselves. This seems to
be the remains of superstition, and the notion of magic, not yet got
out of peoples heads, since Druid-times. But indeed a serious view of
this magnificent wonder, is apt to put a thinking and judicious person
into a kind of ecstacy, when he views the struggle between art and
nature, the grandeur of that art that hides itself, and seems unartful.
For tho’ the contrivance that put this massy frame together, must
have been exquisite, yet the founders endeavour’d to hide it, by the
seeming rudeness of the work. The bulk of the constituent parts is so
very great, that the mortaises and tenons must have been prepar’d to
an extreme nicety, and, like the fabric of _Solomon_’s temple, every
stone tally’d; and neither axes nor hammers were heard upon the whole
structure. Nevertheless there is not a stone at _Stonehenge_, that
felt not, more or less, both ax and hammer of the founders. Yet ’tis
highly entertaining to consider the judicious carelesness therein,
really the grand gusto, like a great master in drawing, secure of the
effect: a true master-piece. Every thing proper, bold, astonishing. The
lights and shades adapted with inconceivable justness. Notwithstanding
the monstrous size of the work, and every part of it; ’tis far from
appearing heavy: ’tis compos’d of several species of work, and the
proportions of the dissimilar parts recommend the whole, and it pleases
like a magical spell. No one thinks any part of it too great or too
little, too high or too low. And we that can only view it in its ruins,
the less regret those ruins, that, if possible, add to its solemn
majesty.

The stones of the gray weathers are of a bastard sort of white marble,
and lie upon the surface of the ground, in infinite numbers, and of
all dimensions. They are loose, detach’d from any rock, and doubtless
lay there ever since the creation. Being solid parts thrown out to the
surface of the fluid globe, when its rotation was first impress’d.
All our Druid temples are built, where these sort of stones from
the surface can be had at reasonable distances; for they are never
taken from quarries. Here is a very good quarry at _Chilmark_ in this
country. _Salisbury_ cathedral, and all the great buildings are thence;
but ’tis a stone quite different to our work. It was a matter of much
labour to draw them hither, 16 miles. My friend the reverend Dr.
_Stephen Hales_, the excellent author of vegetable statics, and other
works, computed them as follows. The stone at the upper end of the
cell, which is fallen down and broke in half, is in length (says he) 25
feet, in breadth 7 feet, and in thickness at a medium 3½, amounts to
612 cubic feet. Now a cubic foot of _Hedington_ stone weighs near 154¼
pounds troy. If _Stonehenge_ stone be of the same specific gravity,
it will amount to 94,348 pounds, which is 31½ tuns. But if this be of
the same specific gravity as _Burford_ stone, which weighs to 155¾ the
cubic foot, then it will weigh 95319 pounds troy, or 32 tuns. If it be
equal to _Blaidon_ stone, which is 187 pounds troy _per_ cubic foot,
then it weighs 114444 pounds troy, or 38 tuns. But I am sure that the
stone is of considerably larger dimensions, than what Dr. _Hales_ has
stated it at, and that the sort of stone is much heavier than that of
the largest specific gravity he speaks of, and that it amounts to more
than 40 tuns, and requires more than 140 oxen to draw it; yet this is
not the heaviest stone at the place.

The notion we ought to entertain of _Stonehenge_ is not a little
enhanc’d, by the discovery I made from frequent mensurations there.
It gave me the opportunity of finding out the standard and original
measure, which the people us’d, who made this and all other works of
this kind. And this precludes any tedious disputation against the
opinion of authors; for whoever makes any eminent building, most
certainly forms it upon the common measure in use, among the people
of that place. Therefore if the proportions of _Stonehenge_ fall
into fractions and uncouth numbers, when measur’d by the _English_,
_French_, _Roman_, or _Grecian_ foot, we may assuredly conclude, the
architects were neither _English_, _French_, _Roman_ or _Greeks_. Thus,
for instance, when the accurate _Greaves_ tells us, the door of the
_Pantheon_ (which is of one stone) is of _English_ foot-measure 19
foot 602/1000 within: should we not be apt to assert at first sight,
that the architect in so costly a work, did not chuse his measures at
random, but intended that this dimension should be 20 feet? When we
consider this building is at _Rome_, and that it amounts to 20 _Roman_
feet, must we not conclude, it was erected by the _Roman_ standard?
adding too, that all the rest of the dimensions of this stately
structure fall aptly and judiciously into the same scale. So as long as
any _vestigia_ of St. _Paul_’s cathedral remain, the _English_ foot,
by which it was built, will easily be known. I must prepare the reader
for a right understanding of our Druid edifices, by informing him,
that _Stonehenge_, and all other works of this nature in our island,
are erected by that most ancient measure call’d a cubit, which we read
of in the holy scriptures, and in ancient profane authors. I mean the
same individual measure, call’d the _Hebrew_, _Egyptian_, _Phœnician_
cubit; most probably deriv’d from _Noah_ and _Adam_. ’Tis the same that
the pyramids of _Egypt_ and other their works are projected upon; the
same as that of _Moses_’s tabernacle, _Solomon_’s temple, _&c._ and we
may reasonably pride ourselves in possessing these visible monuments of
the old measure of the world. My predecessor Bishop _Cumberland_ shows,
enough to satisfy us, that the _Egyptian_ and _Hebrew_ measure was the
same, tho’ he has not hit upon that measure, to a nicety. My friend
and collegue Dr. _Arbuthnot_ has been more successful, in applying
it to such parts of the greater pyramid, as evidently establish its
proportion, to our _English_ foot, from the measures _Greaves_ has
left us: and shows it to be 20 inches and ⅘ of _English_ measure. Thus
the Doctor observes the side of the greater pyramid at base, is 693
_English_ feet; which amounts exactly to 400 _Egyptian_ cubits, a full
and suitable number for such a square work, and without question the
originally design’d measure, the _stadium_ of old. I have taken notice
that _Inigo Jones_ observ’d the like dimensions, in laying out the plot
of _Lincoln_’s_-Inn-fields_. The Doctor adds many more instances,
deduc’d in the same way, to confirm it. I add, that _Greaves_ says,
the lowermost steps of the pyramid are near 4 feet in height, which
amounts to 2 cubits and 2 palms. They are 3 foot in breadth, _i. e._
1 cubit 4 palms. The length of the declining first entrance is 92
feet and an half, _i. e._ 55 cubits. The length of the next gallery
is 110 feet, which amounts to 60 cubits. There is another gallery
in the pyramid, of the same length. Mr. _Webb_ says the diameter of
_Stonehenge_ is 110 feet. This would tempt one to suspect the same
measure us’d in both. Thus the diameter of the like work at _Rowldrich_
in _Oxfordshire_, describ’d by Dr. _Plot_, is 35 yards, _i. e._ 110
feet, grossly measur’d. Father _Brothais_ in his observations on upper
_Egypt_, in our _Phil. Trans._ found a door-case made of one stone, in
a magnificent building, it was 26½ feet in height, this is 15 cubits.
Dr. _Huntington_, in the same _Trans._ says, he found the sphynx
standing by the northern pyramids to be 110 feet in circuit, _i. e._ 60
cubits. _Ptolomy_ in his IVth book, and _Pliny_ XXXVI.——speak of the
obelisk rais’d by king _Rameses_ at _Heliopolis_, which Mr. _Webb_,
p. 34. gives the length of in _English_ feet, 136. This is 80 cubits.
That which _Augustus_ set up in the _circus maximus_ at _Rome_ upon
reduction of _Egypt_, _Webb_ says, is 120 feet 9 inches, which amounts
to 70 cubits. Another, _Augustus_ set up in the _campus martius_,
which he says is 9 foot higher, _i. e._ 5 cubits. He speaks again of
that erected by _Fontana_ before St. _Peter_’s, 81 feet, which was 50
cubits. I suppose the base being injur’d, it was cut a little shorter.
This at the base, he says, is 9 foot square, _i. e._ 5 cubits. The
_Vatican_ obelisk is 170 foot high, which is 100 cubits. 12 foot broad
at bottom, which is 7 cubits; at top a third part less.

Hence we gather, the measure of the shew-bread table of the _Jews_, a
cubit and half in height, _Exod._ xxv. 23. It had a golden crown about
it, meaning a moulding, or verge or cornish, as upon our tea-tables.
זר _peripheria_, _corona_, because 12 loaves were to be pil’d upon it.
It was 31 inches in height, that of our ordinary eating-tables. And we
shall find by this same cubit divided into its 6 tophach’s or palms,
all our Druid works are perform’d. ’Tis not to be wonder’d at, that it
should come into _Britain_, with an eastern colony under the conduct
of the _Egyptian_, _Tyrian_, _Phœnician Hercules_, (who was the same
person) about _Abraham_’s time, or soon after, as I have good reasons
to believe, which will be shown in its proper place.

[Illustration: _P. 6._ TAB IIII.

_Stukeley delin_  _Toms sculp._

_A View a little beyond Woodyates where the Ikening Street crosses part
of a Druids barrow Jun. 9. 1724._]




                               CHAP. II.

  _Of the name of_ Stonehenge. _These works prior to the_ Roman
    _times. Who were the builders? Of the general situation of it,
    again. Of the beauty of its general proportion. A peep into
    it. A walk round the_ area. _Remarks on two stones standing on
    the_ vallum, _and two corresponding cavities for water vases:
    explained from ancient coins. That the_ Welsh _are the remains
    of the_ Belgæ _from the continent, who lived here at the_ Roman
    _invasion, and by whose reports,_ Stonehenge _was built by the
    most ancient oriental colony, that brought the_ Druids _hither._


Come we to the name of _Stonehenge_, so call’d by our _Saxon_
ancestors; an argument sufficient, they were not the builders of it;
they would have called it by a more honourable name. Roꝺe henᵹenne is
in _Saxon_ a hanging-rod or pole, _i. e._ a gallows; and _Stonehenge_
is a stone gallows, called so from the hanging parts, architraves, or
rather imposts, the more remarkable part; and which only can persuade
people from thinking, the stones _grew_ in the very place, (as they
express it.) And so Mr. _Camden_, Dr. _Holland_, Mr. _Webb_ and others
think, of the wonderful work at _Abury_; because there are none of
these overthwart stones, as here. Many are so astonished at the bulk
of these stones, that measuring all art and power by their own, they
had rather think, they sprouted up in their places, like mushrooms, at
regular distances, in mathematical circles; than that they were plac’d
there by human industry, for excellent purpose. But pendulous rocks
are now called _henges_ in _Yorkshire_, and I have been informed of
another place there called _Stonehenge_, being natural rocks. So that
I doubt not, _Stonehenge_ in _Saxon_ signifies the hanging stones. In
_Cornwall_ is a Heath call’d now _Hengston_ down, probably from such a
work as ours, now demolished. It is in the hundred of _Easte_. And near
it, is that other memorable Antiquity, composed of many upright stones,
call’d the Hurlers, a Druid temple. The old _Britons_ or _Welsh_ call
_Stonehenge_ _choir gaur_, which some interpret _chorea gigantum_, the
giants dance: I judge, more rightly _chorus magnus_, the great choir,
round church, or temple. As Banchor (where probably was of old, another
Druid temple) means the high temple. But they mistake it for _chorea_,
_chwarae_ _χuare_, a ball, dance; as _Necham_ sings;

    _Nobilis est lapidum structura, chorea gigantum:
    Ars experta suum posse, peregit opus._

Mr. _Camden_ defines the work _coronæ in modum_. The Latin _corona_ a
crown, _corolla_ a _ghirland_, and the _British crown_ comes from its
circular form, as _côr_ _chorus_. The armoric _Britons_ call _cryn_
_rotundus_, _kruin_ the _Irish_. _Coryn_ is the round tip of any thing,
many such like words in all the _Celtic_ dialects. The _chorus_ of
a building among _Roman_ christians, became appropriate to the more
sacred part, or east end of churches, always turn’d of a circular form;
from the time of _Constantine_ the Great. Thus all the churches in the
holy land, thus the chapel in _Colchester_ castle, and in the _Tower_
of _London_, (both, in my opinion, built about his time) are round at
the east end. The old _Britons_ or _Welsh_, we find, had a notion of
its being a sacred place, tho’ they were not the builders of it; for I
take them to be the remains of the _Celtic_ people that came from the
continent, who chiefly inhabited _England_, at least the south part,
when the _Romans_ invaded the island, they are more particularly the
remains of the _Belgæ_. I suppose their name _Welsh_, a corruption of
_Belgæ_, Οὐέλγαι in greek,_ ►Belgischen◄ _and_ ►Welschen◄ _in german.
_Strabo_ IV. speaks of their way of making flannel, called λαιναί,
for which our _Welsh_ are so famous. _Strabo_ gives the celtic word
without the guttural aspirate, _chlæna_ in latin. The most ancient
inhabitants, the remains of the old _Phœnician_ colony and primitive
_Celts_ who built _Stonehenge_, were the _Picts_, _Scots_, _Highland_
and _Irish_, all the same people, tho’ perhaps differing somewhat in
dialect, as in situation: no otherwise than a _Cumberland_-man and one
of _Somersetshire_ now. The _Cornish_, I suppose, some remains too, of
the old oriental race. But at this very day in _Wales_, they call every
antiquated appearance beyond memory, _Irish_. Upon view of land, that
from before any ones remembrance appears to have been plow’d, or very
ancient ruins of buildings, and the like, they immediately pronounce,
That it was in the times of the _Irish_. The very same is observable
in the north, of the _Picts_ or _Pights_, as they pronounce it,
gutturally, in the oriental fashion, which we cannot imitate. They call
old foundations, _Pights_ houses, _&c._ Every thing is _Pictish_, whose
origin they do not know. These people are conscious, that they are not
the _Aborigines_, who by time and successive inundations, were forc’d
northward and westward, into _Scotland_ and _Ireland_. And also in the
days of the _Romans_, such of the then inhabitants as would not submit
to their gentile yoke, took the same road. The _Irish_ therefore,
or ancient _Scottish_, is the remnant of the _Phœnician_ language,
mixt with old _Biscayan_ and _Gallic_, dialects of _Celts_; and some
oriental, _Arabic_ in particular: as Mr. _Toland_ observes. And they
are the descendants of the people who built _Stonehenge_, and the like
Works. Whence spring the strange reports of these stones, coming from
_Egypt_, from _Africa_, from _Spain_, from _Ireland_. As retaining some
memory of the steps, by which the people who preceded their ancestors,
travelled; nor they themselves, nor even the _Belgæ_ pretending to
be the builders of this wonderful work. For the _Belgæ_ could not be
ignorant of their own coming from the _Gallic_ continent.

[Illustration: _P. 8._ TAB. V.

_Stukeley delin._  _G. Vander Gucht Senl_

_The Front view of_ STONEHENGE.]

I have taken notice of another remarkable particular, as to the name
of _Stonehenge_; which I apprehend to be of highest antiquity: that
it was called the _Ambres_, or _Ambrose_, as the famous _main Ambre_
by _Pensans_ in _Cornwall_, another work of the Druids akin to this.
And from hence the adjacent town of _Ambresbury_ had its name. But of
this matter, I must beg the readers patience, till I come to the last
chapter, and discourse of the antiquity of these works in general.

So much at present as to the name of our fabrick; it is time to
draw toward the sacred pile, and fancy ourselves walking upon this
delightful plain:

    ——————————_juvat arva videre
    Non rastris hominum, non ulli obnoxia curæ._      Virg.

nought can be sweeter than the air that moves o’re this hard and dry,
chalky soil. Every step you take upon the smooth carpet, (literally)
your nose is saluted with the most fragrant smell of _serpillum_, and
_apium_, which with the short grass continually cropt by the flocks
of sheep, composes the softest and most verdant turf, extremely
easy to walk on, and which rises as with a spring, under ones feet.
The following drawing TAB. III. is a prospect taken from the king’s
barrow, west from _Vespasian_’s camp, in the way from _Ambresbury_
to _Stonehenge_, by the _Bristol_ road. Tho’ the graver has not done
it justice: yet it will give one a general notion of the situation
of the place. It is admirably chosen, being in the midst of those
wide downs, call’d _Salisbury_ plain; between the river _Avon_ to the
east, and a brook that runs into the _Willy_, on the west. These two
streams half round encompass it, at 2 miles distance, forming as it
were a circular area, of 4 or 5 miles diameter, compos’d of gentle
acclivities and declivities, open and airy. Yet agreeably diversify’d
with the appearance of barrows, every where upon the edges of the
highest grounds. Which very barrows are curious and entertaining, when
view’d at hand, as well for the nicety and handsome turn of their
forms, as for their great variety, and all within sight of the temple.
These downs feed many flocks of sheep, and no doubt furnish’d the idea
of _Thessalian_ and _Arcadian_ plains, to the noble _Sydney_ residing
at the neighbouring _Wilton_. The rivers are planted very thick with
towns. Six miles south of _Stonehenge_ is _Salisbury_, a mile nearer is
_Sorbiodunum_, or old _Sarum_, by the side of which passes the _Roman_
road _via Iceniana_ reaching from _Norfolk_, into _Dorsetshire_. As
this road goes southward, a mile beyond _Woodyates_, where it enters
_Dorsetshire_ and _Cranburn_ chase, it passes over a heath where are
many old barrows, like these on _Salisbury_ plain. It happens there,
to infringe upon one of the barrows, which luckily affords us a
demonstration, of the road being made since those barrows; of which
I took notice in my _itinerarium_ p. 180. and further to gratify the
curious have here inserted a print of it TAB. IV. and may take the
opportunity once for all to advertize them, of the disadvantage under
which all drawings from these plains must appear. They are made for use
and instruction, like mathematical figures, and cannot be expected much
to please the eye; being form’d chiefly from bare lines, admitting no
picture-like decoration.

I have observ’d another similar proof of these works being older
than the _Roman_ times here, in that _Roman_ road that goes from
_Marlborough_ to _Bath_. It is near _Abury_, and I have a print of
it engrav’d, which will be exhibited, when I next publish an account
of that great work. But in the former _plate_ IV. I call those Druid
barrows, which are often found on these plains: a circular trench,
sometime of 100 foot diameter, with only a small tump of earth in the
middle, under which there is commonly an urn. Sometime two or three of
these little tumps or diminutive _tumuli_ within one circle, which it
is natural to suppose, were friends or relations. These circles are
always excellently well mark’d out.

The particular spot of ground where _Stonehenge_ stands, is in the
lordship of west or little _Ambresbury_: the possession of the
reverend Mr. _Hayward_, who at present may be call’d the Archdruid of
the island. ’Tis a delicate part of this large plain, with a gentle
declivity from the south-west to the south and north-east. So that the
soil, which is chalk, is perfectly dry and hard. Hence the infinite
numbers of coaches and horses, that thro’ so many centuries have been
visiting the place every day, have not obliterated the track of the
banks and ditches. The water cannot possibly rest any where hereabouts.
The founders consulted well for the stability of their work, and
salubrity of the place. _Cæsar_ informs us in his commentaries, B. G.
VI. 13. that among the Druids, “one has the supreme authority. When
he is dead, whoever excels in dignity succeeds. But if there be more
candidates, the Archdruid is chose by the votes of the Druids: and
sometimes they fight for it. At a certain fix’d time of the year the
_Gaulish_ Druids meet, in the territories of the _Carnutes_, which
country is in the middle of _Gaul, in a consecrated place_. Hither all
persons from all quarters come, who have any controversy, and stand to
their determination. The discipline of the Druids arose in _Britain_,
and is said from thence to have been brought into _Gaul_. And now,
they who design to be more thoroughly initiated therein, go over to
learn.” Here in few lines the great author acquaints us with a vast
fund of ancient history, and upon which whole volumes have been wrote.
I observe no more from it at present, than that we may very reasonably
conclude, the elegant and the magnificent structure of _Stonehenge_ was
as the metropolitical church of the chief Druid of _Britain_. This was
the _locus consecratus_ where they met at some great festivals in the
year, as well to perform the extraordinary sacrifices and religious
rites, as to determine causes and civil matters. _Cæsar_ calls these
appointments of the Druids in _Gaul_ consecrated places, where probably
was nothing but a circle of rude stones. Had he seen those of our
island, an _Abury_ or even a _Stonehenge_, he would scarce have given
them the title of temples: he was not used to the old patriarchal
way. But I reckon the true reading in that passage quoted from him,
to be _loco consecrato_, not _luco_, which was put in by some bold
transcriber, who had heard of the fondness of the Druids for groves.
But how unfit is a grove for a great and public meeting upon civil
affairs? And this for the excellency of its situation upon a vast
plain, was well calculated for a publick meeting of those of the order,
at an election of a new Archdruid. As _Cæsar_’s words give light to the
work before us, so it confirms what the warlike author says, of the
discipline being originally in _Britain_; which the critics upon the
continent cannot bear, and vainly endeavour to spirit away _Cæsar_’s
meaning. The very building of _Stonehenge_, to say nothing of other
like works here, shows it was not in vain, that the youth of _Gaul_
came to learn of men, who could contrive and execute so mighty a work.

[Illustration: _P. 10._ TAB. VI.]

_Stonehenge_ stands not upon the very summit of a hill, but pretty near
it, and for more than three quarters of the circuit you ascend to it
very gently from lower ground. At half a mile distance, the appearance
of it is stately and awful, really august. As you advance nearer,
especially up the avenue, which is to the north-east of it, (which side
is now most perfect) the greatness of its contour fills the eye in an
astonishing manner. TAB. V. is the front prospect from the entrance
of the avenue. The stone that leans o’er the high altar appears thro’
the grand or principal entrance: because we stand upon lower ground.
If the reader pleases to cast his eye upon _Plate_ XII. there ’tis
represented in orthography, (to speak technically) as here in prospect.
Hence by this method of comparing the designs together, we may, without
confusion, gather a true notion of the work. _Stonehenge_ is a good
deal more in diameter, than the outside of St. _Paul_’s cupola. And
from a comparison of these two buildings, I was able to judge of the
vanity of the architect of St. _Peter_’s at _Rome_, who in order to
degrade the _Pantheon_, (whilst he was imitating it) boasted, he
would set the _Pantheon_ 200 foot high in the air, meaning the cupola
there. But the architect of the _Pantheon_, _Valerius Ostiensis_ (had
he been alive) would have told him, that the vastness of the diameter
in these cupola’s is lost by the very height. Whatever we would have
admired, ought to be preserved as the largest dimension. Therefore
_Valerius_, with admirable judgment, has made the outward breadth of
the _Pantheon_ one fifth part compleatly longer than its height, taken
in front; but if we measure it sidewise, taking in the portico, the
breadth to the height, is more than 6 to 4. By this means the wonder
of the _Pantheon_, the curve or arch 150 _Roman_ feet in diameter,
remains. So the curve of _Stonehenge_, which is above 100 _English_
feet, appears extraordinary large and well proportion’d, upon a height
of 18 foot, which reaches to the top of the outer cornish; that of the
inner cornishes is but 24 foot high, at a medium. For the cornishes of
the inner part of _Stonehenge_, or that which _Webb_ calls the cell,
are not all of equal height, of which in proper place. Thus both parts
of the wonder is preserv’d, the greatness of the circuit of the whole
work, the greatness and height of the parts that compose it; the height
being one fourth of the diameter. The greatness too of the lights
and shades in _Stonehenge_, as well as their variety arising from a
circular form, gives it all possible advantage, and makes it deserve
the appellation of,

    _Deorum gloriosa domus_,

as _Theocritus_ and _Herodotus_ generally call temples. And its
situation is correspondent to the antient notion. _Pausanias_ praises
the _Tanagrei_ in _Beotia_, for having their temples in clean and
distinct area’s, distant from profane buildings and traffic.

_Stonehenge_ is inclosed within a circular ditch. After one has pass’d
this ditch, says the right reverend annotator to _Camden_, he ascends
35 yards before he comes at the work itself. This measure is the same,
as that which _Webb_ calls 110 foot, the diameter of the work. For
the area inclos’d by a ditch, wherein _Stonehenge_ is situate, is in
diameter three times the diameter of _Stonehenge_. See the _Plate_ of
the _area_. XXIII. Therefore the distance between the verge of the
ditch within side, quite round, to the work of the Temple, is equal to
the diameter of the Temple. The reader remembers what I promis’d, about
the scale or measure whereby this work and all others of the Druids, is
form’d; that ’tis the old _Hebrew_, _Phœnician_ or _Egyptian_ Cubit,
which compar’d with the _English_ foot, amounts to 20 inches and ⅘.
Therefore I have drawn the ensuing comparison and proportion, between
our _English_ and _Hebrew_ Scale; which is to accompany us in the
future description. TAB. VI. the scale of cubits and feet compar’d.
That I might not be suspected to favour an hypothesis, I produce other
peoples measures, where I can find them in print, provided they be
done with tolerable judgment and accuracy; for both are necessary in
our case, with proper allowance. ’Tis not to be suppos’d, that in this
work, the minuteness and extreme curiosity of _Desgodetz_, with which
he measur’d the remains of old _Rome_, is expected, or even possible.
For tho’ the stones are not chizel’d and squar’d, to such preciseness,
as _Roman_ works are; yet they are chizel’d, and are far from rude.
Nevertheless every body has not skill, properly to measure them. For
they are much impair’d by weather: much is knock’d off by wretched
hands. Those stones that stand, are luxated various ways, by time
and their own weight; by silly people digging about them, and by the
unfortunate colony of rabbets lately translated thither. So that we may
well say with _Claudian_,

    _Seram ponderibus pronis tractura ruinam,
    Pars cadit assiduo flatu, pars imbre peresa
    Rumpitur, abripuit partem vitiosa vetustas._

I was forc’d to make many admeasurements and repeated, before I could
obtain an exact ground-plot; and it requir’d much consideration to do
it, and to find out the true scale by which it was compos’d, the Druid
cubit, which they brought with them from the east. Therefore by the
annexed scales, TAB. VI. which I have contriv’d to answer all lengths,
the reader will most perfectly understand the subsequent description,
and see the truth of my assertion: and may from thence be enabled to
measure any other like works, in our islands, which I have not had
the opportunity of viewing. It was the eastern way, in laying out a
building, to use a staff of 6 cubits long. This was of a convenient,
manageable length; and its divisions being half a dozen, suited well
a reckoning by duodenaries. Thus in _Ezek._ xl. 3, 5. _Apoc._ xxi.
16. the angel that laid out the temple of _Solomon_, is described,
as having a reed of 6 cubits (a measuring reed or cane) in his hand.
This being the universal and first measure of antiquity, was in time
spread all over the world. In particular, it became the _decempedum_
of the _Greeks_ and _Romans_; the common measuring standard. But ’tis
remarkable, they alter’d the divisions, thinking it more artful and
convenient to have them in less parts: and instead of 6 cubits, they
made it consist of 10 feet. And by time and change, the whole measure
became somewhat alter’d from the primitive. For the _Greek decempedum_
was swell’d somewhat too long, as the _Romans_ diminish’d theirs a
little. _Ezekiel_’s reed is our 10 foot and 4 inches ⅔; 400 cubits is
the _stadium_ of the ancients, or furlong, 700 feet.

When you enter the building, whether on foot or horseback and cast
your eyes around, upon the yawning ruins, you are struck into an
exstatic _reverie_, which none can describe, and they only can be
sensible of, that feel it. Other buildings fall by piece meal, but
here a single stone is a ruin, and lies like the haughty carcase of
_Goliath_. Yet there is as much of it undemolished, as enables us
sufficiently to recover its form, when it was in its most perfect
state. There is enough of every part to preserve the idea of the whole.
The next _Plate_, TAB. VII. the peep (as I call it) into the _sanctum
sanctorum_, is drawn, at the very entrance, and as a view into the
inside. When we advance further, the dark part of the ponderous imposts
over our heads, the chasm of sky between the jambs of the cell, the odd
construction of the whole, and the greatness of every part, surprizes.
We may well cry out in the poet’s words

    _Tantum Relligio potuit!_

if you look upon the perfect part, you fancy intire quarries mounted
up into the air: if upon the rude havock below, you see as it were the
bowels of a mountain turn’d inside outwards. It is pleasant likewise
to consider the spot upon which ’tis situate, and to take a circular
view of the country around it. For which purpose I have sketch’d
the following prospects, taking in the country almost round the
circumference of the horizon. This Use there will be in them further;
if ever it happen, that this noble work should be destroy’d: the spot
of it may be found, by these views.

TAB. VIII. north prospect from _Stonehenge_.

TAB. IX. south-west prospect from _Stonehenge_.

TAB. X. south-east prospect from _Stonehenge_.

[Illustration: _P. 12._ TAB. VII.

_Stukeley d._

_A peep into the sanctum sanctorum 6 June. 1724_]

The _vallum_ of the ditch which incloses the _area_, or court, is
inwards, and makes a circular terras; walking upon which, we take
the foregoing prospects. The lowest part of the _area_ is towards
the entrance. The tops of all the circumjacent hills, or rather easy
elevations, are cover’d o’re, as it were, with barrows, which cause an
agreeable appearance; adorning the bare downs with their figures. And
this ring of barrows reaches no further, than till you lose sight of
the temple, or thereabouts. Stand at the grand entrance by the stone
that lies upon the ground, and the view of the temple presents itself
as in the Vth _Plate_, the front prospect of _Stonehenge_. Directly
down the avenue, to the north-east, the apex of an hill terminates the
horizon, between which and the bottom of a valley you see the _Cursus_,
a work which has never yet been taken notice of. Being a space of
ground included between two long banks going parallel east and west,
at 350 foot distance, the length 10000 feet. This was design’d for the
horse races and games, like the _Olympic_, the _Isthmian_, &c. of the
_Greeks_. But we shall speak more particularly of this afterwards. In
the valley on this side of it, the strait part of the avenue terminates
in two branches; that on the left hand, leads to the _Cursus_; that
on the right goes directly up the hill, between two famous groups of
barrows, each consisting of seven in number. The farthest, or those
northward, I call the oldest king’s barrows; the hithermost are
vulgarly called the seven king’s graves.

If we walk a little to the left hand, TAB. VIII. is presented. See
the northern long barrow: on this side of which, the eye takes in the
whole length of the _Cursus_. Many barrows at the end and on both sides
of it. That mark’d P. was open’d by my Lord _Pembroke_, those mark’d
S. were open’d by myself. What was discover’d therein will be treated
of hereafter. Further to the west, the highest ground of that spot
whereon _Stonehenge_ stands, eclipses a distant view, and there are
the nearest barrows planted with rabbets, which do much damage too at
_Stonehenge_, and threaten no less than the ruin of the whole. Upon
the _vallum_ of _Stonehenge_ is one of the stones there, which seems
to be a small altar, for some kind of libations, and at the letter A.
the mark of a cavity; of which more particularly, in the next page.
The next or south-west prospect, TAB. IX. from _Stonehenge_, takes
in the country from _Berwickbarn_, and my Lord _Pembroke_’s wood of
_Groveley_, to _Salisbury_ steeple: a chain of barrows reaching a
6th part of the whole horizon. Many from the great quantity of these
sepulchral _tumuli_ here, injudiciously conclude, that there have been
great battels upon the plain, and that the slain were bury’d there.
But they are really no other than family burying-places, set near this
temple, for the same reason as we bury in church-yards and consecrated
ground. _Salisbury_ steeple seen from hence, brings to my sorrowful
remembrance, the great _Thomas_ Earl of _Pembroke_, whose noble ashes
are there deposited. He was patron of my studies, particularly those
relating to _Stonehenge_. Virtue, piety, magnanimity, learning,
generosity, all sublime qualities recommended and added to his
illustrious descent. Glorious it will be for me, if these pages live to
testify to another age, the intimacy he was pleased to honour me with.

                ——————_quis talia fando
    Temperet a lachrymis_————————!

In this _Plate_, the reader may remark another of the cavities within
the _vallum_, to which that corresponds on the opposite diameter before
hinted at.

The south-east prospect finishes the circle, TAB. X. looking towards
the valley southward, where the rain-water passes, from the whole work
of _Stonehenge_, the whole tract of the _Cursus_ and the country beyond
it, as far as north long barrow; and so is convey’d into the river
_Avon_ at _Lake_. That road between king barrow and the seven barrows
is the way to _Vespasian_’s camp and so to _Ambresbury_. The barrow
under those seven kings of later form, is that nearest to _Stonehenge_.

Doubtless in the sacrifices and ceremonies which were here practis’d,
water was us’d, and I observe most of our Druid temples are set near
rivers. The reason why _Stonehenge_ was not set near a river, has
hitherto effectually preserv’d it, this part being uninhabitable upon
that account, and rather too far off a town for tillage. But when
I curiously contemplated the beauty and convenience of this court,
I observ’d two remarkable places, which plainly have a conformity
with the two stones set upon the _vallum_; which stones puzzle all
enquirers. These particulars seem to explain one another, and more
especially by the help of a coin in _Vaillant_, tom. II. p. 240. for
which reason I caus’d it to be engraven on that plate, TAB. XXIII.
the _area_ of _Stonehenge_. ’Tis a coin of _Philip_ the _Roman_
emperor, struck by the city of _Heliopolis_ in _Cœlesyria_ under mount
_Libanus_, now call’d _Baldec_, where is an admirable ancient temple
remaining, describ’d and pictur’d in _Maundrel_’s travels of the holy
land. In the walls of it are two or three stones of an immense length,
which seem to be the fragments of an obelisk, dedicated to the sun,
whence the name of _Heliopolis_. The coin presents a temple built
upon a rock: to which they ascend by steps. The temple is inclos’d in
an _area_ with a wall. On the left hand by the circuit of the _area_
is a stone altar. A little further, is a great vase for water to be
us’d in the sacrifices. The legend is COL_onia_ IVL_ia_ AVG_usta_
FEL_ix_ HEL_iopolitana_. Now the two cavities in the circuit of our
_area_, very probably were the places where two great stone vases were
set, and the two stones were two altars for some particular rites,
which we don’t take upon ourselves to explain. See another coin II.
in _Descamp_’s _selectiora numismata_, p. 23. which is to the same
purpose. Those stones are set in their proper places in my scheme of
the _area_ of _Stonehenge_: and I leave them to the better conjectures
of the learned in these matters. Mr. _Webb_ fancies them the jambs of
two portals of two entrances, besides the great entrance; and makes
them favour his imaginary triangles, from which he forms the work of
_Stonehenge_, upon a _Vitruvian_ plan. And in order to bring this
about, he draws one stone, that toward the east, or on the left hand,
from the true and only entrance, no less than 120 foot out of its real
place. No doubt, the reader will be surpriz’d at this, and the easier
credit me, when I say his ground-plot in other parts, is very far from
being exact. The reader will observe from my scheme, that the two
semicircular hollows mark’d A A, wherein I suppose the water-vases were
set, are plac’d alternatively, with the two stones: I don’t pretend to
show why the Druids did so. But that stone standing, together with the
upper A, and the center of the grand entrance by the stone that lies
flat there, make an exact equilateral triangle; yet really have not the
least relation to the scheme of the work of _Stonehenge_ in general,
or to the cell in particular. Nor do the stones, or those hollows,
point out any other entrance cross the ditch into the _area_. So in the
tabernacle of _Moses_ and temple of _Solomon_, great vases in brass
were set for water, in the court before the temple.

[Illustration: _P. 14._ TAB. VIII.

 _North Prospect from Stonehenge_

_Stukeley delin_  _Smith sculp_

P. _a barrow open’d by Lord Pembroke_. S. _by W. Stukeley_.]




                              CHAP. III.

  _The admeasurement of the ground-plot; and outer circle of the
    temple, and imposts over it. Of the principal line of the work,
    running down the avenue, and single entrance, into the_ area,
    _or court. The imposts are jointed exquisitely by mortaise and
    tenon. The temple at_ Persepolis _a building of this sort._


Let us now set about an examination of the measures of the temple
itself. Take a staff 10 foot 4 inches and ¾ long. Divide it into six
equal parts. These are the cubits of the ancients. Each cubit is
divided into six parts. These are palms. Thus have we the original
measure of the founders of _Stonehenge_. We will take Mr. _Webb_’s
measures, and compare ’em herewith. TAB. XI. the ground-plot.

Mr. _Webb_ says, p. 55. that the whole work of _Stonehenge_ being of
a circular form, is 110 foot in diameter. But to be precise, ’tis
108 and somewhat more, and his own scale in his ground-plot shows
the same. This is the diameter from outside to outside, which in our
ground-plot is the principal diameter. The thickness of the stones
of the outward circle, he says, p. 59. are 3 foot and an half. Hence
the inner diameter becomes almost 102 feet _English_. If the reader
pleases to measure 102 feet upon the comparative scales, which I gave
of the _English_ foot and _Hebrew_ cubit, being the measure us’d by
the Druids, or in the scales at the bottom of the ground-plot, he
will find that it amounts exactly to 60 cubits. 30 cubits being the
_radius_ wherewith they struck the circle upon the turf, which is the
inner circumference of that work. _That_ sufficiently defin’d their
ground-plot. For tho’ they intended in general, that the thickness of
the stones of this outer circle should be 3 foot and a half; but to
speak more properly, 2 cubits (which is the same measure) yet they
were more careful of one side only, of that dimension. And the chief
business being withinside this temple, they set the best face of the
stones inwards, upon that ground-line; the other face was suited as
well as the scantlings they could get, best answer’d. _Webb_’s 3 foot
and a half is precisely 3 foot 5 inches, and somewhat more, making
compleatly 2 Druid cubits, as you find by the scales. They that
carefully view _Stonehenge_, will easily see, that the stones of the
inside both of the outward circle and of the cell, are the smoothest,
best wrought, and have the handsomest appearance. For so the polite
architects of the eastern part of the world, bestow’d more elegance
within their temples than without. Not as our modern _London_ builders,
who carve every moulding, and crowd every ornament, which they borrow
out of books, on the outside of our publick structures, that they may
more commodiously gather the dust and smoke. The truth is, good sense
and observation of nature, produces the same ideas in all ages and all
nations. Our Druids observ’d, that God almighty in forming the body of
a man, made all the external parts great, bold, round, with ornament
sufficient; but where the beauty chiefly consisted in the fitness of
the proportions, in symmetry and plainness. In the inside, he has
display’d all the _minutiæ_ of divine skill. They have done the like,
according to their way, in _Stonehenge_. So even as to the outward
appearance, I find they took care to set those stones that had the
best outward face, toward the front or entrance. And to embarrass the
general scheme of the work, they made use of two centers instead of
one, but 2 cubits distance from one another; perhaps to make the thing
intricate and as magical: besides the advantage it gives to the oval
form of the included cell.

Observe, in laying down the ground-plot and projecting this outer
circle, we said it was 110 feet, (gross measure) in diameter. We
remember what is before-mention’d, that the learned _Greaves_ measur’d
two galleries in the greater pyramid, in like manner, each 110 feet. So
the bishop of _London_ says, from the grand entrance of _Stonehenge_,
to the work is 35 yards: so he says the diameter of the circle at
_Rowldrich_ in _Oxfordshire_, is 35 yards: all this while 60 Druid or
_Egyptian_ cubits are meant. So the length of _Solomon_’s temple was 60
cubits, whereof the _Ædes_ 40 cubits, the _sanctum sanctorum_ 20.

The intention of the founders of _Stonehenge_ was this. The whole
circle was to consist of 30 stones, each stone was to be 4 cubits
broad, each interval 2 cubits. 30 times 4 cubits is twice 60: 30 times
2 cubits is 60. So that thrice 60 cubits compleats a circle whose
diameter is 60. A stone being 4 cubits broad, and 2 cubits thick is
double the interval, which is a square of 2 cubits. Change the places
between the stones and their intervals, and it will make a good
ground-plot for a circular portico of _Greek_ or _Roman_ work. For
supposing these intervals to be square plinths of 2 cubits each side,
and columns properly set upon them: it will admit of 3 diameters for
the intercolumniation, which is the diastyle manner in architecture.
But to talk of pycnostyle with Mr. _Webb_, and call these stones of
ours pillars or pillasters, where they are twice as broad as the space
between them, and to call this an order, is monstrous.

Thus a stone and an interval in this outward circle of _Stonehenge_,
makes 3 squares; 2 allotted to the stone, 1 to the interval; which
for stability and beauty withal, in such a work as ours, is a good
proportion. The curiosity of the work, and the general orthography
of the outward circle, I have design’d in _Plate_ XII. and it may be
seen in the seven stones now remaining at the grand entrance. Which
show what strictly was the intent of the founders, and where they
took the liberty to relax of that strictness, and that with judgment;
so as to produce a good effect. I shall explain it from Mr. _Webb_’s
own measures, that I may give the truth its full advantage. P. 59. he
says, the stones which made the outward circle are 7 foot in breadth.
Observe that 7 foot makes 4 cubits of the Druids. He says, they are 15
foot and a half high. You find that exactly 9 cubits. P. 61. he says,
the architraves lying round about upon them, are 2 foot and a half
high, _i. e._ our cubit and half. He mentions their breadth to be 3
foot and half, equal to the thickness of the upright, _i. e._ our two
cubits. They are jointed in the middle of each perpendicular stone.
Hence tho’ he has not mention’d the length of these architraves, we
gather them to be 6 cubits long. This is spoke of their inward length,
for outwardly they must needs be somewhat longer, as being an ark of a
larger circle. I must observe about these architraves, as Mr. _Webb_
calls them, that they are more properly call’d imposts or cornishes;
for they are not made to support any thing above them, as is the nature
of an architrave, but for the stability and ornament of what supports
them, which is the nature of imposts and cornishes. Tho’ these bodies
of stone here, never had or were intended to have, any mouldings upon
them, like _Greek_ and _Roman_ works; they are wrought perfectly plain,
and suitable to the stones that support them. I observe further, the
chizeling of our upright stones, is only above ground. For the 4 or
5 foot in length below ground, is left in the original natural form.
And that the upright stones are made very judiciously to diminish a
little, every way; so that at top they are but 3 cubits and a half
broad, and so much narrower as to suffer their imposts, to hang over a
little, or project (in properer terms) over the heads of the uprights,
both within side and without. By this means these uprights are in much
less danger of falling or swerving any way: and the imposts, which are
not broader than the thickness of the stones at bottom, which support
them, have a graceful effect, by projecting a little, without danger
of surcharging them. We see here plain, natural, easy geometry, what
we may call the first rudiment of art, deduc’d from common reason:
but they that can find any _Roman_ delicacy herein, must, I freely own,
have a much nicer eye and taste, than I can pretend to. The Druids
had, from patriarchal times, made their altars or temples of rude
unpolish’d stones. But now hearing, probably from _Phœnician_ traders,
of the glories of _Solomon_’s temple, at least of other temples made
artfully in imitation of it; such as those of _Sesostris_ in _Egypt_,
and others about _Phœnicia_: they thus made a small approach to square
scantlings and stones wrought. And this seems to have been the first
and the last work of theirs of this kind, that I can hear of, either
in the _Britanic_ isles, or on the continent. And no doubt but it
must give them so high a reputation, that even the people of _Gaul_
themselves could not help owning to _Cæsar_, that the discipline of
these men was first begun here, and carry’d on with such success, that
they sent their youth from the continent hither, as to an academy, to
be initiated in their learning. We are not to suppose these words are
to be strictly taken, as if the Druids here began their institution:
but that being an oriental manner of religion, and much different from
that on the _Gallic_ continent, what they had of it there, was deriv’d
from _Britain_. It appear’d as much new to them, who were chiefly
idolaters, as in many ages preceding, _Abraham_’s religion appear’d new
to the inhabitants of _Phœnicia_ and _Egypt_: who were then not much
tinctur’d with idolatry. Nor, probably, had the Druids much opportunity
of building another such work, as _Stonehenge_, between its foundation
and the _Roman_ times. Because, I apprehend, the encroachments of
the _Gallic_ nations from the continent, seating themselves in
_Britain_, about 200 years before _Cæsar_’s invasion, had molested the
Druids much, in these southern counties: and drove them with the old
_Britons_, farther northward and westward. But of this we will treat
more particularly afterwards, when we offer our opinion, of the time
when it was made.

[Illustration: _P. 16_ TAB. IX.

 _Southwest Prospect from Stonehenge_

_Stukeley delin_  _Smith sculp_

A. _the barrow L^d. Pembroke open’d_ B.B. _those I open’d_ C.
_Bushbarrow_ D. _a cavity in the vallum_.]

In the orthographic plate, TAB. XII. we may see the strict geometry of
the work of this outward circle, and the artful variation therefrom, in
order to make the aperture of the grand entrance somewhat wider than
the rest. Mr. _Webb_ does not take notice of this particular; and he
might have triumph’d in it. For ’tis no less than a _Vitruvian_ rule,
to relax the intercolumniation just in the middle of the portico, in
the front of a temple, and over-against the door. He speaks of it in
_Lib._ III. 2. when talking of the _Eustyle ratio_, the best for use,
appearance and strength: he directs the intercolumniation to be of two
diameters and ¼; but the middle intercolumniation of three diameters.
By which means the approach to the door will be much more commodious,
and nothing diminish’d of beauty in aspect. And this is the reality of
the case before us.

But alas, our _British_ priests knew nothing of _Vitruvius_; they
deduc’d this knack from an authority much ancienter than him, _viz._,
from pure natural reason, and good sense. Nor does this hurt the whole
of the work. The aperture ought strictly to have been two cubits equal
to the rest, but they advanc’d it to two cubits and a half. This
only crowds the next intervals on each side a small matter nearer,
the rest preserving their true distance quite round. And in the work
itself, ’tis obvious enough to the naked eye. Again, there is another
remarkable particular observ’d by our priests. Because the aperture of
the principal entrance we are speaking of, is wider than the rest: they
have made the impost over it thicker than the rest, and ’tis equally
obvious to the naked eye. This was the more effectually to secure it
from breaking. But this additional thickness they have put below. They
were sensible it would have produc’d an ill effect at top, by breaking
the line of that noble cincture. It must be own’d this was extremely
well adjusted. And the breadth of the stone that hangs over head in
this place is astonishing. See _Plate_ VII. call’d a peep into the
_sanctum sanctorum_. I had the greatest pleasure imaginable, in the
year 1723, _July_, in being here for several days together, with the
learned _Heneage_ Lord _Winchelsea_. I have just reason to boast of
that intimacy he indulg’d me in; and his memory must for ever be dear
to me, for his noble qualities. My Lord and I were very careful in
taking the measures of _Stonehenge_; and with great grief we observ’d,
the stones here represented in that _Plate_, and TAB. V. the front
view, to be much deviated forwards from their true perpendicular, and
in the utmost danger of falling. ’Tis to be fear’d some indiscreet
people have been digging about the great entrance, with ridiculous
hopes of finding treasure, and loosen’d thereby the chalky foundation.
We found by measure, that the upper edge of the impost overhangs no
less than 2 foot 7 inches, which is very considerable in a height of
18. The whole breadth at the foundation is but 3 foot and a half. And
this noble front is now chiefly kept up by the masonry of the mortaise
and tenon of the imposts.

Thro’ the middle of the principal entrance, runs the principal line of
the whole work; the diameter from north-east to south-west. This line
cuts the middle of the altar, length of the cell, the entrance, the
entrance into the court, and so runs down the middle of the avenue, to
the bottom of the valley for almost 2000 feet together. This is very
apparent to any one at first sight, and determines this for the only
principal entrance of the temple. All the other intervals of the stones
of the outer circle, have no preheminence in any respect. There is no
such thing as three entrances, which Mr. _Webb’s_ scheme suggests. He
might as well have pretended there are 6, for so many points of his
triangles meet in intervals, at the verge of the outer circle. Upon
this line are all the principal centers that compose the work, it
varies a small matter from true north-east.

The contrivance of our artificers in making mortaises and tenons,
between the upright stones and the imposts is admirable, but so
contrary to any practice of the _Romans_, that it alone is enough to
disqualify their claim to the work. Much judgment and good sense is
shewn in the management of them. The centers of the tenons are 2 cubits
distant from each other, upon each upright. By this means there is
4 cubits distance from the center of the tenon of one stone, to the
center of the tenon of its next neighbour, across the intervals, or in
one impost. Divide the upper face of an upright into its 2 squares, the
center of a tenon is in the center of that square. Divide the under
face of an impost, into its 3 squares, the correspondent mortaises are
in the centers of the two outermost squares, and this was the strict
geometrical method us’d by the founders: so that the stones fitted, as
soon as plac’d in their true situations. These tenons and mortaises
of this outer circle are round, and fit one another very aptly. The
tenons and mortaises, are 10 inches and a half in diameter, which is
3 palms, or half a cubit. They rather resemble half an egg, than an
hemisphere. These most effectually keep both uprights and imposts from
luxation, and they must have used great labour that threw them down.
Sir _Robert Sibbald_ speaks of a rocking stone in _Ireland_, contriv’d
with mortaise and tenon like ours: of which Mr. _Toland_ gives us an
account, with other like, the works of the Druids.

The whole height of upright and impost is 10 cubits and a half. The
uprights 9 cubits, the impost 1 cubit and a half, so that the impost is
a 6th part of the height of the upright. If we measure on the outside,
the collective breadth of two upright stones, and the interval between
them, ’tis 10 cubits and a half equal to the whole height; and the
interval is half the breadth of a stone, the thickness of a stone is
half its breadth. That impost which lies over the grand entrance,
we said, was deeper and longer than the rest. _Abraham Sturges_ an
architect, and myself measured it, in presence of Lord _Winchelsea_.
Its middle length is 11 feet 10 inches, which is 6 cubits 4 palms;
2 foot 11 inches high, which is 1 cubit 4 palms. They have likewise
added a little to its breadth, more than the rest, being 3 foot 9
inches, which is 2 cubits and a palm. _N. B._ The scale of my drawing
is adapted for the inside of the circle, upon which the proportions in
geometry are built: so that the outward breadths of the uprights and
lengths of the imposts are somewhat more, than by the scale appears
there. The intelligent reader knows this must be the consequence, in
arks of a larger circle.

[Illustration: _P. 18._ TAB. X.

_South-East Prospect from Stonehenge_

_Stukeley delin._  _Smith sculp_]

Nothing in nature could be of a more simple idea than this vast circle
of stones, and its crown-work or _corona_ at top; and yet its effect
is truly majestic and venerable, which is the main requisite in sacred
structures. A single stone is a thing worthy of admiration, but the
boldness and great relievo of the whole _compages_, can only be rightly
apprehended, from view of the original. On the outside, the imposts
are rounded a little to humour the curvity of the circle, and within
they are strait, tho’ they ought to be a little curv’d. This makes
them somewhat broader in the middle, than at the end, and broader
than the 2 cubits, which is the thickness of the upright stones, upon
an ichnography. So that within, the crown-work makes a polygon of 30
sides. But this little artifice without debasing the beauty of the
work in the least, adds much strength to the whole, and to the imposts
in particular. We may guess their proportions are well chose, when so
many of them are thrown down by violence, and not broke in the fall.
And their greater breadth in the middle, or that part that covers the
intervals, adds to the solemnity of the place, by the shadow they
present at the bottom. The whole affair of jointing in this building
is very curious, and seems to be the oldest and only specimen of this
kind of work in the world. There is nothing, that I know of, comes
in competition with it, but the celebrated ruins at _Persepolis_.
TAB. XXXV. It is compos’d of great stones laid across one another, as
_Stonehenge_: but not with mortaise and tenon. The vulgar and learned
too, generally take it for the remains of the palace of the _Persian_
monarchs, burnt by _Alexander_ the great; but it is really an open
temple like ours, and made much in the same manner. But the stones are
well squar’d, ornamented with mouldings and carvings, and the whole of
them are squares, not round works as here. _Persepolis_ is a mixture,
between the ancient patriarchal round form of open temples, and the
square form introduc’d under the _Jewish_ dispensation, in opposition
to the former, which were generally degenerated into idolatrous
purposes. But of this I shall speak more perhaps hereafter, when I
treat of the most ancient temples.

Of the outer circle at _Stonehenge_ which in its perfection consisted
of 60 stones, 30 uprights and 30 imposts, there are more than half
the uprights, _viz._ 17 left standing. 11 of these uprights remain,
continuous, by the grand entrance, five imposts upon them. One upright
at the back of the temple or on the south-west, leans upon a stone of
the inner circle. There are six more lying upon the ground, whole or
in pieces. So that 24 out of 30 are still visible at the place. There
is but one impost more in its proper place. And but two lying upon the
ground, so that 22 are carried off. Hence I infer, this temple was not
defac’d when christianity prevailed. But some rude and sacrilegious
hands carried the stones away for other uses. However it cannot but be
the highest pleasure imaginable to a regular mind, to walk round and
contemplate the stately ruins which I have endeavour’d to preserve in
the outside views, such as TAB. XIII. from the south-west, and so of
the rest. But we may say with _Lucan_,

    _Jam magis atque magis præceps agit omnia fatum._




                               CHAP. IV.

  _Of the lesser circle of stones, without imposts. A disputation
    against Mr._ Webb.


Many drawings have been made and publish’d, of _Stonehenge_. But
they are not done in a scientific way, so as may prove any point,
or improve our understanding in the work. I have therefore drawn
four architectonic orthographies: one, TAB. XII. is of the front and
outside: three are different sections upon the two principal diameters
of the work. These will for ever preserve the memory of the thing,
when the ruins even of these ruins are perish’d; because from them and
the ground-plot, at any time, an exact model may be made. TAB. XIV,
XV, XVI. these orthographies show the primary intent of the founders;
they are the designs, which the Druids made, before they put the work
in execution. And by comparing them with the drawings correspondent,
of the ruins, we gain a just idea of the place, when it was in its
perfection. But now as we are going to enter into the building, it
will be proper again to survey the ground-plot, TAB. XI. which is so
different from that publish’d by Mr. _Webb_. Instead of an imaginary
hexagon, we see a most noble and beautiful ellipsis, which composes the
cell, as he names it, I think _adytum_ a proper word. There is nothing
like it, to my knowledge, in all antiquity; and ’tis an original
invention of our Druids, an ingenious contrivance to relax the inner
and more sacred part, where they perform’d their religious offices.
The two outward circles do not hinder the sight, but add much to the
solemnity of the place and the duties, by the crebrity and variety of
their intervals. They that were within, when it was in perfection,
would see a most notable effect produc’d by this elliptical figure,
included in a circular _corona_, having a large hemisphere of the
heavens for its covering.

Somewhat more than 8 feet inward, from the inside of this exterior
circle, is another circle of much lesser stones. In the measure of
the Druids ’tis five cubits. This circle was made by a radius of 24
cubits, drawn from the common centers of the work. This struck in the
chalk the line of the circumference wherein they set these stones.
The stones that compose it are 40 in number, forming with the outward
circle (as it were) a circular portico: a most beautiful walk, and of
a pretty effect. Somewhat of the beauty of it may be seen in _Plate_
XVII. where, at present, ’tis most perfect. We are impos’d on, in Mr.
_Webb_’s scheme, where he places only 30 stones equal to the number
of the outer circle, the better to humour his fancy of the dipteric
aspect, p. 76. He is for persuading us, this is a _Roman_ work compos’d
from a mixture of the plainness and solidness of the Tuscan order,
with the delicacy of the Corinthian. That in aspect ’tis _dipteros
hypæthros_, that in manner ’tis _pycnostylos_; which when apply’d
to our antiquity, is no better than playing with words. For suppose
this inner circle consisted of only 30 stones, and they set as in his
scheme, upon the same _radius_, as those of the outer: what conformity
has this to a portico properly, to an order, _tuscan_, _corinthian_
or any other, what similitude is there between these stones and a
column? where one sort is square oblong, the other opposite (by his own
account) pyramidal. Of what order is a column, or rather a pilaster,
where its height is little more than twice its diameter? Where is the
base, the shaft, the capital, or any thing that belongs to a pillar,
pillaster or portico? the truth and fact is this. The inner circle
has 40 stones in it. Whence few or none but those two intervals upon
the principal diameter, happen precisely to correspond with those of
the outer circle. Whereby a much better effect is produc’d, than if
the case had been as _Webb_ would have it. For a regularity there,
would have been trifling and impertinent. Again, Mr. _Webb_ makes
these stones pyramidal in shape, without reason. They are truly flat
parallelograms, as those of the outer circle. He says, p. 59. they
are one foot and a half in breadth, but they are twice as much. Their
general and designed proportion is 2 cubits, or two cubits and a half,
as they happen’d to find suitable stones. A radius of 23 cubits strikes
the inner circumference: of 24 the outer. They are, as we said before,
a cubit thick, and 4 cubits and a half in height, which is above 7
foot. This was their stated proportion, being every way the half of the
outer uprights. Such seems to have been the original purpose of the
founders, tho’ ’tis not very precise, neither in design, nor execution.
In some places, the stones are broader than the intervals, in some
otherwise: so that in the ground-plot I chose to mark them as equal,
each 2 cubits and a half. There are scarce any of these intire, as to
all these dimensions; but from all, and from the symmetry of these
_Celtic_ kind of works, which I have been conversant in, I found this
to be the intention of the authors. ’Tis easy for any one to satisfy
themselves, they never were pyramidal; for behind the upper end of the
_adytum_, there are three or four left, much broader than thick, above
twice; and not the least semblance of a pyramid. I doubt not but he
means an obelisk, to which they might some of them possibly be likened,
but not at all to a pyramid. Nor indeed do I imagine any thing of an
obelisk was in the founders view; but the stones diminish a little
upward, as common reason dictates they ought to do. Nor need we bestow
the pompous words of either pyramid, or obelisk upon them. For they
cannot be said to imitate, either one or other, in shape, use, much
less magnitude: the chief thing to be regarded, in a comparison of this
sort. The central distance between these stones of the inner circle,
measured upon their outward circumference, is 4 cubits. I observe
further, that the two stones of the principal entrance of this circle,
correspondent to that of the outer circle, are broader and taller,
and set at a greater distance from each other, being rather more than
that of the principal entrance in the outer circle. It is evident too,
that they are set somewhat more inward than the rest; so as that their
outward face stands on the line that marks the inner circumference of
the inner circle. I know no reason for all this, unless it be, that
the outside of these two stones, is the outside of the hither end of
the ellipsis of the _adytum_: for so it corresponds by measure upon
the ground-plot. This is apparent, that they eminently point out the
principal entrance of that circle, which is also the entrance into
the _adytum_. For five stones on this hand, and five on that, are as
it were the _cancelli_ between the _sanctum_ and _sanctum sanctorum_,
if we may use such expressions. ’Tis scarce worth mentioning to the
reader, that there never were any imposts over the heads of these
stones of the inner circle. They are sufficiently fasten’d into the
ground. Such would have been no security to them, no ornament. They are
of a harder kind of stone than the rest, as they are lesser; the better
to resist violence.

[Illustration: _P. 20._ TAB. XI.

_The Geometrical Ground plot of STONEHENGE_

_Viro doctissimo et Britan̄icæ Antiquitatis peritissimo ROGERO GALE Ar̄.
Geometriæ CELTICÆ specimen dedicat W Stukeley 1723_

_W Stukeley delin_  _Harris sculp_]

There are but nineteen of the whole number left; but eleven of them are
standing _in situ_. There are five in one place standing contiguous,
three in another, two in another. The walk between these two circles,
which is 300 foot in circumference, is very noble and very delightful.
Probably it gave _Inigo Jones_ the idea of designing that fine circular
portico, which is one great beauty, among many, in his drawings
for _White-hall_, publish’d lately from the originals by my Lord
_Burlington_; who has a true notion of the extraordinary merit of that
great man: and very commendably has reviv’d his memory. Such a circular
portico put in execution, would have a marvellous effect, much exceed a
common gallery in use, because ’tis a perpetual walk, without turning
back, and well becomes a royal residence. The best view of this sort,
to be had from our work, is from the north, as in TAB. XVII. the reader
cannot but observe, how little pretence here is for an imitation of
_Greek_ or _Roman_ portico’s, notwithstanding the grand and agreeable
curve of the outward circle. But when we see the disproportion of
the inner circle in regard to any purpose of this sort, we must own
the invention of _Hermogenes_ in contriving the _pseudo-dipteros_, is
here apply’d with an ill grace. The founders of _Stonehenge_ cou’d
have no need of make-shifts for want of room on _Salisbury_ plain. Or
how could a concentric row of little stones, or pillars if he will
so have it, bear any resemblance to the contrivance of _Hermogenes_,
which consisted in having none; in taking away the whole inner row of
pillars, so as to add to the convenience of room, and preserve the
aspect, at the same time? Most undoubtedly the Druids had no further
meaning in it, than to make use of the even numbers of 30 greater
stones, and 40 lesser stones; and this was to produce a more perplexed
variety, by the interstices having no regard to one another. So far
were they from having a notion of _Grecian_ beauty, in the pillars of
circular portico’s being set on the same _radius_; pillar answering to
pillar, intercolumniation to intercolumniation. And this will be shown
repeatedly in the progress of this work, to be the common practice of
the Druids in other like instances.

But when we consider the cell, as Mr. _Webb_ names it, we find him
guilty of great disingenuity, in ill conceiving the form of it, and
in distorting his ground-plots, to colour it over the better. The
minute you enter this _adytum_, as in TAB. XVIII. you discover ’tis
not a hexagon, nor ever was intended for one, and there can be no
greater absurdity than to imagine it one. It is in truth compos’d of
certain _compages_ of stones, which I shall call _trilithons_, because
made, each of two upright stones, with an impost at top: and there
are manifestly 5 of these _trilithons_ remaining. But the naked eye
easily discovers, they are very far from making 5 sides of a hexagon.
They cannot be brought to any approach, of a truly circular polygon.
3 _trilithons_ of the 5 are remaining entire, 2 are ruin’d indeed, in
some measure, but the stones remain _in situ_. And nothing is easier,
than to take the ground-plot, from symmetry and correspondency. We
see the two _trilithons_ on the wings or sides of the _adytum_,
are set almost in a strait line, one of another; when in a hexagon
form, they ought to make a considerable angle. If you examine them
trigonometrically, the true angle of an hexagon is 120 degrees, but
here is an angle of near 150. And by making it an hexagon, he supposes
one _trilithon_ entirely gone, _that_ nearest the grand entrance, when
there is not the least appearance that ever there were such stones
there. No cavity in the earth, no stump or fragment visible, nor is
it easy to imagine, how 3 stones of so vast a bulk could have been
clean carried away, either whole or in pieces. There is no room for
them to have been carried away whole, no traces of their having been
thrown down, broke in pieces and so carried away. This outer side of
the work being the most perfect of the whole. Of the ruins of the other
_trilithons_, there is not the least part wanting. What has been thrown
down and broke, remains upon the spot. But this _trilithon_ in dispute,
must needs have been spirited away, by nothing less than _Merlin’s_
magic, which erected it, as the monks fable. Besides, if it were still
standing, it would be very far from making this _adytum_ a regular
hexagon, to which he has accommodated his _peripteros_ scheme: p. 87.
Further, granting it was a regular hexagon, it would be very far from
corresponding with that scheme, or have the least appearance, of its
being taken from such a one. For our editor there, has converted the
cell quite from the nature of that at _Stonehenge_. He has made the
upper end of his cell at the letter H opposite to the grand entrance G,
not a _trilithon_ as it is notoriously at _Stonehenge_, but an angular
interval between 2 _trilithons_. It is not the side of the figure,
but the angle. Whereas it is most notorious at _Stonehenge_, that the
upper end of the _adytum_ opposite to the grand entrance, and to the
whole length of the avenue and entrance between it and the _area_,
is a _trilithon_; not an angle or interval. And that _trilithon_ is
exceeding stately, tho’ in ruins, one of the upright stones being
fallen, the other leaning. So that here, we have the cell converted
full a 6th part of the whole compass, from its true and original
situation, and so in all the schemes of Mr. _Webb’s_ book, not one
excepted. In that, for instance, _Scheme_ I, p. 56, the high altar is
plac’d at D not against a _trilithon_, as it ought to be, opposite
to the grand entrance in the front of the temple, and to the (only)
entrance below, into the _area_, but against an angle between two. If
then you suppose that hexagon remov’d back a 6th part, so as that a
_trilithon_ be set behind the high altar, as it is really in the thing
its self, and upon the principal diameter of the whole work: then this
absurd consequence follows, that the opposite _trilithon_ of the cell
stands in the very midst of the entrance into the cell, upon the same
principal ground-line or diameter of the work, and quite obstructs the
view and entrance into it. It is altogether as ridiculous, as if a dead
wall was built under St. _Paul’s_ organ-loft, which is and ought to be
the chief entrance into the choir. Besides, by _Webb’s_ ground-plots
and uprights, it seems as if, when you entered this _adytum_, there
were 3 _trilithons_ on the right, and 3 on the left, whereas it is most
obvious, there are but two on the right, and two on the left; when you
advance into it, the orderly way, from the north-east grand entrance
of the avenue; which he himself p. 55. owns to be the principal. But
I am tired of so ungrateful a talk, which necessity alone could have
extorted from me.

[Illustration: _P. 22._ TAB. XII.

_The Orthography of Stonehenge_]




                               CHAP. V.

  _Of the cell or_ adytum _of_ Stonehenge. _Of the_ Surgeons
    _amphitheater_, London.


Disputations become cloisters and porticoe’s. Let us now with minds
free from passion, enter the _adytum_ with an intent to find out its
true figure, to examine what it really was, and what it is. And that
may easily be done, because (as I said before) as to the _trilithons_
of which it is chiefly compos’d, they are all remaining. Not a bit is
lost, but what mischievous and silly people knock off with hammers, to
see whether, as the wretched vulgar notion would have it, the stones
be factitious. TAB. XVIII. is a design of it, which I made sitting in
the center of the grand entrance in the inner circle. This point is
properly the door-way or entrance into the _adytum_, as a wicket or
little door, whilst the jambs of the hithermost _trilithons_ present
themselves, as the greater door, of above 40 feet wide, 25 cubits.
I observe in the old _Greek_ story, many footsteps of the primitive
patriarchal way left in their sacred structures, which are parallels to
this work before us, and others of our Druids. For instance, _Pausanias
in atticis_ speaks of a temple dedicate to _Venus_, in the front of
which, is a wall (as he calls it) built of rude stones. Nevertheless he
concludes it to be a very famous work. One may very well imagine, this
wall of rude stones is the remnant of some such old work as ours, left
for the sacred regard the people had to it, even after art was risen
to great height, together with superstition and idolatry. For that the
most ancient _Greeks_ had very little of idolatry, any more than our
Druids, I shall show when I discourse on that head. Again: the more
sacred part of the temple at _Hierapolis_ answering to our _Adytum_,
had no door, tho’ none enter’d therein but the chief priests. _Lucian
de deâ Syria._ I suppose it was in imitation of the ancient usage,
without doors to shut or open, as our temple here. For the ancients
thought it wrong, to confine the deity, as it were, within any cover’d
place: ’till _Moses_, by God’s direction, made a tabernacle cover’d
with skins, which was to adumbrate the Messiah Son of God, who was
to be cloathed with out nature. And _Solomon_’s temple was built in
imitation of this tabernacle. But before that, the ancients meant no
more by temples, or altars, as they were first call’d, than a certain
known and conspicuous place, ornamented in a particular manner, that
should mark out a _kebla_, or a place towards which we are to address
the Deity, and that for uniformity sake. As the _Turks_ and _Arabians_
do now, who are the descendants of _Ishmael_, and had this custom
from _Abraham_. Tho’ the supreme Being be omnipresent, yet for our
convenience, where time, place, and such kind of circumstances are
necessary to a public action, he would have, as it were, the place of
his presence made notorious. As in the _Jewish_ dispensation he did in
a most extraordinary manner, by the _shechinah_. And from _Solomon_’s
temple, all the rest of the world borrow’d the fashion of temples,
properly so call’d, built magnificently and with roofs. For the sacred
houses mention’d in scripture before then, were only little chapels,
shrines, like our Druids _kistvaens_, which sometime they carried
about in a cart, sometime were fix’d in cities, for publick use; as
_Beth Dagon_, and the like. These were but _kistvaens_ improv’d,
niches turn’d into _sacella_, in imitation of two or three stones in
_Abraham_’s altars, which we may well call the _kebla_, and find many
of them among our Druid antiquities.

The cell is form’d by a radius of 12 cubits and a half, from the two
centers _a_ and _b_, as to the inward curve; the outward takes a radius
of 15 cubits; for these stones are two cubits and a half thick. The two
circles are turn’d into an oval, by a radius of 30 cubits, (after the
usual manner) set in the two centers _c_ and _d_, where the two circles
intersect. The former centers are 12 cubits and a half distant from
each other, the length of the radius. The same oval is obtain’d by a
string of 60 cubits, the ends ty’d together, and turn’d round upon two
centers, according to the gardiners method. An oval form’d as this is,
upon two centers coinciding with each other’s circumference; or, which
is the same thing, whose centers are distant from each other the length
of their radius, is most natural and most beautiful, being the shape
of an egg. Most probably these religious philosophers had a meaning,
in thus including an egg-like figure, within a circle, more than mere
affectation of variety. Whatever that was, we may reasonably conclude,
that from the method in antiquity, of making the _kebla_ of a curved
figure, the christians borrowed theirs of turning the east end of their
churches in that manner; and that the Druids in the work before us,
have produc’d the noblest _kistvaen_ or _kebla_ that is known.

My purpose in drawing many prickt lines upon the plate, is not
difficult to be understood. Nor does it require particular
explanations. To avoid affectation or tediousness, I leave them to
the readers amusement: only observe, that Mr. _Webb’s_ equilateral
triangles have no hand in forming the cell. The intent of it is
very distant from a regular polygon. But that it is incomparably
more beautiful; than such a one would have render’d it. It is as a
magnificent niche 27 cubits long, and as much broad, measuring in the
widest place.

This part is call’d Σηκος or _concha templi_ and _adytum_, into which,
we may suppose, none but the upper order of priests, together with the
high-priest, were commonly to enter, during the time of ministration,
in religious rites. We may imagine the beauty of the appearance here
upon those occasions, when an innumerable company of the Druids
assisted, all in white surplices. The center of the excentricity of
this oval is but three cubits nearer the entrance, than the center of
the whole work. And they have cut off but one _trilithon_, which they
make the opening of the _adytum_; meeting the eye to great advantage,
from the grand entrance. By the aforesaid contrivance, there is left a
space of five cubits between the jambs of the opening of the _adytum_,
and the inner circle in front, just the same as is between the inner
and outer circle. The inner circle there performing the office of
_cancelli_ to it, as we observ’d before. If a choir of this form was
put in practice, and executed by a masterly hand, it would have a very
extraordinary effect, and perhaps excel the too similar concave of
a cupola. Our Druids had undoubtedly such a notion, in placing this
within a circle. And for the sake of this, they turn’d the two circles
into a smaller species of an ellipsis.

[Illustration: _P. 24._ TAB XIII.

_Stukeley. delin._  _G. Vander Gucht Senl._

_Prospect of_ STONEHENGE _from the Southwest_.]

There’s a Druid antiquity like our _adytum_ in shape, call’d _Eglwys
Glominog_, on the top of _Arennig vaur_ in _Lhanykil_ parish,
_Merionydhshire_, but made of a continued wall. The ancients thought
the world of an egg-like shape, and as the world is the temple of the
Deity, they judg’d it proper to form their temples, so as to have a
resemblance thereto. The ancient hieroglyphic of the Deity is a circle,
and I have reason to believe it more ancient than the flood. _Plato_,
who learnt much from the ancestors of our Druids, says in _Diogenes
Laertius_, that God is spherical, which he must mean hieroglyphically.
So our Druids, as well as he, may mean the infinity of nature in the
Deity, who made the world, by this scheme of _Stonehenge_; at least
they understand by the circle, the seat and residence of the Deity, the
heavens, which include all things.

It seems to me, that _Inigo Jones_ from this _adytum_ projected the
plan of the _Surgeons_ theatre in _London_, a fabric for seeing
and hearing much admired by all good judges. And which my Lord
_Burlington_, out of a spirit truly noble, and a great love for the
architect’s memory, has lately repair’d, with his own charges and
excellent skill. I find the _Surgeons_ theatre (or rather amphitheatre)
is form’d from the same proportion as our _adytum_, the transverse and
conjugate diameters being as 4 to 3, _viz._ 40 foot and 30 foot. And
this appears to me a strong presumption, that _Inigo Jones_ did not
make the ground-plot of _Stonehenge_, publish’d under his name. The
_Surgeons_ amphitheatre is a good deal less than our cell.

Such is the noble and easy geometry of the _adytum_ of _Stonehenge_.
The stones that compose it, are really stupendous, their height,
breadths and thickness are enormous, and to see so many of them plac’d
together, in a nice and critical figure, with exactness; to consider,
as it were, not a pillar of one stone, but a whole wall, a side, an end
of a temple of one stone; to view them curiously, creates such a motion
in the mind, which words can’t express. One very remarkable particular
in the construction of this _adytum_, has escaped all observers: which
is this. As this part is compos’d of _trilithons_ (as I before call
them) sett two and two on each side, and one right before; they rise in
height and beauty of the stones, from the lower end of the _adytum_,
to the upper end. My meaning is this. The two hithermost _trilithons_
corresponding, or those next the grand entrance, on the right hand,
and on the left are exceeded in height, by the two next in order; and
those are exceeded by the _trilithon_ behind the altar, in the upper
end of this choir. So that in laying down the measures of the parts,
that compose this place, the reader must be content to take my word.
Mr. _Webb’s_ measures cannot be precise in all of them, seeing he knew
nothing of this particular; and that his notion of an hexagon, is
contradicted by it, as well as by fact. “He says p. 60. the stones of
the greater hexagon seven foot and a half in breadth, three foot nine
inches thick, and twenty foot high, each stone having one tenon in the
middle.” His measure of seven foot and a half in breadth, only shews
the vastness of the stones, it is no precise measure, for the founders
regarded not any preciseness in their breadth: because two together
were design’d to make a _compages_, whereon to set the impost, and this
I call a _trilithon_. Each _trilithon_ stands by its self, independant
of its neighbour, not as the stones and imposts of the outer circle,
link’d together in a continued _corona_, by the imposts carried quite
round. Indeed the breadth of a stone at bottom is seven feet and a
half, which is 4 cubits and a half. Two stones therefore amount to nine
cubits, and there is a cubit of interval between them, making in the
whole ten cubits. But they were not careful of the particulars, only of
the whole, in one of these _compages_ or _trilithons_.

The stones of the cell are made to diminish very much, towards the
top, most apparently with a design, to take off from their weight,
and render them what we call top-heavy, in a less degree. Hence the
interval between the two upright stones of the _compages_ widens so
much upwards. This must certainly contribute very much, to their
stability. In assigning 20 foot for their height, Mr. _Webb_ has
well taken the _medium_. A very small matter more than 20 feet makes
exactly 12 cubits of the _Hebrews_, _Egyptians_ and Druids. The reader
remembers the proportion I assign’d between the _English_ foot and this
cubit. 20 inches and ⅘ make a cubit, therefore 20 feet and ⅘ make 12
cubits. The true case as to the height of the _trilithons_, is thus
respectively, and which may be seen in TAB. XV. with the harmony and
symmetry, in the proportion of the whole. We may observe their gradual
rising in height, all from the same base, like pillars of higher orders
and more diameters. But the intelligent reader must needs see, that
our founders never had sight of _Greek_ or _Roman_ pillars, and never
pretended to imitate them, or take any one idea from them. And of these
three different orders or degrees of altitude, in these _trilithons_,
one exceeds the other by a cubit. So that their heights respectively
are 13 cubits, 14 cubits, 15 cubits.

The imposts of these _trilithons_ are all of the same height. Mr.
_Webb_ p. 61. “informs us, the architrave lying on the top of the great
stones of the hexagon and mortaised also into them sixteen foot long, 3
foot 9 inches broad, 3 foot 4 inches high.” Mr. _Webb’s_ 16 foot long,
is too scanty, it amounting to 9 cubits and 2 palms, but the intent
of the founders was to make these imposts equal both in length and
breadth to the foundation of the upright stones that supports them, I
mean the two stones at bottom, the sustaining part of the _compages_,
which in its whole breadth makes 10 cubits; and 10 cubits long the
imposts are to be assign’d. Most certainly whoever undertake to measure
them, whether from those fallen on the ground, or still in their proper
place, will be apt to fail in giving them just length. Both because 1.
’tis observable that these imposts are form’d somewhat broader upwards,
than in their bottom part; but this may not be taken notice of by every
one. This was done very judiciously upon an optical principle, which
it is plain the founders were aware of. For a stone of so considerable
an elevation, by this means only, presents its whole face in view.
Therefore they that measure it at bottom will not take its true length.
2. If they take the dimension, either from a stone still in its proper
place, or from one fallen down, they will be very liable to shorten the
measure. For in the first case, the upper edge of these imposts, must
needs have suffer’d from the weather, in so elevated an exposure, thro’
the space of 2000 years. It is very apparent they have suffered not a
little. Large and deep furrows of age are visible all around them. But
if they measure those fallen, they must well imagine such have doubly
suffered, from weather, and from the people every day diminishing all
corners and edges, to carry pieces away with them. So that in this
case, analogy and symmetry only can supply these defeats. Thus we found
before, that the breadth of the imposts of the outer circle is equal to
their ichnographical breadth: so it is here, being 10 cubits. Besides,
the outer face of these imposts is longer than the inner, as being
in the larger circle. Therefore ten cubits is to be understood their
medium measure.

[Illustration: _P. 26._ TAB. XIIII.

_The orthographical Section of Stonehenge upon the Cross diameter._]

Mr. _Webb_ gives it as a general measure, that they are 3 foot 9 inches
broad. He has before told us, the uprights which support them were 3
foot 9 thick; take that twice, it makes 7 foot and a half, which he
assigns for the breadth, of the uprights. This is all just within a
trifle, and it is not expected that he who was not aware of the cubit,
by which these works were made, should do it with greater accuracy. The
truth of the whole is this: _Webb_’s 7 foot and half is 4 cubits and a
half, as we said before; the half of it is 3 foot 9, and a very little
more. But this must be taken for the least breadth of the imposts,
that at the ends. For in the middle they are somewhat broader. Tho’
the inside faces are strait, yet, as we observ’d, in proper place, of
the imposts of the outer circle; so here, they are rounded behind:
their outer circumference answering to the great oval upon which they
are founded. So likewise their ends are made upon a _radius_ of that
oval, whence the inner face of the impost is somewhat shorter than the
outer, and is another reason why their lengths may easily be taken
somewhat too short. I have drawn the imposts in their true shape in
the ground-plot. The artifice of the tenons and mortaises of these
_trilithons_ and their imposts, what conformity they bear to that of
the outer circle, is exceedingly pretty, every thing being done truly
geometrical, and as would best answer every purpose, from plain and
simple principles. In the bottom face of the impost, if divided into
three squares, the two mortaises are made in the middle of the two
outermost squares. Draw diagonal lines from corner to corner; where
they intersect, is the center of the mortaise; which central distance
from one to the other, is seven cubits of the Druid measure. Each tenon
is a cubit broad upon its longest diameter, for they are of an oval
figure. An admirable contrivance, that the imposts should lie firm
upon the heads of the uprights, and keep the uprights steady in their
places, to strengthen and adorn. We may remark this pretty device, in
the management of the tenons and mortaises. Cut an egg across upon its
shortest diameter or conjugate; one half thereof represents the shape
of the tenons of the outer circle. Cut it across upon its transverse
diameter, one half is the shape of the tenons of the _adytum_. ’Tis
evident the meaning of it is this. The tenons of the outer circle are
higher in proportion, than the others, because the imposts are less
and lower than the others, and on both accounts more liable to be
disturb’d, either by accident or violence, than the others: therefore
more caution is us’d for their preservation. This is an instance of
art, noble and simple withal. Mr. _Webb_ says the imposts are 3 foot 4
inches high, which is precisely 2 cubits, a sixth part of the height of
the _medium_ order of _trilithons_; as the imposts of the outer circle
are a sixth part of the height of the stones of the outer circle. The
medium order of _trilithons_ is above 24 foot high, _i. e._ 14 cubits.
The lower order is 13 cubits, _viz._ those next the entrance. The upper
_trilithon_ behind the altar was 15 cubits. Each rising a cubit higher
than the other, as we before observ’d.

I promis’d to show the reader what _Stonehenge_ is, and what it
was. The latter, I presume, is done in the four prints, TAB. XII,
XIV, XV, XVI. being geometric orthographical sections of the whole
work, all necessary ways, such as architects prepare in design, when
they set about a building. ’Tis wholly needless to spend many words
in explaining them. What the work is, of our _adytum_ at present,
is shown in the subsequent prints, TAB. XVIII, XXI, XXII. The Vth
corresponds with the XIIth. The one shows the front of the temple when
in perfection, the other as now in ruins. The XVIth may be compar’d
with XIX and XX. all presenting a view from the _adytum_ toward the
entrance. TAB. XVIII. is a contrary view, when one standing by the
entrance, looks toward the _adytum_. The same is presented in _Plate_
VII. which I call a peep into the _sanctum sanctorum_. XXII. is the
same, but a little oblique. This plate shows at present, what the
XIVth does in its original. _Plate_ XV and XXI. correspond, showing
the _adytum_ on one side, in its perfect, and in its ruinous state.
Particularly they explain, what I spoke of, as to the orderly rising of
the _trilithons_ in height, one above another, from the lower end to
the upper end of the _adytum_. TAB. XXII. illustrates it, by exhibiting
to view, the other and most perfect side of the _adytum_. ’Tis an
oblique prospect of it, from the entrance.

The quantity of the solid is well adjusted, in proportioning the
stone-work of this _adytum_, to the intervals upon the ichnography.
Each _trilithon_ is 10 cubits, and each interval about 6. The jambs,
or _vacuum_ of the entry expand themselves to 25 cubits, which is
about 43 feet. From which measure my Lord _Pembroke_ demonstrated the
falsity of _Webb_’s hexagonal scheme, when his Lordship first did me
the honour to discourse about _Stonehenge_. In Mr. _Webb_’s designs, we
find two jambs (taking one _trilithon_ away) expand but little above
31 feet, by his own scales. Tho’ I don’t pretend, but that some of my
foregoing measures, may here and there possibly vary a little, upon
a very strict trial, and where proper judgment is not us’d, because
the stones in some parts may protuberate, or great parts of them may
have fallen off; yet 10 foot difference from truth cannot be allow’d
of. In the _Plates_ XIX and XX. observe the inside of that upright
stone, which makes the northern jamb of the chief entrance of the
outer circle. A very great piece is fallen off towards the top, which
discovers its tenon and the mortaise of the impost above it. And in
the management of such prodigious stones as these are, fix’d in the
ground, and ramm’d too like posts: ’tis not to be wonder’d at, if by
chance we find some little variation. Tho’ for my own part, I observ’d
none; rather wonder’d, how it was possible for them, without lewices
and the like devices, to set them in their places to such preciseness.
And the reader, whose mind has receiv’d no prepossession, cannot but
be abundantly satisfy’d, that the multitude of measures I have given
from Mr. _Webb_’s own account, are perfectly agreeable to the scale
of cubits, deduc’d from works of the _Egyptians_ and others: and that
in round and full numbers, not trifling fractions. If we collate
the numbers given, with the _Roman_ scale, the measures appear very
ridiculous and without design; and that is a sure way of confuting the
opinion, of its being a _Roman_ work. But as these stones are generally
rough, and by time must suffer in all dimensions, ’tis not practical to
take their true measure, without necessary judgment, and relation had
to symmetry.

Of these greater stones of the _adytum_, as I observed before, there
are none wanting. They are all on the spot, 10 upright stones, 5
cornishes. The _trilithon_ first on the left hand is entire _in situ_,
but vastly decay’d, especially the cornish. There are such deep holes
corroded, in some places, that daws make their nests in them. The
next _trilithon_ on the left hand, is entire, compos’d of three most
beautiful stones. The cornish happen’d to be of a very durable kind
of _English_ marble, and has not been much impair’d by weather. My
Lord _Winchelsea_ and myself took a considerable walk on the top of
it, but it was a frightful situation. The _trilithon_ of the upper end
of the _adytum_, was an extraordinary beauty. But alas through the
indiscretion probably, of some body digging there, between them and the
altar, the noble impost is dislodg’d from its airy seat, and fallen
upon the altar, where its huge bulk lies unfractur’d.

    _Recidit in solidam longo post tempore, terram
    Pondus, & exhibuit junctam cum viribus artem._       Ovid _Met._

The two uprights that supported it are the most delicate stones of
the whole work. They were, I believe, above 30 foot long, and well
chizell’d, finely taper’d and proportion’d in their dimensions. That
southward is broke in two, lying upon the altar. The other still stands
entire, but leans upon one of the stones of the inward oval.

    _Jamjam lapsura cadentique
    Imminet assimilis_——————

The root-end or unhewn part of both, are rais’d somewhat above ground.
We cannot be sure of the true height of this, when it was perfect: but
I am sure 15 cubits, which I have assign’d, is the lowest. The next
_trilithon_, _that_ toward the west, is intire, except that some of the
end of the impost is fallen clean off, and all the upper edge is
very much diminish’d by time. As _Lucretius_ says,

        ————_Minui rem quamque videmus,
    Et quasi longinquo fluere omnia cernimus ævo,
    Ex oculisque, vetustatem, subducere nostris._

[Illustration: _P. 28._ TAB. XV.

_The Orthographic Section of Stonehenge upon the Chief diameter_]

The last _trilithon_, that on the right hand of the entrance into the
_adytum_, has suffer’d much. The outer upright being the jamb of the
entrance, is still standing, the other upright and impost are both
fallen forwards into the _adytum_, and broke each into three pieces. I
suppose from digging near it. But from one piece of the impost lying
loose, in the middle, between the jambs of the _adytum_, Mr. _Webb_ in
the plan of his ruins of _Stonehenge_ (being his 6th _Scheme_) forms
the remains of his imaginary 6th _trilithon_, supposing it one of the
stones of the inner or lesser hexagon, as he calls it. Yet if this
fragment was really a stump of such a stone, as he would have it, still
it would not create an hexagonal form of the cell, but stand just in
the middle of the entrance, and block it up in a very absurd, unseemly,
and incommodious a manner. And nothing can be more certain, than that
there never was such a thing in being. That stone of the _trilithon_
which is standing, has a cavity in it which two or three persons may
sit in, worn by the weather.

_Stonehenge_ is compos’d of two circles and two ovals, respectively
concentric. At the distance of two cubits inward from the greater oval,
describe another lesser oval, on which the stones of the inner oval
are to stand: 19 stones in number, at about the central distance of
3 cubits. This lesser oval is to be describ’d by a string and the 2
centers, as before. Or by 2 circles from a 10 cubit _radius_, and the
2 centers _a_ and _b_, as of the other before was spoken. Mr. _Webb_
says, p. 60, “the stones of the hexagon within, 2 foot 6 inches in
breadth, one foot and a half thick and 8 foot high, in form pyramidal.”
His two foot and a half is our cubit and half, for the breadth of these
stones; being but a third of the breadth of the stones of the greater
oval. And the interval between stone and stone, the same. Their height
is likewise unequal, as the _trilithons_, for they rise in height as
nearer the upper end of the _adytum_. Mr. _Webb_’s 8 foot assign’d, is
a good _medium_ measure, for it is just 4 cubits and 4 palms, the third
part of the height of the _medium trilithon_. From the ruins of those
left, we may well suppose, the first next the entrance and lowest were
4 cubits high; the most advanc’d height behind the altar might be five
cubits, and perhaps more. The stones are somewhat of what Mr. _Webb_
calls a pyramidal form, meaning that of an _Egyptian_ obelisk, for they
taper a little upwards. They are of a much harder sort than the other
stones, as we spoke before, in the lesser circle. The founders provided
that their lesser bulk should be compensated in solidity. They were
brought somewhere from the west. Of these there are only 6 remaining
upright. The stumps of two are left on the south side by the altar.
One lies behind the altar, dug up or thrown down, by the fall of that
upright there. One or two were thrown down probably, by the fall of the
upright of the first _trilithon_ on the right hand. A stump of another
remains by the upright there, still standing. Their exact measures
either as to height, breadth or thickness, cannot well be ascertain’d.
For they took such as they could find, best suiting their scantlings,
but the stones were better shap’d and taller, as advancing towards the
upper end of the cell.




                               CHAP. VI.

  _Of the number of the stones. Of the altar-stone. Of what has
    been found in digging, about the temple. A plate of tin of the
    Druids writing. A plate of gold, supposed to be of the Druids
    writing._


Thus have we finished the work, or principal part of this celebrated
wonder; properly the temple or sacred structure, as it may be called.
Tho’ its loftiest crest be compos’d but of one stone, laid upon
another. “A work, as Mr. _Webb_ says justly, p. 65. built with much
art, order and proportion.” And it must be own’d, that they who had a
notion, that it was an unworthy thing, to pretend to confine the deity
in room and space, could not easily invent a grander design than this,
for sacred purposes: nor execute it in a more magnificent manner. Here
space indeed is mark’d out and defin’d: but with utmost freedom and
openness. Here is a _kebla_ intimating, but not bounding the presence
of the Deity. Here the variety and harmony of four differing circles
presents itself continually new, every step we take, with opening and
closing light and shade. Which way so ever we look, art and nature make
a composition of their highest gusto, create a pleasing astonishment,
very apposite to sacred places.

The great oval consists of 10 uprights, the inner with the altar, of
20, the great circle of 30, the inner of 40. 10, 20, 30, 40 together,
make 100 upright stones. 5 imposts of the great oval, 30 of the great
circle, the 2 stones standing upon the bank of the _area_, the stone
lying within the entrance of the _area_, and that standing without.
There seems to have been another stone lying upon the ground, by
the _vallum_ of the court, directly opposite to the entrance of the
avenue. All added together, make just 140 stones, the number of which
_Stonehenge_, a whole temple, is compos’d. Behold the solution of the
mighty problem, the magical spell is broke, which has so long perplex’d
the vulgar! they think ’tis an ominous thing to count the true number
of the stones, and whoever does so, shall certainly die after it. Thus
the Druids contented themselves to live in huts and caves: whilst they
employ’d many thousands of men, a whole county, to labour at these
publick structures, dedicated to the Deity.

Our altar here is laid toward the upper end of the _adytum_, at
present flat on the ground, and squeez’d (as it were) into it, by the
weight of the ruins upon it. ’Tis a kind of blue coarse marble, such
as comes from _Derbyshire_, and laid upon tombs in our churches and
church-yards. Thus _Virgil_ describes an ancient altar, after the
_Etruscan_ fashion, and which probably had remain’d from patriarchal
times.

    _Ædibus in mediis nudoque sub ætheris axe
    Ingens ara fuit._————           Æne. II.

_Servius_ upon the IIId _Georg._ says, in the middle of a temple was
the place of the Deity: the rest was only ornamental. This altar is
plac’d a little above the _focus_ of the upper end of the ellipsis. Mr.
_Webb_ says, p. 56. the altar is 4 foot broad, 16 in length. 4 foot is
2 cubits 2 palms, which at four times measures 16 foot. I believe its
breadth is 2 cubits 3 palms, _i. e._ 1 and a half: and that its first
intended length was 10 cubits, equal to the breadth of the _trilithon_
before which it lies. But ’tis very difficult to come at its true
length. ’Tis 20 inches thick, a just cubit, and has been squar’d. It
lies between the two centers, that of the compasses and that of the
string: leaving a convenient space quite round it, no doubt, as much as
was necessary for their ministration.

[Illustration: _P. 30._ TAB. XVI.

_The Section of Stonehenge looking towards the Entrance._]

Mr. _Webb_ says, the heads of oxen, and deer, and other beasts have
been found upon digging in and about _Stonehenge_, as divers then
living could testify, undoubted reliques of sacrifices, together with
much charcoal, meaning wood-ashes. Mr. _Camden_ says, mens bones have
been found hereabouts. He means in the barrows adjacent, and I saw
such thrown out by the rabbets very near the temple. But eternally to
be lamented is the loss of that tablet of tin, which was found at this
place, in the time of King _Henry_ VIII. (the _Æra_ of restitution of
learning and of pure religion) inscrib’d with many letters, but in
so strange a character, that neither Sir _Thomas Elliot_ a learned
antiquary, nor Mr. _Lilly_ master of St. _Paul_’s school, could make
any thing out of it. Mr. _Sammes_ may be in the right, who judges it
to have been _Punic_; I imagine if we call it _Irish_, we shall not
err much. No doubt but it was a memorial of the founders, wrote by
the _Druids_: and had it been preserv’d till now, would have been an
invaluable curiosity. To make the reader some amends for such a loss, I
have given a specimen of supposed Druid writing, out of _Lambecius_’s
account of the Emperor’s library at _Vienna_. ’Tis wrote on a very thin
plate of gold, with a sharp-pointed instrument. It was in an urn found
at _Vienna_, roll’d up in several cases of other metal, together with
funeral _exuviæ_. It was thought by the curious, one of those epistles,
which the _Celtic_ people were wont to send to their friends in the
other world. So certain a hope of a future state had the _Druids_
infus’d into them. The reader may divert himself with endeavouring
to explain it. The writing upon plates of gold or tin is exceeding
ancient, as we see in _Job_ xix. 24.

[Illustration]

_Plutarch_ in his pamphlet _de dæmonio Socratis_ tells a similar
story. “About the time of _Agesilaus_, they found a brazen tablet in
the sepulchre of _Alcmena_ at _Thebes_, wrote in characters unknown,
but seem’d to be _Egyptian_. _Chonuphis_, the most learned of the
_Egyptian_ prophets then, being consulted upon it, confirm’d it, and
said it was wrote about the time of _Hercules_ and _Proteus_ king in
_Egypt_.” _Tzetzes_, chil. 2. hist. 44. mentions _Proteus_ a king in
lower _Egypt_ by the sea side, pretends he was son of _Neptune_ and
_Phœnicia_, throwing him up thereby to very ancient times, those of the
first famous navigators, our _Hercules_ and the _Phœnicians_. He is
said to have lived in the island afterward call’d _Pharos_, from the
watch-tower there erected. Here _Homer_ sings, that _Proteus_ diverts
himself with his _phocæ_ or sea-calves, most undoubtedly his ships.
But at that time of day, every thing new and strange was told by the
_Greeks_ in a mythologic way.

In the year 1635, as they were plowing by the barrows about _Normanton_
ditch, they found a large quantity of excellent pewter, as much as
they sold at a low price for 5_l._ says Mr. _Aubry_ in his manuscript
collections, relating to antiquities of this sort. There are several of
these ditches, being very small in breadth, which run across the downs.
I take them for boundaries of hundreds, parishes, _&c._ Such as the
reader may observe in my _Plate_ XXXI. of the barrows in _Lake-field_.
I suspect this too was a tablet with an inscription on it, but falling
into the hands of the countrymen, they could no more discern the
writing, than interpret it. No doubt but this was some of the old
_British stannum_, which the _Tyrian Hercules_, sirnam’d _Melcarthus_,
first brought _ex Cassiteride insula_, or _Britain_. Which _Hercules_
liv’d in _Abraham_’s time, or soon after.

Mr. _Webb_ tells us, the Duke of _Buckingham_ dug about _Stonehenge_:
I fear much to the prejudice of the work. He himself did the like, and
found what he imagin’d was the cover of a _thuribulum_. He would have
done well to have given us a drawing of it. But whatever it was, vases
of incense, oil, flower, salt, wine and holy water, were used by all
nations in their religious ceremonies.

Mr. _Thomas Hayward_, late owner of _Stonehenge_, dug about it, as
he acquainted Lord _Winchelsea_ and myself. He found heads of oxen
and other beasts bones, and nothing else. In 1724. when I was there,
_Richard Hayns_ an old man of _Ambresbury_, whom I employed to dig
for me in the barrows, found some little worn-out _Roman_ coins at
_Stonehenge_, among the earth rooted up by the rabbets. He sold one of
them for half a crown, to Mr. _Merril_ of _Golden Square_, who came
thither whilst I was at the place. The year before, _Hayns_ was one of
the workmen employ’d by Lord _Carlton_ to dig clay on _Harradon_ hill,
east of _Ambresbury_, where they found many _Roman_ coins, which I saw.
I suspect he pretended to find those at _Stonehenge_, only for sake
of the reward. My friend the late Dr. _Harwood_ of _Doctors-Commons_
told me, he was once at _Stonehenge_ with such sort of _Roman_ coins
in his pockets, and that one of his companions would have persuaded
him, to throw some of them into the rabbit-holes: but the Doctor was
more ingenuous. Nevertheless were never so many such coins found in
_Stonehenge_, they would prove nothing more, than that the work was
in being, when the _Romans_ were here; and which we are assured of
already. I have a brass coin given me by _John Collins_ Esq; collector
of the excise at _Stamford_. The heads of _Julius_ and _Augustus_
averse: the reverse a crocodile, palm-branch and garland. COL. NEM. the
colony of _Nemausus_ in _France_. It was found upon _Salisbury_ plain;
and might be lost there before the _Roman_ conquest of _Britain_ under
_Claudius_, by people of _France_ coming hither; or in after-ages: no
matter which.

_July 5 1723._ By Lord _Pembroke_’s direction, I dug on the inside of
the altar about the middle: 4 foot along the edge of the stone, 6 foot
forward toward the middle of the _adytum_. At a foot deep, we came
to the solid chalk mix’d with flints, which had never been stir’d.
The altar was exactly a cubit thick, 20 inches and ⅘; but broken in
two or three pieces by the ponderous masses of the impost, and one
upright stone of that _trilithon_ which stood at the upper end of the
_adytum_, being fallen upon it. Hence appears the commodiousness of
the foundation for this huge work. They dug holes in the solid chalk,
which would of itself keep up the stones, as firm as if a wall was
built round them. And no doubt but they ramm’d up the interstices
with flints. But I had too much regard to the work, to dig any where
near the stones. I took up an oxe’s tooth, above ground, without the
_adytum_ on the right hand of the lowermost _trilithon_, northward.
And this is all the account, of what has been found by digging at
_Stonehenge_, which I can give.

[Illustration: _P. 32._ TAB. XVII.

_An inward View of Stonehenge Aug. 1722. from the north._

_Stukeley delin._  _V^{dr}. Gucht Sc._]




                              CHAP. VII.

  _Of the area round_ Stonehenge. _The bowing stones. The manner of
    sacrificing._


Of the court round the temple of _Stonehenge_, somewhat is said
already, and of the two stones standing within the _vallum_: and of the
two cavities remarkable, which have some correspondency therewith. I
supposed, they were places, where two great vases of water stood, for
the service of the temple, when they perform’d religious rites here.
And I endeavour’d to illustrate it by a coin of the city _Heliopolis_.
60 cubits is the diameter of _Stonehenge_, 60 more reaches the inner
edge of the circular ditch of the court. The ditch originally was near
30 cubits broad, but thro’ long tract of time, and the infinity of
coaches, horses, _&c._ coming every day to see the place, ’tis levell’d
very much. The intire diameter of the court, reaching to the outward
verge of the ditch, is 4 times 60 cubits, which is about 410 foot. The
five outer circles of the ditch are struck with a radius of 80, 90,
100, 110, 120 cubits.

Just upon the inner verge of the ditch, at the entrance from the
avenue, lies a very large stone, at present flat on the ground. Mr.
_Webb_, p. 57. pretends to give us the measure of it, confounding it
with the other two before-mention’d to be within the _vallum_, to
which they have no relation, no similarity in proportion. This is to
favour his notion of three entrances of the _area_, dependant upon his
hypothesis of equilateral triangles. He there tells us at the letter F,
“the parallel stones on the inside of the trench were four foot broad
and three foot thick but they lie so broken and ruin’d by time, that
their proportion in height cannot be distinguish’d, much less exactly
measur’d.” Thus he, but ’tis _invita Minervâ_; for all three stones,
in all appearance, are as little alter’d from their first size, as any
stones in the work. The two stones within the _vallum_ are very small
stones, and ever were so. The one stands; the other leans a little,
probably from some idle people digging about it. This stone at the
entrance is a very great one, near as big as any one of the whole work,
and seems too as little alter’d from its original form: only thrown
down perhaps by the like foolish curiosity of digging near it. Instead
of _Webb_’s four foot broad, it’s near seven: but to speak in the Druid
measure, four cubits. It is at present above 20 foot long. If it stood
originally, and a little leaning, it was one of those stones which
the _Welsh_ call _crwm lechen_, or bowing-stones. However, Mr. _Webb_
must falsify the truth very much, in making this and the two former
any thing alike in dimension, situation and use. But he does so, much
more in the next, which is doubtless a _crwm leche_, still standing in
its original posture and place in the avenue. ’Tis of much the like
dimension as the other, tho’ not so shapely, and stands in like manner
on the left hand, or south, of the middle line, of the length of the
avenue. I surmise, the Druids consider’d the propriety of making the
other a little more shapely than this, because within the _area_, and
nearer the sacred fabric. There is the distance of 119 feet between
them, to speak properly, 80 cubits. This interval Mr. _Webb_ contracts
to about 43 foot, and supposes there was another stone to answer it on
the right hand, as also another to answer that on the inside the ditch.
And he supposes the like of those before-mention’d, both within and
without the ditch, at his two fancy’d entrances. But of these, there is
_nec vola nec vestigium_, and I dare say, never was. This stone has a
hole in it, which is observable of like stones, set thus near our like
temples: as we shall see in the progress of this work. The stone is of
24 foot in circumference, 16 high above ground, 9 broad, 6 thick. The
use of it I can’t certainly tell; but I am inclin’d to think, that
as part of the religious worship in old patriarchal times, consisted
in a solemn adoration, or three silent bowings: the first bowing
might be perform’d at this stone, just without the ditch, the second
perhaps at the next stone, just within the ditch. Then they turn’d by
that stone to the left hand, as the manner was, in a procession round
the temple, both the priests and animals for sacrifice. At those two
stones and water-vases, probably there were some washings, lustrations,
or sprinklings with holy water, and other ceremonies, which I don’t
pretend to ascertain. Then upon the entry into the temple, perhaps
they made the third bow, as in presence of the Deity. After this, in
the _court_, we may suppose the priests prepar’d the hecatombs and
customary sacrifices. If that great stone just within the ditch, always
lay, as it does now, flat on the ground, and _in situ_, (which I am not
unwilling to believe) then, I apprehend, it was a table for dressing
the victims. _Ezekiel_, in describing the temple of _Jerusalem_, speaks
of such in the entry, xl. 30, 40, 41, 42, 43.

’Tis just to think, the ancient form of sacrificing here, like that
of the _Romans_, _Greeks_ or elder nations, was pretty much the same
as that among the _Jews_, and _that_ as in patriarchal times; and in
short, no other than the original practice of mankind, since the first
institution of sacrifices, at the fall. Therefore we shall subjoin it
from _Homer_’s description, in _Iliad_ I. It quadrates extremely well,
in all appearance, with the place and temple before us.

    Straightway in haste, a chosen hecatomb
    To God, prepar’d, the well-built altar round,
    They place in order. Then their hands they wash,
    And take the salted meal. Aloud the priest,
    With hands uplifted, for the assembly prays.
    After the prayers, they wav’d the salted meal,
    And then retiring slay the animals.
    The skins being stript, they cut off both the thighs,
    And cover them with cawl; first offer’d crude.
    The priest then burns a part on plates,† thereon red wine,
    Libation pour’d. The ministring young men
    Stand by him, with their five-fold spits in hand.
    But when the thighs are burnt, out of the rest
    Entrails and flesh, harslets and stakes they make,
    Upon the spits transfixt. Then roasted well
    They set all forth. After the duty done;
    A feast they next prepare. Plenty of food
    Distributed around, chearful repast.
    Banquet being o’re, the youths huge goblets crown,
    And fill to all in cups. Then sacred hymns
    Sung to the Deity, conclude the day.

† In another place he adds,

    With choice cloven bits of wood,
    Without leaves——————————————

These are most ancient rites, symbolical of the purity of the sacrifice
of the _Messiah_, pointed at by, and deriv’d from the _Mosaic_
dispensation, where every thing of sacred purpose was to be perfect.

Thus much is sufficient to give the reader an idea of the ancient
manner of sacrificing, such, no doubt as was practis’d at this very
place entirely the _Hebrew_ rite. I suppose only the priests and chief
personages came within the _area_, who made the procession with the
sacrifices along the avenue. The multitude kept without, on foot or in
their chariots.

[Illustration: _P. 34._ TAB XVIII.

_A direct view of the Remains of the adytum of Stonehenge._

_Stukeley delin._ _A. Motte Sculp._]




                              CHAP. VIII.

                    _Of the Avenue to_ Stonehenge.


The Avenue of _Stonehenge_ was never observ’d by any who have wrote
of it, tho’ a very elegant part of it, and very apparent. It answers,
as we have said before now, to the principal line of the whole work,
the northeast, where abouts the sun rises, when the days are longest.
_Plutarch_ in the life of _Numa_ says, the ancients observ’d the
rule of setting their temples, with the front to meet the rising
sun. _Promachidas_ of _Heracleum_, and _Dionysius Thrax_ take notice
of the same thing. And this was done in imitation of the _Mosaic_
tabernacle and _Solomon_’s temple: probably a patriarchal rite. This
avenue extends itself, somewhat more than 1700 feet, in a strait line,
down to the bottom of the valley, with a delicate descent. I observe
the earth of the ditches is thrown inward, and seemingly some turf on
both sides, thrown upon the avenue: to raise it a little above the
level of the downs. The two ditches continue perfectly parallel to the
bottom, 40 cubits asunder. About midway, there is a pretty depressure,
natural, which diversifies it agreeably. _Stonehenge_, I said, is not
on the highest part of the hill. I found, the reason, why the Druids
set it just where it is; because it is precisely 1000 cubits from the
bottom to the entrance of the _area_. When I began my inquiries into
this noble work, I thought it terminated here, and Mr. _Roger Gale_
and myself measur’d it so far with a chain. Another year, I found it
extended itself much farther. For at the bottom of the valley, it
divides into two branches. The eastern branch goes a long way hence,
directly east pointing to an ancient ford of the river _Avon_, called
_Radfin_, and beyond that the visto of it bears directly to _Harradon_
hill beyond the river. The western branch, from this termination at
the bottom of the hill 1000 cubits from the work at _Stonehenge_, as
we said, goes off with a similar sweep at first; but then it does
not throw itself into a strait line immediately, as the former, but
continues curving along the bottom of the hill, till it meets, what
I call, the _cursus_. This likewise is a new unobserv’d curiosity
belonging to this work, and very much enlarges the idea we ought to
entertain, of the magnificence and prodigious extent of the thing. The
temple which we have been hitherto describing, considerable indeed as
it really is, in itself; yet now appears as a small part of the whole.
I shall therefore describe all these parts separately, to render them
more intelligible: and then show their connection, and what relation
they have, to one another, as well as I can. But it is not easy to
enter at once, into the exceeding greatness of thought, which these
people had, who founded it; bringing in all the adjacent country,
the whole of nature hereabouts, to contribute its part to the work.
Therefore I shall discourse of it backward and forward; first going
from _Stonehenge_ to its termination, or more properly its beginning,
and then return again. Explaining all the way, what is its present
condition, and what, ’tis reasonable to suppose, was its original, when
the Druids made their first design. This together with the several
views I have drawn of it, will give us nearly as good a notion of the
whole, as we can at this day expect, and perhaps preserve the memory of
it hereafter, when the traces of this mighty work are obliterated with
the plough, which it is to be fear’d, will be its fate. That instrument
gaining ground too much, upon the ancient and innocent pastoritial
life; hereabouts, and everywhere else in _England_: and by destructive
inclosures beggars and depopulates the country.

At the bottom of the valley, and the end of the strait part of
_Stonehenge_ avenue, 1000 cubits from _Stonehenge_, as we said, the
eastern wing of the avenue turns off to the right, with a circular
sweep, and then in a strait line proceeds eastward up the hill. It goes
just between those two most conspicuous groups of barrows, crowning
the ridge of that hill eastward of _Stonehenge_; between it and
_Vespasian_’s camp, separated from them both by a deep valley on each
side. These two groups of barrows are called generally the seven king’s
graves, each. I call that most northerly, the old seven kings graves,
for there are really 7, tho’ but 6 most apparent; they are all set at
greater distance, all broader, flatter, and as it is most reasonable
to suppose, older than the other. The other are set closer together,
of a more elegantly turn’d figure, campaniform, and in all appearance,
much later than the former. Therefore I call these, being southward
and directly between _Stonehenge_ and the town of _Ambresbury_, the
new seven kings barrows. Of the seven old, the most northerly one and
probably the oldest, is exceeding flat and as it were, almost sunk
into the earth with age; so that it is scarce visible at a distance.
The avenue runs up to the top of the hill, just between them: and they
make as it were wings to it, and I believe were design’d as such, when
set there. When the avenue first turns off in the valley, it is much
obscur’d by the wheels of carriages going over it, for a great way
together: for this is the road to _Lavington_. Nevertheless a curious
eye, without difficulty, sees all the traces of it sufficiently, till
it is got higher up the easy ascent of the hill, and out of the common
road. Then it is very apparent and consists of the two little ditches
as before, (when coming directly from _Stonehenge_) exactly parallel,
and still 40 cubits asunder. And it is made with the same degree of
variation, or about 6 degrees southward from the true east point. So
that it is evident again, the Druids intended it should go full east,
but their compass by which they set it, varied so much at that time,
according to my opinion of the matter. To perpetuate the mark of it as
much as I can: I measured the distance of it from the southern ditch
thereof, to the ditch of the nearest _i. e._ most northerly of the new
7 kings barrows, and when in the right line of those 7 barrows: it is
257 feet. I know not whether there was any design in it, but it is
exactly 150 cubits. From the northern ditch of the avenue here, to the
nearest of the old seven kings barrows, is 350 foot; which is exactly
200 cubits.

Whilst we are here upon the elevation of this hill, between these two
groups of barrows, ’tis 2700 feet from the beginning of this wing of
the avenue at the bottom of the valley, where it commences. It still
continues in the very same direction eastward, till unfortunately
broke off by the plow’d ground, 300 feet from hence. This plow’d
ground continues for a mile together, as far as the river’s side at
_Ambresbury_. So that ’tis impossible to trace it any farther. The
first plow’d field, that southward, is Mr. _Hayward_’s; the other is of
a different estate, call’d _Countess-farm_. And the plowing of these
two go on at right angles one of another. That piece on the north
side of the avenue, of the latter tenure, goes along the line of the
avenue, is long and narrow, and has (as usual with greedy farmers)
encroach’d upon and swallow’d up so much of the length of the avenue.
And that amounts to 750 feet more in length, which must certainly
be added to the avenue. This is all along the eastern declivity of
the hill we are upon, _that_ of the twice seven kings graves, and
reaches near the bottom of the valley, between it and the hill whereon
stands _Vespasian_’s camp. Now reason and the judgment I have got
in conversing with works of this kind, tell me, the founders would
never begin this avenue at the bottom of a valley, but rather on a
conspicuous height, which is visible from a great distance of country
round. We must suppose the intent of the avenue was to direct the
religious procession to the temple; and that at the beginning of it,
they made fires early in the morning of that day, when they held their
grand festivals, to give notice to all the adjacent country. Therefore
when we cross this valley still eastward, with the former direction of
the compass, and mount that next hill, whereon stands _Vespasian_’s
camp: we find exactly such a place as we could wish, and extremely
suitable to that purpose, For it commands a very extensive prospect
both upwards and downwards of the river, and on the other side of it,
for many miles; all about that part of the country where it is highly
reasonable to think the old _Britons_ liv’d, who frequented this
temple. This eminence is north of _Vespasian_’s camp, north-west from
_Ambresbury_ church. Here is a very large scene of the country taken
in. It has a fine gentle rise for half a mile and more, even quite from
the ford at _Radfin_. You see the most delightful river _Avon_ flank’d
with villages on both sides, from almost as far as new _Sarum_, and
then to the head of it, 5 miles off. It was the custom of the Druids
to give notice, by fires, of the quarterly days of sacrifice. Thus
the Druids in _Ireland_ before christianity, us’d to kindle a fire
call’d in their language _Tlachdgha_, on _All saints_ eve, to perform a
general sacrifice: as Mr. _Llwyd_ mentions in his _Irish_ dictionary.
Mr. _Toland_ speaks of others too. I observ’d there has been a bank
across the bottom of the valley, for the more easy passage of the
religious ceremony, and this much corroborates my conjecture of the
avenue reaching hither.

[Illustration: _P. 36._ TAB. XIX.

_Inward View of Stonehenge from the high altar. Aug. 1722._

_Stukeley delin._  _V^{dr.} Gucht sc._]

_Plate_ XXIV. explains all that I have last said about this avenue, and
shews its direction to _Haradon_ Hill, on the other side the river.

I am apt to believe from the conformity I have observ’d in these works,
that there was a _sacellum_ or little temple here upon this hill,
where the avenue began. We suppose this might easily be destroy’d when
they began to plow here, being so near the town. I have found several
of these kind of large stones, either travelling to _Stonehenge_, or
from it. One as big as any at _Stonehenge_, lies about 3 miles off
northward, in _Durington_ fields. Another in the water at _Milford_,
another at _Fighelden_; they seem to have been carried back to make
bridges, mildams or the like, in the river. There is another in the
_London_ road, east from _Ambresbury_, about 2 mile from the town.
Another in the water at _Bulford_. A stone stands leaning at _Preshute_
farm near the church, as big as those at _Stonehenge_. What confirms me
in the conjecture that there was a _sacellum_ here originally, is, that
an innumerable company of barrows on the opposite hill, on the other
side of the river coming down _Haradon_, and in the line of the avenue
seem to regard it; as is usual in these works. For those barrows are
not in sight of _Stonehenge_ itself, by reason of the interposition of
the hill whereon stand the double groups of seven king’s graves. And
even those two groups seem to regard this little temple as well as the
great one, curving that way. The distance from hence to _Stonehenge_ is
4000 cubits.

In order to have a just notion of this avenue, it is necessary to go to
the neighbouring height of _Haradon_ hill, on the other side the river.
The largest barrow there, which I call _Hara_’s and which probably gave
name to the hill, is in the line of the avenue; the ford of _Radfin_
lying between, as we see in the last _Plate_. I stood upon this hill
_May_ 11. 1724. during the total eclipse of the sun, of which I gave an
account in my _Itinerarium_. Here is a most noble view of the work and
country about _Stonehenge_. Whoever is upon the spot cannot fail of a
great pleasure in it; especially if the sun be low, either after rising
or before setting. For by that means the barrows, the only ornaments
of these plains, become very visible, the ground beyond them being
illuminated by the suns slaunting rays. You see as far as _Clay-hill_
beyond _Warminster_ 20 miles off. You see the spot of ground on the
hill, whereon stands _Vespasian_’s camp, where I conjecture the
avenue to _Stonehenge_ began, and where there was a _sacellum_, as we
conceive. From hence to that spot a valley leads very commodiously to
_Radfin_, where the original ford was.

This _Radfin-farm_ seems to retain its _Celtic_ name: meaning a ford
or passage for chariots, the old way of carriage here used. _Rhedeg_
_currere_, _rhedegfain_ _cursitare_, in _Irish reathaim_. _Fin_ in the
old _Irish_, is white. It regards the chalky road which went up from
the ford. ’Tis a pretty place, seated in a flexure of the river, which
from hence seems to bend its arms both ways, to embrace the beginning
of the avenue. The place is very warm, shelter’d from all winds, and
especially from the north. I am persuaded it was originally a seat
of an Archdruid or Druid. See Mr. _Toland_ discoursing of the Druids
houses, p. 111. The nuns of _Ambresbury_ too had a chapel there. The
ford is now quite disus’d, because of the bridge by the town’s end; and
the road of it is foreclos’d by hedgerows of pastures on both sides the
lane, leading northwards from _Ambresbury_ to north _Wiltshire_. This
road lying between _Radfin_ and the beginning of _Stonehenge_ avenue,
is sweetly adorn’d with _viorna_. We are supposed now to stand on the
_tumulus_ of _Hara_, an old _Irish_ royal name, and possibly the king
who was coadjutor in founding _Stonehenge_, who lived, it’s likely, in
the eastern part of _Wiltshire_: for which reason they directed the
avenue this way.

    _Et nunc servat honos sedem, tuus, ossaque nomen._

Here are very many barrows upon this side of the hill, all looking
toward the sacred work. Hence we survey _Ambresbury_, _Vespasian_’s
camp, and _Stonehenge_, the _cursus_, and little _Ambresbury_. Likewise
a very ancient barrow which answers to that of _Vespasian_’s camp,
seeming to be plac’d here with some regularity and regard to the
_sacellum_ at the beginning of the avenue. This is a long barrow,
which I suppose the Archdruids who liv’d at _Radfin_, and perhaps the
chief person concern’d in projecting the magnificent work. The reader
must indulge me the liberty of these kind of conjectures; there is
no evidence positive left in such matters of great antiquity. I have
some little reason for it, which I shall mention when we speak of the
barrows. There is this present use, to affix thereby names to things,
that we may talk more intelligibly about them.

We are next to advance down _Haradon_-hill in the same direction,
nearer _Radfin_, from whence I drew _Plate_ XXV. This valley leads us
very gently to the river.

    ——————_Qua se subducere colles
    Incipiunt, mollique jugum demittere clivo
    Usque ad aquam._——————         Virg.

This and the two views in _Plate_ XXVI. give us a good notion of the
country on this side. There are seven barrows together, in the road
from _Ambresbury_ to _Radfin_, one great one and six little ones, which
regard the _sacellum_, but cannot possibly to _Stonehenge_. This was a
family burying-place probably of some considerable personage, who liv’d
at _Ambresbury_. These plates show us too, the avenue marching up the
next hill, where the old and new seven kings barrows receive it again,
as wings to it. This is shown more distinct in the next plate, TAB.
XXVII. where the corn ground has began to encroach upon it. I could
scarce forbear the wish,

    _Pereat labor irritus anni._————

When you are gone a little farther toward _Stonehenge_, and arriv’d
at the top of the hill, if you turn back you have the view presented
to you like that TAB. XXIV. beyond A the beginning of the avenue,
is _Radfin_, beyond that _Haradon_. The prospect forward, toward
_Stonehenge_, is shown TAB. XXVIII. There you see the union of the two
wings of the avenue, at the commencement of the strait part of it C.
Again, you may observe the nature of the west wing of the avenue, going
with a continued curve round the bottom of the hill, till it enters the
_Hippodrom_ or _cursus_. At a distance you see _Yansbury_ camp, thought
to be another of _Vespasian_’s. Next you descend into the valley to
the union of the wings of the avenue, and ascend the agreeable part
of it, to the temple. Along here went the sacred pomp. How would it
delight one to have seen it in its first splendor!

[Illustration: _P. 38._ TAB. XX.

_Stukeley delin._  _Toms sculp^t._

_An inward view of Stonehenge from behind y^e high Altar looking
towards the grand entrance A little oblique_ Aug:1722.

A. _the altar_]

    ————_Jam nunc solennes ducere pompas
    Ad delubra juvat, cæsosque videre juvencos._       Virg.

I have often admir’d the delicacy of this ascent to the temple. As soon
as you mount from the bottom, ’tis level for a great way together: and
the whole length of it is a kind of ridge, for it slopes off both ways
from it on each side; so that the rain runs off every way. Just about
half way there is a depressure, as a pause or foot pace, showing one
half of the avenue ascending, the other descending, both magnificent,
in the ancient gusto. There was a temple of _Jupiter Labradæus_ near
_Mylasa_ a city of _Caria_, much frequented. The way leading thither
was called sacred, and pav’d 60 furlongs, thro’ which their procession
went. _Philostratus_ says, you went to the temple of _Diana_ at
_Ephesus_, by a stone portico of a _stadium_. _Pausanias in Phocicis_
says, the avenue to the temple of _Minerva Cranea_ near _Elatea_ is
ascending, but so gently that it is imperceptible. Again in Chap. X.
we read of a pav’d way, to the oracle at _Delphos_. But the natural
pavement of our avenue is much finer. I take notice, that _Jupiter
Labradæus_ was a statue holding a halbard in his hand, which instrument
like a _securis_ or amazonian ax, was as a scepter to the _Lydian_
kings. And apparently our _English_ halbard is the very word, with
an asperate way of pronunciation prefix’d, _Labrada_. So our Druids
carried about a sharp brass instrument which we often find, call’d a
celt, (I know not whence) with which they us’d to cut the _Misletoe_,
at their great festival in midwinter. I have represented one hanging at
our Druids girdle, in TAB. I. it was to be put into the slit at the end
of his staff, when used. But of this hereafter. Now with the _Poet_ in
his celebrated _Ode_

        —————————————————— _Quibus
      Mos unde deductus per omne
        Tempus, Amazonia securi
    Dextras obarmet, quærere distuli:
    Nec scire fas est omnia_————          Horat.

being arriv’d again at _Stonehenge_, from the last print, TAB. XXVIII.
though small, we may see the beauty of the curve in the outer circle
of that work, especially from the avenue, when the eye is below it. We
observe the same in the grand front view. TAB. V.

And now we are return’d to the sacred fabric, we will discourse a
little upon these temples in general, and so conclude this chapter.

In Macrob. _Saturn._ I. 18. mention is made of a famous round temple
in _Thrace_, where they celebrate most magnificent religious rites.
It is upon the hill _Zilmissus_. The temple is open at top. I suppose
like ours, not a little round hole like as in the _Pantheon_, nor is it
a small round _sacellum_ like those little round temples at _Rome_ to
_Romulus_, to _Vesta_, &c. It is not reasonable to think they should
build a _Pantheon_ in _Thrace_, nor can I understand it otherwise,
than that, it was like our _Stonehenge_, and in truth an ancient
patriarchal structure of a primitive model. The Deity here worshipp’d
was call’d _Sabazius_ says he, some make him _Jupiter_, some the sun,
some _Bacchus_. These are the first perversions of the _Jehovah_ of
the _Jews_. In my Judgment, the name _Sabazius_ is a corruption of
the _Hebrew_ name of God צבאות _sabaoth_, _Deus exercituum_, a title
that would well suit the warlike _Thracians_. In time Idolatry debased
every thing. When they perform’d the religious rites of _Bacchus_, they
cried _Evohe_, _Sabbai_, and call’d him _Evius_, _Evan_, _Sabazius_,
&c. _Evohe_ is a corrupt manner of pronouncing יהוה _Jehovah_, and
this sacred cry is truly no other than what frequently occurs in
holy scripture. יהוה צבאות _Jehovah Sabaoth_. He is the king of
glory, _Psalm_ xxiv. 10. But I have discoursed on this head in my
_Paleographia Sacra_ N^o I. which will be continued.

_Diodorus Siculus_ in his Book II. mentions a very eminent temple of a
round form, among the _Hyperboreans_, as he calls them, who inhabit an
island situate in the ocean over-against _Gaul_, which is not less than
_Sicily_. He gives an odd account from thence mix’d with fable, and
seemingly some reports of _Stonehenge_ itself.

Mr. _Toland_ is confident, this hyperborean region is our _Schetland_
isles, whence _Abaris_ the Druid and hyperborean philosopher, famous
in _Grecian_ story. Whilst I am writing this, _March_ 6. 1739–40. we
had an account read before the _Royal Society_, much confirming Mr.
_Toland_’s notion; speaking of the admirable temperature of the air
there, not subject to such extremities, such sudden changes, as even in
_Britain_ itself. There are such temples as ours there.

_Arnobius_ in VI. speaking of the origin of temples, “We don’t, says
he, make temples to the Gods, as if we design’d to shelter them
from the rain, the wind, the sun: but that we may therein present
ourselves before them, and by our prayers, after a sort, speak to them
as if present.” We may well affirm this of our temple, built after
the manner of the patriarchal ones, tho’ probably an improvement,
and somewhat more magnificent. Ours consists of two ovals and two
circles. Many in our island, which I suppose older than _Stonehenge_,
consist of one oval, or niche-like figure made of three stones only,
(of which our _adytum_ is a more magnificent specimen) and a circle
of rude stones fix’d in the ground; of which our work, crown’d with
a circular cornish, is a more magnificent specimen. Sometime I meet
with a niche without a circle, sometime a circle without a niche.
We may well say, the circle is analogous to our chapels, churches,
or cathedrals, according to their different magnitude; the niches
correspond to our choirs, altars, and more sacred part of the sacred
building, the more immediate place of the residence of the Deity. They
are what now the _Turks_ and _Arabians_ call the _kebla_, deriv’d,
as we said before, from the patriarchal practice, and particularly
from the great patriarch _Abraham_. I doubt not but the altars which
he and his posterity made, mention’d in scripture, were a stone upon
the ground before three set in a niche-like figure, and the whole
inclos’d in a circle of stones. At other times they set only one stone
for a _kebla_, as sometime our ancestors did likewise. This practice
was propagated generally among all ancient nations. Among many it was
forgotten, or not practised, where they had but little religion at all.
Among others, after idolatry had prevail’d with them, they thought all
former manners of worship like their own, and mistook the stones which
were _keblas_ or places of worship, for the objects of worship. Hence
_Maximus_ of _Tyre_ says, the _Arabians_ worshipp’d he knew not what,
for he saw only a great stone. Which, no doubt, was the _kebla_ toward
which they directed their devotion, as they had learnt from _Abraham_,
or the like patriarchal ancestors. So _Pausanias_ in _Achaicis_ says,
the ancient _Greeks_ worshipp’d unhewn stones instead of statues; more
particularly among the _Pharii_, near the statue of _Mercury_, were 30
square stones, which they worshipp’d. If our author could not make his
narration agreeable to common sense, he might well mistake this ancient
patriarchal temple, somewhat like ours of _Stonehenge_, for a circle of
deities: he himself being a stranger to any other than image-worship. I
shall handle this matter more largely hereafter, and now let us descend
again from the temple to the _cursus_. Only I would close this chapter
with this short reflection. This avenue is proof enough (if there
needed any) that our work is a temple, not a monument, as some writers
would have it. But it requires no formal confutation.

[Illustration: _P. 40._ TAB. XXI.

_Stukeley del._

An inward View of STONEHENGE .AA. _the altar_.

_or Side view of the cell._]




                               CHAP. IX.

  _Of the_ Cursus. _Games exercis’d on holy festivals. The Druids
    understood geometry._


About half a mile north of _Stonehenge_, across the first valley, is
the _cursus_ or _hippodrom_, which I discover’d _august_ 6. 1723. ’Tis
a noble monument of antiquity: and illustrates very much the preceding
account of _Stonehenge_. It was the universal custom, to celebrate
games, feasts, exercises and sports, at their more publick and solemn
meetings to sacrifice. Which was done quarterly and anniversarily, at
certain stated seasons of the year. _Macrob. Satur._ I. says, “Upon
holy days dedicated to the gods, there are sacrifices, feasts, games
and festivals. For a sacred solemnity is, when sacrifices are offer’d
to the gods, or holy feastings celebrated, or games perform’d to their
honour, or when holy days are observ’d.” This great work is included
between two ditches running east and west in a parallel, which are 350
foot asunder. When I mention 350 foot, I speak in the gross, and as we
should set it down in an _English_ scale: but if we look into _Plate_
VI. where I have given a comparative view of our _English_ foot, and
the most ancient cubit; at first sight we discern, this measure means
200 of the Druid cubits. This _cursus_ is a little above 10000 foot
long: that is, it is made of 6000 Druid cubits in length. A most
noble work, contriv’d to reach from the highest ground of two hills,
extended the intermediate distance over a gentle valley: so that the
whole _cursus_ lies conveniently under the eye of the most numerous
quantity of spectators. To render this more convenient for sight, it
is projected on the side of rising ground, chiefly looking southward
toward _Stonehenge_. A delightful prospect from the temple, when this
vast plain was crouded with chariots, horsemen and foot, attending
these solemnities, with innumerable multitudes! This _cursus_, which is
two miles long, has two entrances (as it were:) gaps being left in the
two little ditches. And these gaps, which are opposite to each other,
in the two ditches, are opposite to the strait part of _Stonehenge_
avenue.

I mention’d before, that at the bottom of the strait part of
_Stonehenge_ avenue, in the valley, the avenue divides itself into
two parts. One goes directly east toward _Radfin_, the other goes
northwestward, and enters our _cursus_ nearly at the same distance west
from the gaps or entrances before-mention’d: as those gaps are from the
east end of the _hippodrom_. These gaps being at a convenient distance
from that east end, may be thought to be in the nature of distance
posts. It seems to me, that the turf of the adjacent ground on both
sides, has been originally taken off, and laid on the whole length of
this _cursus_, because it appears somewhat higher in level. Tho’ this
was an incredible labour, yet a fine design for the purpose of running.
The earth of the _vallum_ is likewise thrown inward.

The east end of the _cursus_ is compos’d of a huge body of earth,
a bank or long barrow, thrown up nearly the whole breadth of the
_cursus_. This seems to be the plain of session, for the judges of the
prizes, and chief of the spectators. The west end of the _cursus_ is
curv’d into an arch, like the end of the _Roman circus’s_. And there
probably the chariots ran round, in order to turn again. And there is
an obscure barrow or two, round which they return’d, as it were, a
_meta_.

This is the finest piece of ground that can be imagin’d for the purpose
of a horse-race. The whole is commanded by the eye of a spectator in
any part. In the middle is a valley, and pretty steep at present: yet
only so, as that a _British_ charioteer may have a good opportunity
of showing that dexterity, spoken of by _Cæsar_. But the exquisite
softness of the turf prevents any great damage by a fall. The ground
of it hereabouts declines somewhat northward. The main part of this
_hippodrom_ is upon a gentle ridge running east and west. This render’d
the place cooler.

On the southern ridge, toward the west end of it, are many considerable
barrows: but none towards the east end, for that would obstruct the
view of _Stonehenge_. There are many barrows but of no considerable
bulk, on the north-side, upon the extensive ascent, toward the great
north long barrow. This magnificent work of the _cursus_ is drawn due
east and west: except a small variation of 4 or 5 degrees southward
from the east. If we measure along the bank, from the eastern _meta_,
at 700 cubits exactly, we come over against the middle line of the
strait part of the avenue to _Stonehenge_: 500 cubits further conducts
us to the gaps or opposite entrances, I before mention’d; which we
suppose as distance posts. The whole interval between the eastern
_meta_ and these gaps, is 1200 cubits. At 1000 cubits more, we come to
the place where the west wing of the avenue enters the southern ditch
of the _cursus_. That west wing too, is just 1000 cubits long to its
union, with the strait part of _Stonehenge_ avenue. Likewise the strait
part of _Stonehenge_ avenue is just 1000 cubits long, as mention’d in
its proper place. This west wing begins, in the bottom of that valley,
which crosses the middle of the _cursus_ and sweeping along by the
bottom of the hill, in a gentle curve, meets with the lower end of the
strait part of _Stonehenge_ avenue, where the wing or avenue unites
to it, with an equal angle. So that the whole work is laid out with
great judgment and symmetry; and curiously adapted to the ground, which
was well consider’d, before the plot was mark’d out, by the first
surveyors. From the bottom of the valley crossing the middle of the
_cursus_, to the western _meta_ is 3800 cubits more, making in the
whole 6000 cubits. The north end of the eastern _meta_ does not extend
so far as the northern bank of the _cursus_: I suppose, the reason is,
that there might be liberty that way, to stop the horses, at the end of
the course. Therefore they set out, on the south side of the _cursus_
and return’d by the north side. I observe the ditch and bank towards
the eastern end of the _cursus_ much obscur’d, by the trampling of
men and horses, frequenting the spectacles here: this being the most
throng’d.

The _Cursus_ is directly north from _Stonehenge_: so exactly, that the
meridian line of _Stonehenge_ passes precisely thro’ the middle of the
_Cursus_. And when we stand in the grand entrance of _Stonehenge_ and
observe the two extremities of the _Cursus_ the eastern and western
_meta_, they are each exactly 60 degrees from the meridian line; on
each hand: making a third part of the circle of the horizon. By which
we see, the Druids well understood the geometry of a circle, and its
measure of 360 parts.

Pausanias _in Beotic._ says, ‘among the _Thebans_, by the gate _Prætis_
is the _Gymnasium_ of _Jolaus_ and likewise the _stadium_, which
is a bank of earth thrown up, such as that at _Olympia_ and of the
_Laurii_. In the same place is the heroical monument of _Jolaus_. A
little beyond, to the right is the _hippodrom_, and in it _Pindar_’s
monument.’ The same author in _Arcad._ VIII. writes, ‘that before the
walls of _Mantinea_, in a field, was a _stadium_ made for horse-races,
in honour of _Antinous_. Not far from it was the temple of _Neptunus
equestris_ and others.’ So that we see it was the manner of the ancient
_Greeks_ thus to define their places for sports by banks of earth, and
that near their temples.

After the _Romans_ had borrow’d the use of the _British_ chariots for
travelling and the like, they us’d them too in the _Circensian_ games.
Thus _Sidonius Apollinaris_ his poem upon it, _Lib._ XXII.

    _Instant verberibus simul regentes,
    Jamque & pectora prona de covinno
    Extensi rapiuntur._——————————

[Illustration: _P. 42._ TAB. XXII.

_Stukeley del._  _Toms sculp._

_An inward view of the Cell obliquely._]

Again,

    _Tunc cœtus juvenum sed aulicorum
    Elæi simulachra torva Carapi
    Exercent, spatiantibus quadrigis.
    ————tandem murmura buccinæ strepentis
    Suspensas tubicen vocans quadrigas,
    Effundit celeres in arva currus.
    Hinc agger sonat, hinc Arar resultat,
    Hinc se se pedes atque eques reflectit,
    Stridentum & moderator essedorum._

Such, we may well imagine, was the scene of this place, in ancient
days. And as the poet mentions the river _Arar_, I may take notice, in
passing, that I have seen, several other places of sports and racings,
which I take to have belong’d to the ancient _Britons_. As particularly
those two great banks call’d _Rawdikes_ in the meadow near _Leicester_,
which spectators look on as unaccountable. Another such work, I have
seen in the meadow by _Dorchester_, the ancient _Roman_ city and
episcopal see, in _Oxfordshire_. Both are by the side of rivers.
Another upon the river _Lowther_ by _Perith_ in _Cumberland_.

These places by rivers, were more agreeable to the _Greek_ taste, as
in a hotter country. Another like place of sports, was in the chalky
valley just without the town of _Royston_, on the south side of it,
by the _London_ road. The old _Roman_ road there, or _Hermen-street_
passes over one corner of the work, as being of later date. I may,
perhaps, describe these more largely, another time. We read in _Homer_
and _Virgil_ that races were celebrated at funerals.




                               CHAP. X.

  _Of the barrows, or sepulchral_ tumuli _about_ Stonehenge.
    _Generally set in groups, which are family burial places; and
    in sight of_ Stonehenge. _They are single burial places. How
    the body is posited. What has been found in digging into these
    barrows._


I come in the last place to speak of the barrows, observable in great
numbers, round _Stonehenge_. We may very readily count fifty at a time,
in sight, from the place; easily distinguishable: but especially in the
evening, when the sloping rays of the sun shine on the ground beyond
them. These barrows are the artificial ornaments of this vast and open
plain. And it is no small entertainment for a curious person, to remark
their beauties, their variety in form and magnitude, their situation.
They are generally of a very elegant _campaniform_ shape, and done
with great nicety. There is likewise a great variety in their shape,
and turn, and in their diameters, in their manner of composition. In
general, they are always upon elevated ground, and in sight of the
temple of _Stonehenge_. For they all regard it. This shews, _they_ are
but superficial inspectors of things, that fancy from hence, great
battels on the plain; and that these are the tumultuary burials of
the slain. Quite otherwise; they are assuredly, the single sepulchres
of kings, and great personages, buried during a considerable space of
time, and that in peace. There are many groups of them together, and as
family burial places; the variety in them, seems to indicate some note
of difference in the persons there interr’d, well known in those ages.
Probably the priests and laity were someway distinguish’d; as well as
different orders and stations in them. Most of the barrows have little
ditches around, extremely well defin’d. In many is a circular ditch 60
cubits in diameter, with a very small _tumulus_ in the center. 60 or
even 100 cubits is a very common diameter in the large barrows. Often,
they are set in rows, and equidistant, so as to produce a regular and
pretty appearance, and with some particular regard to the parts of the
temple, the avenues, or the _cursus_. For instance, where the avenue
begins at the first elevation, from _Radfin_ ford, advancing towards
_Stonehenge_, seven large and flat old barrows are on the right hand of
the avenue, towards the east end of the _cursus_, seven large barrows
of a newer shape, are on the left hand: both these groups before
spoken of, are plac’d in a similar manner, in regard to the avenue,
and as wings or openings to it. Upon every range of hills, quite round
_Stonehenge_, are successive groups of barrows, for some miles: and
we may even observe, that great barrow by Lord _Pembroke_’s park at
_Wilton_, which I call the tomb of _Carvilius_, is set within view of
_Stonehenge_.

In 1722, my late Lord _Pembroke_, Earl _Thomas_, who was pleas’d to
favour my inquiries at this place, open’d a barrow, in order to find
the position of the body observ’d in these early days. He pitch’d upon
one of those south of _Stonehenge_, close upon the road thither from
_Wilton_: and on the east side of the road. ’Tis one of the double
barrows, or where two are inclos’d in one ditch: one of those, which I
suppose the later kind, and of a fine turn’d bell-fashion. It may be
seen in _Plate_ IX. On the west side, he made a section from the top to
the bottom, an intire segment, from center to circumference. The manner
of composition of the barrow was good earth, quite thro’, except a coat
of chalk of about two foot thickness, covering it quite over, under the
turf. Hence it appears, that the method of making these barrows was to
dig up the turf for a great space round, till the barrow was brought
to its intended bulk. Then with the chalk, dug out of the environing
ditch, they powder’d it all over. So that for a considerable time,
these barrows must have look’d white: even for some number of years.
And the notion of sanctity annex’d to them, forbid people trampling
on them, till perfectly settled and turf’d over. Hence the neatness
of their form to this day. At the top or center of this barrow, not
above three foot under the surface, my Lord found the skeleton of
the interr’d; perfect, of a reasonable size, the head lying toward
_Stonehenge_, or northward.

The year following, in order to prosecute this inquiry, by my Lord’s
order, I begun upon a barrow north of _Stonehenge_, in that group
south of the _cursus_. ’Tis one of the double barrows there: and the
more easterly, and lower of the two: likewise somewhat less. It was
reasonable to believe, this was the sepulture of a man and his wife:
and that the lesser was the female: and so it prov’d, at least a
daughter. We made a large cut on the top from east to west. After the
turf taken off, we came to the layer of chalk, as before, then fine
garden mould. About three foot below the surface, a layer of flints,
humouring the convexity of the barrow. These flints are gather’d from
the surface of the downs in some places, especially where it has been
plow’d. This being about a foot thick, rested on a layer of soft mould
another foot: in which was inclos’d an urn full of bones. This urn was
of unbak’d clay, of a dark reddish colour: crumbled into pieces. It had
been rudely wrought with small mouldings round the verge, and other
circular channels on the outside, with several indentures between,
made with a pointed tool, as depicted in _Plate_ XXXII. where I have
drawn all the sorts of things found in this barrow. The bones had been
burnt, and crouded all together in a little heap, not so much as a hat
crown would contain. The collar bone, and one side of the under-jaw
are grav’d in their true magnitude. It appears to have been a girl of
about 14 years old, by their bulk and the great quantity of female
ornaments mix’d with the bones, all which we gather’d. Beads of all
sorts, and in great number, of glass of divers colours, most yellow,
one black. Many single, many in long pieces notch’d between, so as to
resemble a string of beads, and these were generally of a blue colour.
There were many of amber, of all shapes and sizes, flat squares, long
squares, round, oblong, little and great. Likewise many of earth, of
different shapes, magnitude and colour, some little and white, many
large and flattish like a button, others like a pully. But all had
holes to run a string thro’, either thro’ their diameter, or sides.
Many of the button sort seem to have been cover’d with metal, there
being a rim work’d in them, wherein to turn the edge of the covering.
One of these was cover’d with a thin film of pure gold. These were the
young lady’s ornaments. And had all undergone the fire: so that what
would easily consume fell to pieces as soon as handled. Much of the
amber burnt half thro’. This person was a heroin, for we found the
head of her javelin in brass. At bottom are two holes for the pins
that fastned it to the staff. Besides, there was a sharp bodkin, round
at one end, square at the other, where it went into a handle. I still
preserve whatever is permanent of these trinkets. But we recompos’d the
ashes of the illustrious defunct, and cover’d them with earth. Leaving
visible marks at top, of the barrow having been open’d, to dissuade any
other from again disturbing them: and this was our practice in all the
rest.

[Illustration: _P. 44._ TAB. XXIII.

The Area of STONEHENGE]

Then we op’d the next barrow to it, inclos’d in the same ditch, which
we suppos’d the husband or father of this lady. At fourteen inches
deep, the mould being mix’d with chalk, we came to the intire skeleton
of a man. The skull and all the bones exceedingly rotten and perish’d,
thro’ length of time. Tho’ this was a barrow of the latest sort, as we
conjecture. The body lay north and south, the head to the north, as
that Lord _Pembroke_ open’d.

Next, I went westward, to a group of barrows whence _Stonehenge_ bears
east north-east. Here is a large barrow ditch’d about, but of an
ancient make. On that side next _Stonehenge_ are ten lesser, small,
and as it were crouded together. South of the great one is another
barrow, larger than those of the group, but not equalling the first.
It would seem, that a man and his wife were bury’d in the two larger,
and that the rest were of their children or dependants. One of the
small ones, 20 cubits in diameter, I cut thro’, with a pit nine foot
in diameter, to the surface of the natural chalk, in the center of the
barrow; where was a little hole cut. A child’s body (as it seems) had
been burnt here, and cover’d up in that hole: but thro’ the length of
time consum’d. From three foot deep, we found much wood ashes soft
and black as ink, some little bits of an urn, and black and red earth
very rotten. Some small lumps of earth red as vermilion: some flints
burnt thro’. Toward the bottom a great quantity of ashes and burnt
bones. From this place I could count 128 barrows in sight. See a vast
multiplicity of ’em, TAB. XXXI.

Going from hence more southerly, there is a circular dish-like cavity
dug in the chalk, 60 cubits in diameter, like a barrow revers’d. ’Tis
near a great barrow, the least of the south-western group. ’Tis between
it, and what I call the bushbarrow, set with thorn-trees, TAB. XXXII.
This cavity is seven feet deep in the middle, extremely well turn’d,
and out of it, no doubt, the adjacent barrow is dug. The use of it
seems to have been a place for sacrificing and feasting in memory of
the dead, as was the ancient custom. ’Tis all overgrown with that
pretty shrub _erica vulgaris_, now in flower, and smelling like honey.
We made a large cross section in its center upon the cardinal points;
we found nothing but a bit of red earthen pot.

We dug up one of those I call Druid’s barrows, a small tump inclos’d
in a large circular ditch. I chose that next to bushbarrow, westward
of it. _Stonehenge_ bears hence north-east. We made a cross section
ten foot each way, three foot broad over its center, upon the cardinal
points. At length we found a squarish hole cut into the solid chalk,
in the center of the _tumulus_. It was three foot and a half, _i. e._
two cubits long, and near two foot broad, _i. e._ one cubit: pointing
to _Stonehenge_ directly. It was a cubit and half deep from the
surface. This was the _domus exilis Plutonia_ cover’d with artificial
earth, not above a foot thick from the surface. In this little grave we
found all the burnt bones of a man, but no signs of an urn. The bank
of the circular ditch is on the outside, and is 12 cubits broad. The
ditch is 6 cubits broad (the Druid’s staff) the area is 70 cubits in
diameter. The whole 100.

I open’d another of these of like dimensions, next to that Lord
_Pembroke_ first open’d, south of _Stonehenge_. We found a burnt body
in a hole in the chalk, as before. Mr. _Roger Gale_ was with me.

In some other barrows I open’d, were found large burnt bones of horses
and dogs, along with human. Also of other animals as seem’d; of fowl,
hares, boars, deer, goats, or the like. And in a great and very flat
old fashion’d barrow, west from _Stonehenge_, among such matters, I
found bits of red and blue marble, chippings of the stones of the
temple. So that probably the interr’d was one of the builders. _Homer_
tells us of _Achilles_ slaying horses and dogs, at the funeral of his
friend _Patroclus_.

Lord _Pembroke_ told me of a brass sword dug up in a barrow here,
which was sent to _Oxford_. In that very old barrow near little
_Ambersbury_, was found a very large brass weapon of 20 pounds
weight, like a pole-ax. Said to be given to col. _Wyndham_. In the
great long barrow farthest north from _Stonehenge_, which I call
north long barrow, and supposed to be an Archdruid’s, was found one
of those brass instruments call’d _celts_, which I hold to belong to
the Druids, wherewith they cut off the misletoe, as before mention’d.
Mr. _Stallard_ of _Ambersbury_ gave it to Lord _Burlington_, now
in Sir _Hans Sloane_’s cabinet: 13 inches long. They dug a cell in
a barrow east of _Ambersbury_, and it was inhabited for some time.
There they found all the bones of a horse. This is the sum of what
is most material, that fell within my observation, relating to the
barrows about _Stonehenge_. We find evidently, these ancient nations
had the custom of burning their dead bodies, probably before the name
of _Rome_. So lachrymatories we read of in scripture, ancienter than
_Greek_ or _Roman_ times, _Psalm_ lvi. 8.

                   •       •       •       •       •

TAB. XXXI. the barrows in _Lake-field_. This is as a church-yard,
the burial-place of some town, or large family. I mention’d before,
that the ditches observable here, are bounds of parishes, hundreds
or lordships. The countrymen sometime call this group, the prophets
barrows. Because the _French_ prophets 30 years ago, set up a standard
on the largest barrow, and preach’d to the enthusiastic multitude.

TAB. XXXIII. bush-barrow, a barrow planted by the shepherds. ’Tis south
of _Stonehenge_, and commands a pleasant prospect of the temple, the
_cursus_, the avenue, and of all the barrows around this plain. You see
the hills a little on this side _Abury_, whereon runs the _Wansdike_,
the boundary of the _Belgic_ kingdom.

TAB. XXXIV. the _tumulus_ of _Carvilius_ who fought _Julius Cæsar_.
’Tis on the other side of _Wilton_ (_Carvilium_) by Lord _Pembroke_’s
park: and planted with four trees, as one of the visto’s to the park.

TAB. XXXV. one of the temples at _Persepolis_ a patriarchal one,
open: but made after _Solomon_’s temple, square: with mouldings and
ornaments. I take it to be of the same age as _Stonehenge_.

[Illustration: TAB. XXIIII. _P. 46._

_The back Prospect of the beginning of the Avenue to Stonehenge. 6.
Aug. 1723._

_Stukeley delin._ _A. the beginning of the avenue. B. the old Kings
barrows. C. the 7 Kings barrows. D. Vespasians camp_.]




                               CHAP. XI.

  _Of the original name of_ Stonehenge, _and a conjecture of the
    general time of building such kind of works. Of_ Wansdike, _by
    whom made and when. Of_ Vespasian’s _camp_. Stonehenge _was
    call’d the_ Ambers, _or_ Main Ambres: _which mean the anointed
    stones,_ i. e. _the consecrated, the sacred stones. The meaning
    of the word_ Ambrosia. _The_ Tyrian Hercules _brought the_
    Druids _hither, with_ Abraham’s_ religion._ Apher _a grandson
    of_ Abraham’s, _his companion._


I have inform’d the reader, to the best of my skill, what was, and
what is the state of _Stonehenge_, both above, and below ground.
I apprehend, it will be expected, that I should say somewhat,
concerning the antiquity and time of erecting these works, especially
of _Stonehenge_. But what can we say, of a matter so very remote?
where the oldest memoirs and reports of the oldest nation inhabiting
the island, can give us no satisfaction about it: but are as far to
seek, as to the founders of this wonderful work, as we are, at this
time, and are forced to apply to magic: in order to account for it.
Notwithstanding, I shall endeavour to satisfy the readers curiosity,
in this point, as well as I can; by giving him my own opinion about
it. Not doubting of his candour, in so arduous an attempt: which
may perhaps be an amusement to him, whether it gains his belief, or
not. Therefore, I shall recite, in short, what occurs to me, on this
subject. 1. As to the antiquity of these temples in general. 2. Of the
time of founding _Stonehenge_.

The former will anticipate, in some sort, what I promis’d, in treating
of the temples of the Druids in general. But I am naturally led to it,
here, by observing, that the name of the adjacent town of _Ambersbury_,
points out a relation to the work of _Stonehenge_, and to the ancient
name of it. For as we took notice at first, the present name of
_Stonehenge_, is purely _Saxon_, given by our latest ancestors, by
a people wholly strangers to the purport of the thing, that had no
notion, no report of its having once been a sacred place; and signifies
no more than hanging-stones, or a stone-gallows. The ancient _Britons_
call’d it _choir-gaur_, which the _Monks_ latiniz’d into _chorea
gigantum_, the giants dance; a name suited to the marvelous notion
they had of the structure, or of the reports of magic, concern’d in
raising it. But I had rather chuse to think _choir gaur_ in _Welsh_,
truly means, the great church; the cathedral, in our way of speaking.
A general title, which the _Welsh_ inhabitants, the remnants of the
_Belgæ_, conquer’d by the _Romans_, gave it; as well knowing the true
use of it, and even frequenting it in a religious way. Tho’ they had
driven off the first possessors of it, and the builders: I mean in
_Divitiacus_ his time, or sooner, before the _Roman_ invasion.

There is a very plain reason: that _Stonehenge_ was built, before the
_Wansdike_ was made, and _that_ was the last boundary of the _Belgic_
kingdom in _Britain_. The stones of which _Stonehenge_ is compos’d,
were fetcht from beyond that boundary, consequently _then_ an enemies
country. It seems not improbable, that the _Wansdike_ was made, when
this _Belgic_ kingdom was at its height, and that time we may well
guess at, from _Cæsar_. He tells us in _Bell. Gall. Lib._ II. 4. “the
_Belgæ_ are of _German_ original. By force of arms, they possess’d
themselves of the countries, south of the _Rhine_ and towards the
ocean, driving out the _Gauls_. They were a very warlike nation, and
could produce 100000 men in arms. That one of their kings _Divitiacus_,
in the memory of some then living, obtain’d the government, both of
great part of _Gaul_ and in _Britain_ too.” I believe the _Belgæ_ and
_Sicambri_, all one people of _German_ original. Our _Welsh_ call
themselves _Cymri_, and from them _Cumberland_ has its name. It is very
just to think this _Wansdike_ was made in the time of _Divitiacus_,
both because of the greatness of the work, suiting so potent a prince,
and because it is the last boundary: after that time, the _Roman_ power
swallowing up all divisions.

I judge, we may reasonably place the time of making the _Wansdike_,
about 50 years before _Cæsar_ wrote, we may say AUC. 650. _Divitiacus_
probably ordered it to be made in person. And it seems to have been
drawn from the upper end of the _Tees_ river, about _Whit-church_,
and _Andover_, in _Hampshire_: to the _Avon_ river, about _Bristol_.
These two rivers and the _Wansdike_ separated the _Belgic_ kingdom from
the old _Celtic Britons_. They by this means, were driven from this
beautiful country, and from their stately temple of _Stonehenge_, by
these powerful invaders. It is remarkable enough, that the inhabitants
of _Somersetshire_, the ancient seat of the _Belgæ_, retain still the
_Belgic_, liquidating pronunciation, _v_ consonant for _f_, _z_ for _s_.

The _Devizes_ is a town in the middle of the length of _Wansdike_, very
probably erected, among others, to secure this ditch or fortification.
It seems to have been the capital fort or frontier town, and to have
its name from the king, as a trophy or monument of his power: built by
him in person. _Anonymus Ravennas_ may possibly call it _Punctuobice_,
but we have no certainty, that his copy retains the word uncorrupt, or
that he transcribed it right: nor what alteration the _Romans_ made in
the original word, nor what was made in the later and barbarous times.
However there seems enough therein, as well as in the present name of
the town, to countenance our conjecture. The former part of the word
_punctuo_, which Mr. _Baxter_ thinks monstrous, may come, perhaps, from
the _German_ word _pooghen_, which signifies an arduous work, and might
regard the castle here, which is said to have been once, the strongest
in _Europe_. _Neubringensis_ calls it _Divisæ_. They tell us legendary
stories of its being built by an old _British_ king.

_Divisus_ was probably the name of this _Belgic_ Monarch, or _Duiguis_:
as _Gluiguis_ king of _Demetia_ in _Wales_ is wrote _Glivisus_ in
_Toland_, p. 186. and the termination may have been form’d into
_Latin_, from the _Celtic_ word _taeog_ _dux_. Whence, perhaps, the
_Etruscan Tages_, so much boasted of in their antiquities; likewise the
modern _Doge_ of _Venice_. So that _Divitiacus_ may well be _Divisus
dux_. The name of the _Wansdike_, I shewed to be purely _Celtic_, p. 4.

It is an ancient oriental custom to make these boundary ditches. Thus
the land belonging to the several tribes of _Israel_ was marked out
by a ditch, as we read in the accounts of the holy land. Particularly
the author of _le voyage de la terre sainte_, printed 1675. _Paris_,
p. 57. says, “he travell’d five or six miles along such a ditch going
from _Joppa_ to _Jerusalem_, which parted the tribes of _Benjamin_ and
_Judah_.” ’Tis recited _Joshua_ xv.

The monkish writers make much ado about _Aurelius Ambrosius_, a
christian king of the _Britons_ (in the time of our great ancestor
_Hengist_) building _Stonehenge_, by the help of _Merlin Ambrosius_ the
magician, in memory of the _British_ nobility slain treacherously by
_Hengist_, at _Ambresbury_. Some say the fact was committed _ad pagum
Ambri_, others call it _cœnobium Ambrij_, others _ad montem Ambrij_.
One while they refer the name to _Ambrosius_, another time to an Abbot
_Ambrius_, and this was among our _Roman British_ ancestors, who were
christians. They add too, that _Merlin_ fetch’d these stones out of
_Ireland_, that they had been brought before, out of _Africa_ into
_Ireland_: that he set them up here in the same form, by art magic; and
that the stones were of a medicinal Virtue. These matters we read in
_Girald. Cambrens._ de admirand. Hib. c. 18. _Higden_’s Polychron. v.
_Geoff. Monmouth_ VIII. _Matt. Westminster_, &c.

[Illustration: _P. 48._ TAB. XXV.

_Stukeley delin._  _Toms sculp._

_The Approach to Radfin fronting the Avenue of Stonehenge 8. June 1724_

A. _the avenue._ B. _the old Kings barrows._ C. _the new Kings
barrows._ D. _Vespasians camp._ E. _the beginning of the avenue._]

This calls to my memory, what the above-mention’d Dr. _Harwood_
inform’d me, he had heard the great Sir _Christopher Wren_ say,
that there were such structures as _Stonehenge_, in _Africa_, being
temples dedicate to _Saturn_. But I need not be tedious in observing,
how absurd the _Monkish_ reports are; of a christian king erecting
_Stonehenge_, as a sepulchral monument for the _British_ nobility,
massacred in the monastery of _Ambresbury_. At the same time they say,
their bodies were buried in the church-yard of the monastery. Nor how
they confound the names of _Ambrosius_ the king, _Ambrius_ the abbot,
the town, abby and mountain of _Ambry_, and perhaps of _Merlin_ too,
for one of them was call’d _Ambrosius_. But their affirming, the
edifice came out of _Africa_ into _Spain_, thence into _Ireland_,
thence into _Britain_, and of its being erected here in the same form,
by art magic; and that the stones are of a medicinal virtue: these
notions lead us to the original truth, of the Druid founders, and that
_Stonehenge_ had originally, the name of _Ambres_, and from it the
adjacent town of _Ambresbury_ had its name.

To pursue this matter a little further. Between _Stonehenge_ and the
town, hanging over the river, upon elevated ground is a fine and
ancient camp, commonly call’d _Vespasian_’s, and not without much
probability, attributed to him. We have often had occasion to mention
it before. That great man, destin’d by providence for executing his
final vengeance, on the people of the _Jews_, and thereby accomplishing
our Saviour’s predictions; by his successes in this place, pav’d a
road to the imperial dignity. Having conquer’d the isle of _Wight_, he
pursued his good fortune, higher up into this country, where he made
this camp, and another across the heath, call’d _Yanesbury_; which
seems to retain the latter part of his name. The camp we are speaking
of near _Ambresbury_, is an oblong square, nicely placed upon a flexure
of the river, which closes one side and one end of it. There is an old
barrow inclos’d in it, which, doubtless was one of those belonging
to this plain, and to the temple of _Stonehenge_, before this camp
was made. It is pretty to observe, that the road from _Stonehenge_
to _Ambresbury_, runs upon the true _via prætoria_ of the camp. The
Generals tent or _prætorium_ was in that part south of the road,
between it and the river, toward little _Ambresbury_. There is another
gate of the camp, at the lower end, northward, the _porta prætoria
ordinaria_, in the _Roman_ language. Now I apprehend, that _Stonehenge_
was originally call’d the _Ambres_, from thence this camp was call’d
_Ambresburgh_, and thence the name of the town underneath.

Mr. _Camden_ writes, “that near _Pensans_ in _Cornwall_, is a very
remarkable stone, call’d _main Ambre_, which tho’ it be of a vast
bigness, yet you may move it with one finger: notwithstanding a
great number of men cannot remove it from its place. The name is
interpreted the stone of _Ambrosius_.” A picture of it in _Norden_’s
history of _Cornwall_, p. 48. I have seen one of these rocking stones,
as call’d commonly, in _Derbyshire_. Mr. _Toland_ in his history of
the Druids, mentions it too, and says there are such in _Wales_ and
in _Ireland_. Sir _Robert Sibbald_ mentions them in _Scotland_, all
rightly judg’d to have been done by the Druids. Sir _Robert_ speaking
of the rocking stone near _Balvaird_ (or the _Bards_ town) in _Fife_:
“I am inform’d (says he) that this stone was broken by the usurper
_Cromwell_’s soldiers. And it was discover’d then, that its motion was
perform’d, by a yolk extuberant in the middle of the under surface of
the uppermost stone, which was inserted in a cavity, in the surface of
the lower stone.” This is the artifice of the stones at _Stonehenge_,
but applied here by the Druids for a moveable principle, as there, for
stability. I call them mortaise and tenon: and before observ’d them
to be of an egg-like form; which Sir _Robert_ calls a yolk. The _Main
Amber_ in _Cornwall_ was likewise destroy’d in the civil wars, by one
of _Oliver_’s governors. These reformers had a notion of these works
being superstitious matters. _Main Ambre_ is _lapis Ambrosius_, or
_petra Ambrosia_. And that name leads us to consider the famous _petræ
Ambrosiæ_, on the coins of the city of _Tyre_. A specimen of them, I
have drawn on the _Plate_ following.

[Illustration: _P. 50._]

These, and many more of the like sort, struck by the city of _Tyre_, in
honour of their founder _Hercules_, may be seen in _Vaillant_’s second
Volume of colony coins, _pag._ 69, 148, 218, 251, 337.

They represent two great, rough stones, call’d _petræ ambrosiæ_,
with an altar before them, and an olive tree; _Hercules_ the hero of
_Tyre_, the famous Navigator of antiquity, their founder, sacrificing.
On some of the coins _petræ ambrosiæ_ wrote in _Greek_. He is
represented indeed like the _Greek Hercules_, but in the latter times
of the _Roman_ empire, when these coins were struck, they at _Tyre_
were as far to seek about the true meaning and origin of their first
antiquities, as we of ours. And what knowledge they had of them,
was from legendary reports of the _Greeks_, who chiefly, among the
heathens, had the knack of writing. These reports, as we may find in
_Nonnus_ his _Dionysiacs_, 40. and 41. acquaint us, that _Hercules_
invented shipping, as a latin poet too intimates, _Tibullus_.

    _Prima ratem ventis credere docta Tyrus._

They acquaint us that he ordered _Tyre_ to be built, where the _petræ
ambrosiæ_ stood, which were two moveable rocks, standing by an olive
tree. He was to sacrifice on them, and they should become fixt and
stable: rather, the City should be built with happy auspice, and become
permanent.

Here are our _Main Ambres_, made artfully moveable, a kind of altars,
or pillars, the same as the pillars of _Hercules_ so fam’d, and as
little understood. They were the original patriarchal altars, for
libations and sacrifices, and mean, in general, their Altars, whether
moveable or immoveable: or as we may speak, their temples, which
imply an altar properly, inclosed with stones and a ditch, or ground
dedicated and set apart for public celebration of religious rites.
For the word _Ambrosius_ means in general, consecrated, dedicated to
religious use.

Beside the _petræ ambrosiæ_ of _Tyre_, and our _main ambres_ of
_Britain_ and _Ireland_, we meet with another in _Hephæstion_’s History
III. 3. “Speaking of _Hercules_, he mentions the _Gygonian_ stone, as
he calls it, near the ocean, which may be mov’d with the stalk of an
_asphodel_, but can’t be remov’d by any force.” It seems this word
_Gygonius_ is purely _Celtic_. For _gwingog_ signifies _motitans_, the
rocking stone; and _gwgon_ is what the boys with us call a gig, or
little top. For these _Gygonian_ stones are of that shape, pyramidal.

[Illustration: TAB. XXVI. _P. 50._

_Prospect of Vespasians Camp near Ambersbury. Aug^{st}: 7. 1723_

_Prospect from the 7 barrows east of Ambersbury, to the opening of the
Avenue of Stonehenge, &c._

A. _the beginning of the avenue_ _Stukeley Del._]

No wonder these matters are well nigh lost, in the mist of extreme
antiquity, when even the meaning of the word _ambrosius_ was hardly
known, either to the antients or moderns, till Mr. _Baxter_ discover’d
it, in his glossary. It signifies oil of roses, _rosaceum_: the most
antient kind of perfume. In the 4th _Odyssy_, v. 445. _Edothea_ a sea
goddess, teaches _Menelaus_ and his companions, to cure the odious
smell of the sea calves.

    Ἀμβροσίην ὑπὸ ῥῖνα ἑκάστῳ θῆκε φέρουσα
    Ἡδὺ μάλα πνείουσαν.————————————————

She put _ambrosia_ to their noses, sweetly smelling. Again, in his hymn
to _Venus_, the graces washt the goddess, and anointed her with oil
ambrosial: such as becomes the immortals.

    ——————————————καὶ χρῖσαν ἐλαίῳ
    Ἀμβρότῳ, οἷα Θεοὺς ἐπενήνοθεν αἰὲν ἐόντας.

Lastly, in _Iliad._ XXIII. _Venus_ anoints _Hector_’s body with
ambrosial oil of roses,

    ——————ῥοδόεντι δὲ χρῖεν ἐλαίῳ
    Ἀμβροσίῳ————————————

Which is a tautology. For from length of time, they scarce knew the
true meaning of the word in _Homer_’s age.

_Virgil_ seems to understand but somewhat of the original meaning of
the word, speaking of _Venus_; her hair was anointed with ointment
perfum’d.

    _Ambrosiæq; comæ divinum vertice odorem
    Spiravere_————————————————        Æneid.

In _Pliny_ Nat. Hist. XIII. 1. we find the _oleum rhodinum_ most
antient, common and simple. And this is the true _ambrosia_, which from
its very antient use in sacred rites, had almost lost its meaning; and
was us’d to signify, one while, the food of the gods, another time,
immortality; again, whatever is divine, or appropriate to the gods.
But simply, it signifies oil of roses, still from its first use, in
sacred matters, it imports anointed, in a religious sense; consecrated,
dedicated. Then _main ambres_, _ambres_, _petræ ambrosiæ_, signify the
stones anointed with holy oil, consecrated; or in a general sense a
temple, altar, or place of worship.

The truth is, it was a patriarchal custom to consecrate their altars,
pillars, or in a general word temples, by anointing with oil, either
simple or perfum’d. Rose oil being the oldest, engross’d the general
name of the action; so that a stone anointed with oil of roses, is a
_main amber_, or _lapis ambrosius_. The same is an altar, or stone
dedicate to religious use. The plural number, _petræ ambrosiæ_, import
a church or temple, in our way of speaking.

We have an illustrious instance of this practice in the holy
Scriptures, and the earliest. _Gen._ xxviii. This is not commonly
understood by writers. ’Tis the moving and memorable history of young
_Jacob_, sent away from his father’s house alone, to take a long
journey to some unknown relations. He came to a place, call’d afterward
_Bethel_, and sleeping with his head on a stone for a pillow, had a
celestial vision; and a promise from God, of the highest importance
to him and all mankind. Awaking, he thought the place had been holy
ground, where, perhaps, his grandfather _Abraham_ had before-time built
an altar; an house of God, or gate of heaven, as he elegantly names it.
“Therefore he rose up early in the morning, which was one circumstance
(in patriarchal times) of the work he was going about, and took the
stone that he had put for his pillow, and set it up for a pillar; and
poured oil upon the top of it, and called the place _Beth-el_, _i. e._
the house of God. Then he vowed, that if God would please to prosper
him in his journey, and bring him back into his own country, he would
build a temple there, and consecrate to God the tythe of his substance,
as was the manner in those times.”

This is in reality a votive, patriarchal temple, altar or house of
God, which he not only vows to build, but at the same time endows it.
The stone which _Jacob_ anointed, was not an altar properly, lying on
the ground whereon to make a libation, but he set it up as a pillar.
It was one of the upright stones, which the scripture calls pillars,
as standing of itself; a part of the circle of stones, inclosing the
altar. And by the act of anointing, _Jacob_ consecrated it, as the
manner then was, destined it for a sacred purpose, as an earnest of his
will in good time to fulfil it. And this he did fulfil, _chap._ xxxv.
building the celebrated temple of _Bethel_. Here _Jeroboam_ set up one
of his golden calves. At last it was destroy’d by _Vespasian_.

In _Exod._ xxiv. 4. “we have an instance of _Moses_ rising up early in
the morning and building an altar, and setting up 12 pillars around
it.” This was before the tabernacle was made, which introduced the
custom of cover’d temples.

But so famous was that patriarchal temple of _Jacob_’s, which he built
at _Bethel_; that the heathen called all their temples of that sort,
when they were perverted to idolatrous purposes, _Bæthylia_, _lapides
Bætyli_, and the like. Which indeed is but another manner of expressing
_lapis Ambrosius_, or our _Main Ambre_. And according to custom, the
fabulous _Greeks_ having lost the true history of its origin, affix’d
many strange stories to it; as of _Saturn_ devouring such a stone,
wrapt up in a skin, instead of his Son _Jupiter_: which seems to be
form’d from the memory of praying at these places, in the name of the
mediatorial deity, as the patriarchs did. And _Sanchoniathon_ tells us,
the god _Ouranus_ devised _Bætylia_, or animated stones. He means our
rocking stones, _gygonian_ stones. I shall show in my discourse on that
subject, that by _Ouranus_, he means righteous _Noah_, who, according
to patriarchal usage, builded an altar unto _Jehovah_, _Gen._ viii. 20.
meaning one of these patriarchal temples. In time, by the corruption
of mankind, these places were desecrated to idolatrous purposes; and
writers pervert the intent of them. So that God Almighty, raising up
the Mosaic Dispensation, was oblig’d to interdict the very use and
practice of these open temples, and introduce the cover’d one of the
tabernacle; by way of opposition to heathenism, as well as with other
important views.

We find now the meaning of anointed stones in antiquity, and the
olive-tree set by the stones on the _Tyrian_ coins. As the very learned
Author of _Archæologia Græca_ observes, on the affair of consecration,
“they were more or less sumptuous and expensive, as other parts of
divine worship, according to the ability of the worshippers.” Young
_Jacob_ a traveller us’d plain oil, part of his _viaticum_, others us’d
perfum’d oil, or _ambrosia_. That author cites us from _Athenæus_,
the method of consecrating _Jupiter Ctesias_’s statue with a libation
call’d _ambrosia_: and others by anointing with oil, prayers and
libations, _Exodus_ xxx. 22. We have the holy precious ointment made
under the _Jewish_ dispensation for the like purpose. And we use such,
for inauguration of our kings, to this day.

The _Tyrian Hercules_ who built _Tyre_ and set up the _petræ Ambrosiæ_
in those coins, (if I mistake not) liv’d as early as the time, of
_Jacob_’s anointing the stone at _Bethel_. The great _Bochart_, who
penetrated very deep into the _Phœnician_ learning, looks upon it
as a clear matter, that in _Joshua_’s time, the _Phœnicians_ sent
innumerable colonies, into the mediterranean coasts, and even to the
ocean. In the preface to his admirable work _Canaan_, he says, “he has
a great suspicion, that colonies went abroad this way, before that
time. Particularly, he asserts, that _Hercules_, in _Eusebius_ sirnamed
_Desanaus_, who was famous in _Phœnicia_ before the _Exodus_, is the
same, who conquer’d _Antæus_ in _Africa_: which in _Eusebius_, is set
56 years before. He is call’d _Hercules primus_, and that is 63 years
before the _Exodus_, in _Eusebius_’s chronology.” Again, he judges it
to be 2000 years distance between the later _Roman_ times and the first
_Hercules_. Now from _Constantine_ the great, 2000 years carries us up
to _Jacob_’s time. And he proves, from _Aristotle de mirabilibus_, that
_Hercules_ built _Utica_ in _Africa_, at that time; wherein _Eusebius_
says he was famous in _Phœnicia_, and this must be when _Hercules_ was
old. He having conquer’d _Antæus_ in that country, when he was young.

[Illustration: _P. 52._ TAB. XXVII.

_The Beginning of the Avenue to Stonehenge, where it is Plow’d up._

A. _The 7 Kings Barrows_ B. _The Avenue going towards Stonehenge_ C.
_The 6 Old Kings Barrows._]

But I find in the same _Eusebius_, _Prometheus_ is set 111 years still
earlier, before the first mention of _Hercules_, this is during the
life of the patriarch _Joseph_. _Prometheus_ and _Atlas_ were brothers,
and students in Astronomy, with whom the story of _Hercules_ is always
conjoin’d. And so high at least, I must place the time of our _Tyrian
Hercules_, who is the same as _Desanaus_. But _Marianus_ transcribing
_Eusebius_ calls him _Dosenaus_. And _Hesychius_ says _Dorsanes_ is a
name of _Hercules_, with the _Indians_. But by the _Indians_, it is
likely, the _Phœnicians_ and _Arabians_ are meant; for the ancient
_Greeks_ call all the country to the east of the mediterranean sea,
_India_. And then we may in some measure understand the report of
_Ammianus Marcellinus_, who takes it from _Timagenes_, an old _Greek_
Historian, but a _Syrian_ by nation, speaking concerning the peopling
of _Gaul_, “that the more ancient _Hercules_ conducted the _Dorienses_,
to the countries bordering on the ocean.” Perhaps the _Dosareni_ are
meant, an _Arabian_ nation, mention’d by _Ptolemy_. A Deity of the
_Arabians_ was called _Dusaris_ or _Dosaris_, mention’d by _Step.
Byzant_, _Suidas_ and _Tertullian_. A difficult word, which _Bochart_
cannot trace from the _Arabian_ language; nor is it easy to say, what
Deity he was. No wonder such matters are obscur’d, thro’ so long
distance of time. Some think him _Bacchus_, some _Mars_, and why not
_Hercules_? for after mankind laps’d into idolatry, these three were
much confounded.

I find sufficient testimony, of the _Tyrian Hercules_ coming from
_Arabia_, about the red sea, or having companions, that were natives
of that country. For this reason they nam’d an island at the city of
_Gadis_, which they built, _Erythia_, _Erythræa_; which _Pliny_ IV.
22. says, was so called from the first possessors, the _Tyrians_, who
came from the _Erythræan_ sea: which is the red sea. _Solinus_ says
the same. That sea had its name from _Erythras_, as the _Greeks_ and
the same _Pliny_ write; who is _Edom_ or _Esau_, brother of _Jacob_.
The words are synonymous, signifying red. The reports of _Hercules_’s
expedition to that island _Erythræa_ now _Cadiz_, is famous in all the
old _Greek_ writers.

This relation we have given of the _Tyrian Hercules_, that he lived
about the time of _Abraham_, or soon after, according to _Eusebius_’s
chronology; that he came from about the red sea, and had companions
in his travels, that lived thereabouts, is much confirm’d by what
_Josephus_ writes, from _Alexander Polyhistor_; who cites it from
a very antient author, called _Cleodemus_, sirnam’d _Malchus_, who
wrote a history of the _Jews_, agreeable with the _Mosaic_. He says,
_Abraham_ had several Sons by _Keturah_, he names _Apher_, _Suris_ and
_Japhra_. That _Apher_ and _Japhra_ were auxiliaries to _Hercules_,
when he fought in _Lybia_ against _Antæus_. That from _Apher_ the
country was nam’d _Africa_. That _Hercules_ married his daughter, and
begat of her _Dodorus_. _Josephus_ in the same _chap._ of the first
book of his antiquities, writes, that _Abraham_ had six sons born of
_Keturah_: men, heroic and wise. That they and their posterity were
settled in _Troglodytis_, in the country of _Arabia fœlix_, reaching
to the red sea. He makes _Opher_ or _Apher_ grandson to _Abraham_, by
_Midian_ his son. That _Apher_ waged war in _Lybia_ and conquer’d it,
and plac’d his sons there, who call’d the Country _Africa_ from their
father. So _Schindler_ in his lexicon, _pag._ 1361.

Making proper allowance for relations of such very antient matters,
transmitted by historians of different countries, different languages,
and so often transcribed and translated, before they come down to us;
here is enough to confirm and explain, what we have before advanc’d:
both as to time and place, and matter. And we cannot but see what
relation our _Main Ambres_ and the _gygonian_ stone by the ocean, have
to the _petræ ambrosiæ_, which _Hercules_ set up at _Tyre_: which is
the drift of my discourse. That very _gygonian_ stone, for ought I see,
may be our rocking-stone near _Pensans_, it stands by the sea-side.
Nor do I see any absurdity, if we judge, that it was erected there,
by _Hercules_ in person. Near it is that other famous Druid temple
call’d _Biscawoon_, consisting of 19 pillars in a circle and a central
_kebla_. The entrance is made of 2 somewhat larger stones, than the
rest: not improbably one of the _Herculean_ labours. It is affirm’d
by the best authors, that our _Tyrian Hercules_, the more ancienter
_Hercules_, built the city of _Gadis_, at _Cadiz_ now. And where-ever
_Hercules_ came, there we read of his pillars. Thus _Avienus_.

    _Hic Gadir urbs est, dicta Tartessus prius,
    Hic sunt columnæ pertinacis Herculis._

_Arrian_ II. of the life of _Alexander_, remarks, “that _Gadis_ was
built by the _Phœnicians_. There was a temple of _Hercules_. The
form, the sacrifices and ceremonies there perform’d, are all after
the _Phœnician_ manner.” _Strabo_ in his _Lib._ III. says there were
two pillars in this temple, dedicate to _Hercules_; which the learned
_Tristan_ in his commentaries on medals, p. 384. says, he doubts
not, but they were _petræ ambrosiæ_, in imitation of those of the
same name, in the temple of _Hercules_ of _Tyre_, which _Herodotus_
in _Euterpe_ speaks of. He appears to have been an extraordinary
genius, and a man of great piety withal. Therefore where-ever he
came, he made these patriarchal temples, or set up pillars of stone,
as antiquity called them. Just as the patriarchal family did in the
land of _Canaan_. And _Hercules_ seems to me, to have been a great
man, raised up by providence, to carry the reform’d patriarchal
religion, to the extremest part of the then known western world.
Here, I suppose, the religion of _Abraham_ remain’d pure, for many
ages, under the Druids, till perhaps corrupted by incursions from the
continent. It is remarkable, that the _Romans_, who were so catholic,
(different from those we now absurdly call _Roman_ catholics) as to
permit all religions, persecuted only that of the Druids, and the
christian: whence we are naturally led to think, there was a good deal
of resemblance. Indeed, the Druids are accused of human sacrifices.
They crucified a man and burnt him on the altar; which seems to be a
most extravagant act of superstition, deriv’d from some extraordinary
notices they had of mankind’s redemption: and perhaps from _Abraham_’s
example misunderstood. But as to human sacrifices simply considered,
the _Romans_ themselves and all other nations upon earth at times,
practis’d them.

To this _Hercules_, antiquity affixed very many names, from different
notions of him, retain’d in different countries; and after idolatry
took root, he was worshipp’d under those names of consecration,
according to the old method. For instance, one of his names was
_Palæmon_. _Palæmon_, says _Hesychius_, is _Hercules_. The _Greeks_
made him a sea Deity, who had been so great a sea-captain. They call
him _Melicerta_, which is his _Phœnician_ name _Melcartus_, king of
the city. _Ovid_ tells us the story in _Met._ IV. _Nonnus_ calls him
_Astrochiton_ starry-robed, from his being made a constellation in
heaven. In the _Gallic_ picture of him, which _Lucian_ saw, he is
represented with a sphere in one hand, under the name of _Ogmius_. Mr.
_Toland_ in his history of the Druids, shews us the true interpretation
of that word, from the _Irish_ language; after the learned had in vain
attempted the explication of it. From thence we infer he brought the
use of letters hither. _Cæsar_ informs us, the Druids had them. He is
called _Assis_, by the easterns, which signifies the valiant: the same
as _Hæsus_ of the _Germans_.

[Illustration: _P. 54._ TAB. XXVIII.

_A direct View of Stonehenge from the union of the two Avenues._

_Stukeley delin._

A. _the wing of the avenue going to Radfin._ B. _to the_ Cursus.]

Beside the patriarchal custom of building these places of worship, and
consecrating them with oil, we find many other footsteps of that most
ancient religion, in the history of _Hercules_. _Silius_ speaking of
the strange rites used in the _Gaditan_ temple of _Hercules_, says,
the priests officiated there barefooted, practis’d chastity, had no
statues, us’d white linen surplices. And it is a notorious custom
with the ancient _Phœnicians_, to pay tithe. Indeed they paid tythe
to _Hercules_. Which only imports, that it was a precept and practice
introduc’d by _Hercules_. And after they had deified _Hercules_ they
practis’d it toward him. This was a common method, when idolatry began.
I shall treat more largely of these affairs; when I discourse expressly
of the patriarchal religion. Likewise, I shall prove more fully, from
chronological characters, that this _Hercules_ liv’d at the time,
we are speaking of, in the _canon Mosaicæ chronologiæ_. What I now
recite, concerning these matters, I could not well avoid, as they in my
apprehension, relate to the name of _Stonehenge_.

_Pliny Nat. Hist._ VII. 56. gives us a testimony, of our _Hercules_,
under the name of _Melcartus_, (as _Bochart_ rightly corrects it)
first bringing tin into _Greece_, from the _Cassiterid_ islands. By
which the _British_ are meant. The tin of _Tyre_, which the merchants
of _Greece_, came to buy, at the fairs of that city, is mention’d
_Ezekiel_ xxvii. 12. which, no doubt, came from hence. But it is much
earlier mention’d, among lead and other metals, when the _Midianites_
had it in _Moses_’s time, _Numbers_ xxxi. 22. the _Chaldee_ and
_Arabic_ version there, use the word _kastira_, the _Hierosolymitan
kistara_. No wonder the _Midianites_ should then abound with tin: when
we were told by _Josephus_, that _Apher_ son of _Midian_, was one of
_Hercules_’s companions. The LXX. in that passage of _Numbers_ call it
κασσίτερος. But tin is mention’d earlier still, in _Job_ xix. 24. and
_Job_ liv’d in this same country, on the borders of _Arabia_.

It is very evident from _Bochart_, that the _Phœnicians_, had sail’d
quite round _Britain_, by what he writes of _Thule_. How then can we
doubt but the great island, which they found in the extremest west, was
_Britain_? but they kept their gainful navigation hither so secret,
for many centuries, that even _Herodotus_ the earliest _Greek_ writer
professes he knows not, whence the tin comes. _Britain_ was the only
country, where it could come from, in any quantity, as _Pliny_ says.
But from this great secrecy of the _Phœnicians_, we have lost the high
antiquities of _Britain_, as unknown to the _Greeks_; the only heathen
nation that had the address to commit things to writing. Therefore we
must be content with what small remains of this kind, can be fish’d
out of the wreck of time, by such conjectural methods, as antiquaries
cannot avoid insisting on.

In _Devonshire_ is _Hartland_ point so call’d corruptly, as the
excellent _Camden_ observes, for _Herculis promontorium_. And upon the
_Durham_ sea coast is a town on a promontory call’d _Hartlepool_. A
village call’d _Hart_ near it. I take it to have been call’d by the
_Greek_ traders here _Heracleopolis_. And hence, probably came that
fine old altar in _Greek_, dedicated to the _Tyrian Hercules_, which
Mr. _Roger Gale_ and I copied, in _Corbridge_ church-yard.

From these and many other considerations of this kind, which I shall
hereafter treat of more largely and professedly: I cannot but join in
opinion with _Franc. Philelphus_ in his epistles, and _Lilius Giraldus_
in his _Hercules_ mention’d by Mr. _Camden_, in the last quoted
passage, and with many other writers, that the very ancient _Phœnician_
or _Tyrian Hercules_ conducted an eastern colony hither, upon the
_aborigines_; with whom came the Druids, the builders of _Stonehenge_
and the like works among us. And let this suffice for what I promis’d
upon the first head of this chapter, _viz._ to speak of the antiquity
of these works in general. 2. We are to speak of the time of founding
_Stonehenge_.




                              CHAP. XII.

  _A conjecture about the time of the founding of_ Stonehenge. _An
    uniform variation in setting these works, not to be accounted
    for, but by supposing the_ Druids _us’d a magnetical compass.
    Their leader, the_ Tyrian Hercules, _was possess’d of a
    compass-box. The oracle of_ Jupiter Ammon _had a compass-box.
    The golden fleece at_ Colchis _was a compass-box. Both these
    temples were founded by_ Apher, Hercules _his companion, and
    grandson to_ Abraham. Apher, Aphricus, _or_ Phryxus _the same
    person, seems to have given name to_ Britain. _The_ Druids
    _set their temples and other works by it. The history of
    the mariner’s compass, since that time. The history of the
    variation of the magnetic needle. A conjecture of the time of
    building_ Stonehenge, _from thence._


In my Enquiries into these works of the antient _Druids_ in our island,
I observed a greater exactness in placing them, with regard to the
quarters of the heavens, than one would expect, in works seemingly so
rude; and in so remote an age, to which we must necessarily refer them.
What more particularly mov’d my attention, was a certain variation from
cardinal points, which I observed regular and uniform, in the works
of one place. And that variation was different, in works of another
place; yet equally regular and uniform in that place. Suppose (for
instance) the works about _Abury_ in _Wiltshire_ generally vary 9 or
10 degrees to the left hand, from cardinal points: _i. e._ westward
from the north. And the works at _Stonehenge_ generally vary to the
right hand, from cardinal points, and that to the quantity of 6 or 7
degrees. The principal diameter or groundline of _Stonehenge_, leading
from the entrance, up the middle of the temple, to the high altar,
(from which line the whole work is form’d) varies about that quantity
southward of the north east point. The intent of the founders of
_Stonehenge_, was to set the entrance full north east, being the point
where the sun rises, or nearly, at the summer solstice. As well because
_that_ is the farthest elongation of the great celestial luminary,
northward; the complement of our earthly felicity, in ripening the
fruits of the earth: as because _then_ they celebrated one of their
principal religious meetings or festivals, with sacrifices, publick
games, and the like. Such was the custom of all the antient nations.
The _Isthmian_, _Nemæan_, _Olympian_, _Pythian_ games, famous in the
works of the learned nations: those of _Tyre_ II. _Maccabees_ iv. 18.
dedicated to their and our founder, the antient _Tyrian Hercules_, who,
I suppose, conducted the first _Phœnician_ colony, with our _Druids_,
into _Britain_: these were all held at this time of the year. A custom
continu’d from patriarchal times.

This exactness with which the _Druids_ set their works, and the
uniformity of their variation, make me believe, this variation was not
the effect of chance or negligence.

By a superficial reflexion upon it, we should be apt to suspect, it
was owing to their observing the sun’s rising on the longest day of
the year, or summer solstice, and setting their line by it. For this
is supposed to be a method by which they formerly set our Churches:
marking the sun’s rising at the equinox. But the _Druids_ were too good
astronomers and mathematicians to need so mean an artifice: nor does
it correspond to the quantity precisely enough. Besides, this same
variation appears where it cannot possibly regard the sun’s rising at
that time.

[Illustration: _P. 56._ TAB. XXIX.

_Prospect of the Cursus & Stonehenge from the North Aug. 6. 1723._

A. _The Entrance of the Avenue._ B. _The 7 Barrows._ C. _The Kings
Barrow._ D. _Salisbury Steeple._ E. _Stonehenge._]

For, I observ’d the like variation, or very near, in all the other
parts relating to this temple before taken notice of; beside the
avenue leading up to the temple from the north east, in a strait
line; which has the before-mention’d variation all the way. At the
bottom of the hill, this avenue divides into two wings, each going
off from the last mention’d part, with a decent sweep; the one to the
left hand, westward, the other to the right hand, eastward. They go
off with a like angle, and that angle varies the like quantity. The
western wing goes to the _cursus_, before observ’d, the place upon the
downs, half a mile off _Stonehenge_, made for races with chariots and
horses. The right hand wing of the avenue runs directly eastward for
a mile together, pointing to a place on an angle of the river, called
_Radfin_. This part of the avenue, which was intended by the founders,
to have been drawn precisely east and west, varies about 5 or 6 degrees
to the south.

Likewise, that great work of the _cursus_ itself, which stretches its
length across the downs, from east to west, like a line of latitude
upon the globe, varies such a like quantity, from true east and west,
the same way. The meridian line of _Stonehenge_ passes exactly through
the middle of this _cursus_.

Further, at the east end of this _cursus_, the huge bank of earth,
above 200 foot long, made across the end of the _cursus_, as a _meta_,
and whereon sat the princes and judges of the prizes: This bank of
earth is drawn exactly at a right angle with the _cursus_, consequently
due north and south, but with the variation before spoken of. These,
and other like observations here, as well as in other _Druid_ Works,
appear’d to me no otherwise to be accounted for, but that the _Druids_
us’d a magnetical compass, in laying down the works: and that the
needle vary’d so much, at that time, from the true meridian line.

I remember I open’d this affair, near 20 Years ago, to Dr. _Halley_,
who was of the same sentiment. Nor am I the first who suspected the
_Phœnicians_ of old were possessed of this great secret, as well as the
_Chinese_, from times immemorial. I am not moved to think otherwise by
what _Bochart_ writes against it. The very name of the magnet _lapis
Heraclius_ strongly suggests, the _Tyrian_ navigator before-mention’d
knew it, as is well argued by _Fuller_ in his Miscellanies, IV. 19.
And many things occur, in the mythology of the antients, wherein (if
I mistake not) I discern most evident traces of this knowledge of
the directive power of the magnet. We are not to despise the fables
of the antients, but to make the best use of them, and search out
for their latent truths. My predecessor _Cumberland_, observes in
_Sanchoniathon_, p. 325. “that _Apollodorus_ (for instance) hath
many truths in his mythic history, deriv’d from the tradition of
_Phœnicians_ and _Egyptians_, planting _Athens_.” And the _Greeks_,
those happy practitioners in writing, as well as other arts, took the
unlucky turn of the _marvellous_, to so exorbitant a degree, as to
write nothing without it. In _Apollodorus_, put out by the learned Dr.
_Gale_, p. 114. we have an account of the 10th labour of _Hercules_,
his conquest of _Cadiz_, or _Gadira_, as then call’d, or _Erythea_.
We are told, the hero set up the 2 pillars at the Streights mouth, at
_Gibralter_, or then _Tartessus_; which we may reasonably suppose some
temple made of these rough stones, or some _main ambres_, like those
we mention’d before, the _petræ ambrosiæ_ in the _Tyrian_ coins. Then,
says our author, going on his journey, “the rays of the sun were so
vehement upon him, that he had the boldness to draw his bow against
him. The god admiring the intrepidity of the man, gave him a golden cup
with which he sail’d over the ocean.” _Pisander_ in his IId. book, (in
_Atheneus Deipnos._ XI.) writes the same, only that _Oceanus_ lent him
the cup. _Panyasis_ in his I. of the history of _Hercules_, says, he
begg’d it of _Nereus_, son of _Sol_, and with it sail’d to _Erythea_.
(Macrob. _Saturn._ XXI. 5.) _Theoclytus_, in _Atheneus_ aforesaid, in
his II. _de tempest._ mentions the same thing. He said it before in
his _Titanomachia_. _Pherecydes_, in his III. of history, quoted both
in _Atheneus_ and _Macrobius_, tells a story somewhat like that of
_Apollodorus_, but more particular. _Servius_ Æn. VII. mentions it,
but as some of the former, makes the cup of brass, instead of gold.
_Alexander Ephesius_ the like. All very ancient writers. _Lucian_ says,
that _Hercules_ sail’d in a sea-conch shell. What can we understand by
all this, mention’d by so many grave authors, but a compass-box, which
enabled him to sail the great ocean, and penetrate to our northern
island, less obnoxious to the suns vehement heat? Add to this, in
the same place, _Apollodorus_ speaks of his fighting _Albion_ and
_Dercynus_, by _Mela_, called _Bergion_, Sons of _Neptune_; which were
the most antient names of the _Britannic_ Isles, before the name of
_Britain_. _Diodorus Siculus_, in his IV. book delivers a like account
of this 10th labour of _Hercules_, but in a mere historical manner.
And adds, that when he return’d by _Sicily_, he dedicated a grove to
_Geryon_ the hero, where, to his time, the people did religious rites.
For this affair of sacred groves, we know our _Druids_ were famous.
He built a temple likewise at _Gades_. We are not to suppose it a
cover’d edifice, like what posterity call’d a temple, but an open one,
according to the mode of those days. Cover’d temples, at that time,
being a thing unknown in the world. Afterward, a magnificent temple,
properly, was there built to him. _Mela_ witnesses, that it was our
_Egyptian Hercules_, who was there worshipped. For I suppose our
_Egyptian_ and the _Tyrian Hercules_ to be all one. The same mention’d
by the name of _Assis_, in _Manethons_ XVII. _Dynasty_, in _Josephus_
c. App. in _Africanus_, _Eusebius_, and _Syncellus_. _Apollonius_ II.
14. writes, it was not the _Theban_ but the _Egyptian Hercules_ that
came to _Gades_: which is confirm’d by _Hecateus_. And _Herodotus_,
in _Euterpe_ says, _Hercules_ is a very antient deity among the
_Egyptians_, not so, among the _Greeks_. And I suppose this hero lived
at, or very near the time of the patriarch _Abraham_.

These were the times about the beginning of idolatry. And _Hercules_
was far from being an idolater himself, though worshipp’d afterwards,
for his great exploits, and perhaps on this very account of his
inventing or knowing the use of the compass. This is the _Hercules_
kneeling on one knee, a constellation in heaven, taken notice of by
_Dionysius Halycarn._ by _Tzetzes_, _Hyginus_, _Æschylus_ and others.
It seems to indicate his piety; for which the astronomers his disciples
plac’d him in the heavens. He kneels upon the arctic circle, and
supports the zodiac on his shoulders; tho’ this is not understood by
the painting on our modern globes. The _Phœnicians_, his successors
in the tin trade of _Britain_, kept the trade and the very name of
the Island as a great secret; as well as the use of the compass, till
it was lost with them. But it seems highly probable, because _Lucian_
describes _Hercules_ with a sphere in his hand, that he affixed the
present Asterisms of the zodiac: and his successors, the _Phœnicians_,
propagated them.

’Tis next to our present purpose, to consider that famous oracle of
_Jupiter Ammon_ in _Africa_, to be referr’d to the most early times
of idolatry: render’d illustrious by _Alexander_ the Great taking a
journey to it. Which gives us the opportunity of knowing somewhat of it.

    _Quamvis Æthiopum populis, Arabumq; beatis
    Gentibus, ac Indis, unus sit Jupiter Ammon._       Lucan.

All these nations, with _Egypt_ and _Africa_, were peopled by the
posterity chiefly of _Ham_. They were the first that fell into
idolatry, and worshipped their common progenitor, call’d _Amynus_, in
_Sanchoniathon_. _Hecateus_ says, _Amoûn_, as the _Egyptians_ write
it, is the word of those that invoke god, and that they meant somewhat
very mysterious by it. The history of its origin is this. _Bacchus_,
the hero, or demigod, travelling through the sandy desarts of _Africa_,
with a great army, was perishing with thirst; he pray’d to his father
_Jupiter_ for relief, who sent a _ram_ that show’d him a spring, sav’d
him and his host. Out of gratitude, the hero builds a temple there, to
the deity who thus aided him under the form of a _ram_. There is no
room to doubt, that this is in part copied from the transaction of the
children of _Israel_, in the _Arabian_ wilderness. They have added to
it, a name and notion borrowed from patriarchal tradition, of a divine
person, symboliz’d by a ram; horned, anointed, which is all one. We
christians mean _Messiah_. Innumerable passages in old authors, which
I might cite, innumerable monuments of antiquity in sculpture, shew,
that _Jupiter Ammon_ was figur’d as a ram, with a ram’s head, with rams
horns. They applied the patriarchal notion of the _Messiah_, to their
progenitor _Ham_, in an idolatrous way: and deified him under that
character. There is a very remarkable passage in _Herodotus_, which, it
is worth our while, to transcribe.

[Illustration: _P. 58._ TAB. XXX.

_Prospect from the west end of the Cursus of Stonehenge._

_Stukeley. d._

A. _the eastern meta._ B. _the eastern wing of the avenue._ C.
_Stonehenge._]

In _Euterpe_ cap. 42. that author tells us, why the _Theban Egyptians_
pay so great a regard to the sheep. “_Hercules_ on his importunity
to _Jupiter_, that he might have the honour personally to see him,
at length prevail’d. And the god consented to exhibit himself to his
view, under this device. _viz._ _Jupiter_ cut off a ram’s head, put the
skin over his own head, and thus appear’d to _Hercules_. Whence the
_Egyptians_ made the statue of _Jupiter_, with a ram’s head, and call
_Jupiter Ammôun_. Whence they hold sheep for sacred animals, never kill
them but once a year, upon the festival day of _Jupiter_, when only one
ram is sacrificed, and his head put upon the statue of _Jupiter_; all
that are there present, beat the ram, and at last he is buried in a
sacred urn.”

It is impossible not to see, that this is derived from that history
recorded, _Exodus_ xxxiii. _Moses_ desires of _Jehovah_ repeatedly,
that he might see him. He calls it seeing his glory. He is answer’d at
length. “I will make all my _goodness_ pass before thee, and I will
proclaim the _name_ of _Jehovah_ before thee. Thou canst not see my
face, but I will put thee in a cleft of the rock, and cover thee with
my hand, whilst I pass by. Thou shalt see my back parts only.” Here he
notoriously promises _Moses_, that he shall see him, in a symbolical
form. In the next chapter, _Jehovah_ descended in the luminous cloud,
or _Shechinah_, and proclaimed the _name_ of _Jehovah_; recites those
attributes that relate to his dealings with mankind, in the strongest
point of light; “his goodness and mercy, and long-suffering, forgiving
iniquity, transgression and sin: but adds, he will by no means clear
the guilty, but visit the fathers iniquity upon the children.” Wherein
our original and fatal transgression is sufficiently intimated, and
that God’s justice is equal to his mercy; and the necessity of a divine
redemption by sacrifice, which in scripture language is call’d, “the
lamb slain from the foundation of the world.”

All this the most ancient nations had a knowledge of, from patriarchal
tradition. When they laps’d into idolatry, they applied these good
notions to their new idolatry, and made statues from the symbolical and
figurative forms of speech, us’d in true religion. Their sacrificing
the ram on the festival day of _Jupiter_, their beating the ram,
putting his head on the statue of their deity, burying him in a
sacred urn: all most evidently pointing out the notions they had, in
the most early times, of the suffering state of the _Messiah_. And
such was the origin, in short, of _Jupiter Ammon_. But it appears,
by what learned authors write, on _Curtius_’s description of his
statue, that a magnetical compass box made one considerable part of
his sacreds. This we read in _Hyde_ Pers. relig. p. 495. in _Curtius_
publish’d by _Pitiscus_, and by _Rader_ the jesuite, and _Schottus_
in _Ortelius_, by _Fuller_, _Herwart_ and others. “This compass box
with the statue of the deity, was set in a golden ship (the golden
cup of _Hercules_) and carried in procession on the shoulders of the
priests, accompanied by women singing an hymn in their own language.”
I doubt not, but the circumstance of carrying this golden ship, on the
shoulders of the priests, is an imitation of the _Mosaic_ ark in the
march of the _Israelites_, thro’ the wilderness, during their forty
years pilgrimage. Tho’ they mistook the reason of the thing; the
_Jewish_ church then being in a military and travelling state. But
where the camp rested, the ark was reposited, in the _adytum_ of the
tabernacle: so likewise when in possession of the land of _Canaan_.
This is sufficient proof, that the _Lybians_ herein, copied after the
_Israelites_, not _vice versa_, as our moderns are willing to think, in
these cases.

_Curtius_ tells us, the habit of _Ammon_’s statue was made of _Smaragd_
and other precious stones, wrought in _Mosaic_ work. Which I take
to be too, in imitation of the pontifical attire, under _Moses_’s
administration: particularly of the sacred, oracular pectoral, made
of _Mosaic_ work, with gems. I apprehend, that beside the statue of
_Ammon_, there was a figure of (the upper part at least of) a _ram_, on
the compass box: which was the oracle. And it is easy to guess how this
may be managed for the purpose; even beyond the trick of _Januarius_’s
blood, and other _Popish_ devices.

Hence we may better understand the famous golden fleece, which
occasioned the _Argonautic_ expedition, one of the earliest and most
memorable _Æra’s_ of the _Grecian_ history. If we suppose this golden
fleece to be a compass box, we see the reason why the choice youth
of _Greece_ set out upon that voyage: which, as all other matters of
ancient history, among the _Greeks_, is so unaccountably puft up with
the leaven of fable. It became navigators to run any hazard for such a
treasure. If we enquire into its origin, it is thus. _Phrixus_ son of
_Athamas_ and _Nepheles_ (according to the _Greeks_) had a ship given
him by his mother. The ship is call’d in the fable a golden _ram_, or
the ram with a golden fleece (the same thing as _Hercules_’s golden
cup.) In this, he and his sister _Helle_, flying the ill-usage of
their mother-in-law _Ino_, sail away by sea. _Helle_ affrighted in the
voyage, falls overboard and gives name to the _Hellespont_. _Phrixus_
continues the voyage, and goes to _Æetes_ king of _Colchis_, where he
hangs up his golden _ram_ in the temple, to _Jupiter Phyxius_, (one
would be apt to imagine they meant _Pyxius_, alluding to the box.)
_Jason_ made his far-fam’d expedition thither afterward, and stole
it. But the ram was placed in the heavens, among the constellations,
as a memorial; the first sign in the _Zodiac_: which shews the high
antiquity of the story.

This account manifestly pretends very great antiquity, and some signal
event. I observe this _Ino_ their mother-in-law, is said to be the
nurse of _Bacchus_, and throwing herself with her son _Melicerte_
into the sea, became a goddess, under the name of _Leucothea_. Her
son became a god, under the name of _Palæmon_. This _Melicerte_ is
allowed by all the learned, to be no other than our _Melcartus_
above-mention’d. _Palæmon_ is _Hercules_, says _Hesychius_. _Palæmon_
is his name of deification. _Pausanias_ in the beginning of his
_corinthiaca_ informs us, this _apotheosis_ of _Ino_ and _Melicerta_
was the occasion of founding the famous _Isthmian_ games. _Plutarch_
says the same, and _Phavorinus_. Again, I observe, _Phrixus_ is said to
be son of _Nephele_ (a cloud) whence call’d _nubigena_ by _Columella_.
We must hence expect somewhat very secret and obscure. Further, all
writers say openly this _ram_ or ship of _Phrixus_ was oracular and
could speak upon occasion. So all the writers of the _Argonautics_ too
will have the ship _Argos_ to be loquacious and oracular. _Magnes_
another name of the load-stone is often call’d _Adamas_, which seems
to be no other than _Athamas_. _Apollodorus_ makes _Magnes_ the son of
_Æolus_, who marrying _Nais_, inhabited the isle _Seriphus_. _Æolus_
was a great sailor, invented sails, and studied the winds, therefore
deified and made the god of the winds. I suppose it all ends in the
mysterious invelopement of the knowledge of the magnetic compass.

I hope for the readers candour, in reciting thus much from antient
fable, which I did as concisely as possible. But in matters of obscure
antiquity, we must make use of all helps. And in heathen antiquity we
have no other. A strictly historical way of writing in former times, is
only to be expected in the sacred canon of the _Jews_. And what is
remarkable, after God’s holy spirit had deserted _them_, their writers
became the greatest fablers in the world, and, if possible, out-did the
_Greeks_, in that way.

[Illustration: _P. 60._ TAB. XXXI.

_A Prospect of the barrows in Lake field called the Eleven barrows &
lately the prophets barrows._

_2^d. Sep^r. 1723._

_Stukeley d._

A. _Stonehenge._ P. _barrow open’d by_ .L. _Pembroke_. SS. _by
Stukeley_.]

One would imagine, the fashion of these most antient charts, was to
divide the circle into 12 parts, and affix the celestial signs of the
zodiac to them; beginning with the east at _aries_, where the sun
rises at the equinoxes; and thence they might call the box by the
name of _aries_, as shewing the east where _aries_ is plac’d. As now
the _Turks_ and _Arabians_ call it _kibla noma_, _i. e._ shewing the
_kibla_, or south point, the way toward which they turn their faces
in devotion. So we only enquire for the north point; and call it the
lode-stone, because it shews the lode-star or north pole. But ’tis all
one; any one point in a circle being found, the rest are found too.

From what has been said, it seems probable, that the fable of the hero
finding out the spring in the sandy desarts of _Africa_, by the help
of a ram sent from _Jupiter_, means the travelling over those immense
plains by the help of a compass, which they call’d by the name of a
_ram_, or a golden ram. And that the possessors of the antient oracle
of _Ammon_ had such a secret, which they cunningly applied to the
sacreds of their deity. Probably, in that most early age, they had not
improv’d the use of it to the pitch and manner that we enjoy, with a
needle; and _that_ set upon a central pin: but having found out the
veracity of the magnet, they put it into a boat, which was to swim on
water, and therein it would have liberty to turn itself to its proper
direction. And this is the sentiment of the learned Dr. _Wallis_, in
the _Philosophical Transactions_, N^o. 278. This boat was the better
a handle for the mythologists to call _Hercules_’s vessel a golden
cup, because cups were made in the shape of a boat, and had the same
denomination, _cymbium_.

Those learned commentators upon _Curtius_ abovementioned agree, there
was a stone along with the statue of _Ammon_, carried about in the
golden ship; and perhaps, hence the antient navigators took the hint
of applying the figure of the ram to their compasses, however form’d,
and gave it the name of the _ram_, or golden fleece, which the _Greek_
fables, their most antient history, ring of: and hence their ships
deriv’d their oracular quality. _Phrixus_’s ship, the golden _ram_,
being said to speak on occasion, as well as the ship _argos_. The
stupendous properties of this stone, without difficulty, would persuade
even those above the vulgar, that there was a divine principle in it,
quite metaphysical, consequently oracular. And in the dawnings of
idolatry, the evil agent who was vigilant to pervert every thing to
his own purpose, would not fail to make great use of the secrets of
the magnet. The intire notion of oracles among the heathen, is caused
by the devil’s mimickry of God’s transactions among the patriarchs
and the _Jews_. But I believe the _Egyptians_ took their notion of
carrying a boat in all their religious processions, from this magnetic
boat, of which both _Herodotus_ and _Plutarch_ inform us. For they
intended it to signify the movement and descent of the divine ideas
from the supreme mind; especially the very fountain and principal of
those ideas: and it must be own’d to be admirably well chose. Hence
the top and the bottom of the verge or _limbus_ of the celebrated
_Isiac_ tablet, is adorn’d with a boat. In one a ram, in the other
a bull. Meaning the origin of the chain of ideas flowing from the
divine mind. ’Tis highly probable, _that_ with the ram is the copy of
_Jupiter Ammon_’s boat, mention’d by _Curtius_. And I suppose this is
_Herwart_’s opinion, but I have not yet seen his book. Of this I shall
discourse larger in my explication of the _Bembin_ table. However
_Herodotus_ tells us in his II. book, that the temple of _Jupiter
Ammon_ took its rise from _Phœnicia_. I only mention this for the sake
of those that are over acting the credit of antiquities in _Egypt_.

We learn in _Plutarch_’s discourse _de Isid. & Osir_, that the ship
_argos_ of the _Greeks_, was in reality the ship that our _Hercules_
sail’d round the world in. Further, this oracular ship has its name
_argos_, says my friend Mr. _Baxter_, _gloss. ant. rom._ from the
_Hebrew_ and _Syrian_ word _argan_, an ark. Which confirms what I
said above, concerning the carrying about the ship of _Ammon_ on the
shoulders of the priests. _Strabo_ in II. of his geography, mentions
the temple of _Leucothea_, built by _Phrixus_ at _Colchos_; that there
was an oracle there; and that the sheep was never slain at the place.
This shews its relation to that of _Jupiter Ammon_. _Leucothea_ is the
name of consecration of _Hercules_ his mother, _Hercules_ himself being
call’d _Palæmon_; both made sea deities: from the extraordinary fame
of _Hercules_, the first and great sea captain. _Pausanias in Atticis_
says, he was buried in the _Corinthian Isthmus_; where the _Isthmian_
games were kept to his memory. But _Mela_ writes, that his remains
were at _Gades_. It’s probable there was only an honorary monument of
him at the _Isthmus_, as founder: as the honorary monument of _Jolaus_
mention’d to be among the _Thebans_, by the _Stadium_, p. 42.

Mr. _Baxter_ in _gloss. ant. rom. v. ascania_ makes _Phrixus_ to be
_Aphricus_, and the same person as _Jupiter Ammon_, or the founder
of the temple of _Jupiter Ammon_; rather, of that prior to _Jupiter
Ammon_. We are not to regard the little artifices of the _Greeks_, who
draw all celebrated events and persons of antiquity, into their own
country. _Aphricus_, no doubt, is the _Aphre_ before-mentioned, son
of _Midian_, son of _Abraham_; whom _Cleodemus_ makes an associate of
_Hercules_, in his _Lybian_ wars. _Josephus_ makes him the conqueror
of _Lybia_, and that he gave name to _Africa_. ’Tis not unlikely
but that he is the hero that travell’d over these barren sands by
the help of the compass, as his countrymen the _Arabians_ have from
times immemorial practised, in travelling over their own desarts. And
might probably erect a patriarchal temple there; and in times of his
posterity it degenerated into the idolatrous temple of _Jupiter Ammon_.
And there the compass box of the hero remain’d, and was converted into
part of the heathen sacreds.

’Tis no very strange matter, if they at another time call this same
hero _Bacchus_, therein confounding him with the like travels of the
_Israelites_, through the _Arabian_ desarts. We are not to expert these
histories of old times involv’d in fable, absolutely consistent. But
if this account be agreeable to truth or near it; then we may imagine
the same _Aphre_, by the _Greeks_ call’d _Phrixus_, according to Mr.
_Baxter_, pass’d the _Hellespont_, made the expedition into _Colchis_,
and built a like temple there. And a compass box called the golden
_ram_, was made alike part of the object of their adoration. This is
exceedingly confirm’d by the report of _Herodotus_ and _Diodorus S._
who say, the _Colchi_ practised the rite of circumcision, a matter
which the learned cannot account for; but appears plain from hence:
these being the descendants of _Abraham_. They say, at the same time,
that the _Ethiopians_ practise the like: and that ’tis no recent custom
among them, but from the beginning. I apprehend by _Ethiopians_ are
meant _Arabians_, who are people descended from _Abraham_. _Herodotus_
says likewise the _Egyptians_ circumcis’d, which must be accounted for
in this same manner; some _Arabian_ or _Ethiopian_ nation bringing
the custom among them. As a further confirmation of _Phrixus_ being
_Aphricus_, _Bochart_ shews the _Colchic_ and _Hebrew_ tongue is much
a-kin. And thus we may account for what Mr. _Toland_, p. 133. says,
that the idiom of the _Irish_ language (which we suppose the remnant of
the most antient oriental,) has a mixture of _Arabic_ in it.

I saw a book in Dr. _Mead_’s library, _Museo de las medallas
desconocidas Espanolas_, p. 35. N^o. 82, 83. are two ancient unknown
medals, such as they often find in _Spain_. The first a head (not of
the best workmanship) on the obverse, young, but heroical enough, a
necklace on. Behind it Α Φ Ρ Α in the old _Phœnician_ character, like
the _Samaritan_. Reverse a horseman, and under the exergue another
word in like _Punic_ character. The other N^o. 83. has the same head
in the obverse, but without the necklace: and Α Φ Ρ Α before, in plain
_Greek_, behind a dolphin. The reverse as the last. There is another
such coin in the same book, no difference, but the name and dolphin
transpos’d. I verily believe this is our _Aphra_, or _Apher_ in our
_English_ translation call’d _Epher_, _Gen._ xxv. 4. struck by some
city in _Spain_, who acknowledged him their founder.

[Illustration: _P. 62._ TAB. XXXII.

_Female Celtic ornaments found in a barrow north of Stonehenge which I
open’d 5 July 1723. among burnt bones, all drawn as big as the Life._]

It is remarkable enough, what Mr. _Norden_ writes, in his history of
_Cornwall_. The _Cornish_ men universally suppose that the _Jews_
are the people who first work’t in their rocks, for tin: and in old
neglected tin-works, they find some of their tools. The workmen call
them _attal sarazin_, the _Jews_ cast off works, in their _Hebrew_
speech, says _Norden_. Now I apprehend he means our _Arabians_: and it
is a circumstance confirming the former notions. And to it we may refer
the origin of the odd reports, of our _Stonehenge_ coming from _Africa_
and the like. By the _Greeks_, _Hercules Melcartus_ or _Melicerta_,
and _Phrixus_ or _Apricus_ are made half brothers: by _Josephus_,
_Hercules_ is son-in-law to _Aphricus_. The _Phœnicians_ paid tythe. So
the _Arabians_, in _Pliny_, the like: being patriarchal customs.

_Aphricus_ or _Phryxus_ we may very well suppose to be father of the
_Phrygians_. And his expedition thro’ the _propontis_ to the _Euxine_
sea, the _Greeks_ colour over with their _Helle_ and _Hellespont_. But
we cannot entertain too high a respect for him, because I see it no
less reasonable, to refer the origin of the _Britons_ to him. I mean
that eastern colony that came hither with _Hercules_, upon the old
possessors or _aborigines Albionites_, which gave the more famous name
of _Britain_ to the island. The _Brigantes_ is the same name, says Mr.
_Baxter_ the common and more ancient name of this people: who being
driven northwards by inundations of foreigners from the continent in
after times, the name became more appropriate to the inhabitants of
_Yorkshire_ and the neighbouring counties. In _Tacitus_ the _Brigantes_
are called _maxima Brittanorum natio_. At the same time they forc’d
the ancientest possessors, the _Albionites_ or _Albanians_ still more
northwards. Likewise many of these _Brigantes_ pass’d into _Ireland_,
where they became a famous nation. The _Bryges_, _Phryges_, _Phrixi_,
_Brisones_, _Brigantes_, _Britones_ are intirely synonimous words in
different dialects. And this assignment of the origin of our ancestors,
very well accounts for that notion of their _Phrygian_ or _Trojan_
descent, so riveted in the minds of the old _Britons_. A notion which
prevail’d among some of the _Gallic_ nations on the continent, and they
had retain’d the memory of it, in the time of _Ammianus Marcellinus_,
who mentions it. Likewise in _Cæsar_’s time, some _Gallic_ nations,
claimed kindred with the _Romans_; probably upon this very account.

This is, in short, some presumptive evidence we have, of _Hercules_
and _Aphricus_ planting _Britain_, introducing the Druids with the
patriarchal religion: and concerning the knowledge they had of the use
of the compass. This whole matter will be further considered, when I
come to treat of it expressly. At present we will continue the history
of the compass, as it became more fully known to the world.

_Martinius_ in his _Atlas_, and _Gilbertus de magnete_, _Lib._ I.
2. show us, the _Chinese_ have us’d the magnetic needle from times
immemorial: that they have a trick of telling fortunes with it: as
the heathen afore-mentioned made it oracular. The _Arabians_ likewise
have us’d it, for travelling over the great and wild desarts, of
weeks together, where there is no track to guide them; nor have
they any notion of time when they began this practice. _Herwartius_
published _admiranda ethnicæ theologiæ_, wherein he endeavours to
prove that the old _Egyptians_ had the use of the magnetic needle,
and that the _Bembin_ table contains the doctrine of it, invelop’d
in hieroglyphicks. The learned _Fuller_ in his _Miscellanies Lib._
4. 19. asserts, that the _Phœnicians_ knew the use of it, which they
endeavour’d to conceal by all possible means, as they did their trading
in general. That it was lost with them, as many other arts, their _ars
plumaria_, the dying of purple, (the invention of our _Hercules_ of
_Tyre_) the _Hebrew_ poetry, and other curious knowledge, which is
perished.

’Tis not unlikely that the lodestone being applied to religious use,
was one cause of its being forgot: together with the secrecy of the
_Phœnician_ voyages. _Suetonius_ in _Nero_, speaks of a prophetic
needle, which the emperor us’d to pay his devotions to. The learned
_Burman_ shews, that most, or all of the old MSS. and printed books,
read it _acuncula_, _acucula_, or _acungula_; which, in my opinion, the
criticks have causelesly corrected into _icuncula_: because they had no
notion of the magnetic needle being understood by it.

Monsieur _Fauchet_, a famous _French_ antiquary, in his antiquities of
_France_, quotes some verses from a poet in that country, who wrote
A. D. 1180, wherein is as plain a description of the mariner’s box, as
words can make. The poet mentions it by accident, not as a thing new
and strange. _Osorius_ in his discourse of the acts of king _Emanuel_,
refers the use of the compass among the _Europeans_, to _Gama_ and
the _Portuguese_, who found it among some barbarous pyrates, about
the _Cape_ of _Good Hope_; who probably were some remains of the old
_Phœnicians_, or _Arabians_, or at least have preserved from them, this
practice. About A. D. 1260. _Paulus Venetus_ is said to have brought
it from _China_; by the great author on the magnet, our countryman
_Gilbert_. _Genebrand_ in his _chron._ says, the use of the lode-stone
reviv’d among us about A. D. 1303. by _Fl. Melvius_ a _Neapolitan_,
and others attribute it about that time to _John Goia_ a _Neapolitan_.
_Joseph de Costa_ says, some _Mahometan_ seamen whom _Vasquez de
Gama_ met with near _Mosambick_, who had sail’d those seas by the use
thereof, taught it him. I observe our ancient _Britons_, the _Welsh_,
call a steers-man or pilot _llywydd_, whence no doubt comes our
_English_ word lode-stone, and lode-star, the north-pole. _Llyw_ is the
helm of a ship in _British_. _Lodemanage_ in _Skinner_’s _etymology_ an
old _English_ word, signifying the price paid to the pilot. Our lords
of the _Cinque Ports_ keep a court at _Dover_, by that name. These
things seem to indicate some memorial of the magnet left among the
_Welsh_, from the oldest times: and of its application to sailing.

Thus have we given a kind of history of this prodigy in nature, the
magnetic needle: to confirm, our suspicion, that the _British_ Druids
knew the use of it, and used it in these works of theirs, which we
have been treating of. We learn in the _Philosophical Transactions_,
_Lowthorp_, Vol. II. p. 601. that there are considerable veins of the
magnet, in our own country, in _Devonshire_; where the _Phœnicians_ and
Druids must needs be very conversant.

We return now to our first subject _Stonehenge_, and apply what has
been said, to the observation we there made. It is not to be thought,
that the Druids, men who employed themselves in those noble studies,
which _Cæsar_ gives us an account of, and who were at the pains of
bringing these vast stones together, from such a considerable distance
of 16 miles: I say, it is not to be thought, but that they would be
nice and exact in placing them. And this, not only particularly, in
respect of each other, upon the projected ground-plot: but also in
general, in respect of the quarters of the heavens. And this I found
to be a just surmise, when I examined their works for several years
together, with sufficient accuracy, with a _theodilite_. As I took
notice before, the works of one place regarded the cardinal points,
but with a certain uniform variation therefrom. Whence I grounded my
conjecture, that they were set by a compass, which at that time varied,
according to that quantity observ’d. Of which property of variation
we may well suppose, the Druids were ignorant. This I now propose for
the rule of investigation, of the time when _Stonehenge_ was erected.
Hoping the reader will judge as favourably of the attempt, as things of
this great antiquity require.

[Illustration: TAB. XXXIII.

_P. 64._

_Prospect from Bushbarrow_

_Stukeley delin._

a. _Rundway hill_ b. _Oldbury_ D. _Stonehenge_.]

The variation at _Stonehenge_ is about 6 or 7 degrees, from the north
eastward. I have in order to form our hypothesis, set down a scheme of
the state of the variation in _England_, from the best observations
I could meet with. Dr. _Halley_ takes notice, that the variation at
_Paris_ is always 2 degrees and a half more easterly than with us.
_Orontius Finæus_ in 1550 observ’d it to be there, about 9 degrees,
easterly, therefore to reduce it, I have stated it at 11 degrees 30.
and from thence continued it, to the present time, as in the ensuing
table.

  _Anno Dom._      Observation.       Variation.
                                      deg. min.
    1550        By _Finæus_            11 30 east.
    1580           Mr. _Burroughs_     11 15 east.
    1600                                8  0 east.
    1622           Mr. _Gunter_         6  0 east.
    1634           Mr. _Gellibrand_     4  5 east.
    1642                                3  5 east.
    1657           Mr. _Bond_           0  0
    1665           Mr. _Bond_           1 22 west.
    1666           Capt. _Sturmy_       1 27 west.
    1667           Capt. _Sturmy_       1 33 west.
    1672           Dr. _Halley_         2 30 west.
    1683                                4 30 west.
    1685                                5  5 west.
    1692                                6  0 west.
    1723                               11  0 west.
    1733                               12  0 west.
    1740                               15 45 west.

By this table it appears, that in the space of 180 years, the variation
of the magnetic needle in _England_, has shifted from 11 degrees and
a half eastward, to 11 degrees and a half westward. In 90 years the
medium of those extremes, which was 1657, there was no variation at
all; the needle pointing due north and south. But alas our observations
extend no farther. We know not the bound of the variation, on either
hand: nor the quantity of its motion, when thereabouts. Mr. _Geo.
Graham_ thinks it is now near the western bound. It is very slow, in
all probability, when upon the return, and as it were, stationary:
like the sun’s motion at the tropics, when it is returning. So that
the nice determination of its circle, and of its motion, is reserved
for remote posterity. Dr. _Halley_ conjectures, that the whole period
of variation, is perform’d in about 700 years. Upon this supposition,
in gross, we may thus found our conjecture, of the time of building of
_Stonehenge_.

By what we can find, the variation is about 9 minutes in a year, or
a degree and a half in 10 years, at this part of its circle. Now I
observ’d at _Stonehenge_, that the eastern wing of the avenue, the
_cursus_ and other parts belonging to the temple, abated somewhat in
their variation, eastward, being somewhat less than that of the temple
itself. It is highly reasonable to believe, that the great work of
_Stonehenge_ could not take less than half a score years in building:
and that those other works were made in succeeding years, not long
after it was finished. From hence I gather, which way the magnetic
variation was moving, at the time of founding _Stonehenge_, _viz._ from
east toward no variation and so to west. This must be the foundation of
our _calculus_.

Therefore at the time of the founding of _Stonehenge_, the variation
was about the same quantity and place, as about A. D. 1620. in our
preceding table. Supposing with Dr. _Halley_, the revolution of this
variation be about 700 years, three intire revolutions thereof, bring
us to about the year of the city of _Rome_ 280. which is about 460
years before our Saviour’s time: 420 years before _Cæsar_ invaded
_Britain_. About 100 years before our Saviour’s birth, _Divitiacus_
made the _Wansdike_ north of _Stonehenge_, and drove the possessors
of this fine country of the _Wiltshire_ downs, northwards. So that
the Druids enjoyed their magnificent work of _Stonehenge_, but about
360 years. And the very great number of barrows about it, requires,
that we should not much shorten the time. Sir _Isaac Newton_ in his
_Chronology_, reckons 19 years for a medium of a king’s reign. So
that in that space, there were about 19 kings, in this country. And
there seems to be about that number of royal barrows (in my way of
conjecturing) about the place.

I observe, this time we have assign’d for the building of _Stonehenge_,
is not long after _Cambyses_’s invasion of _Egypt_. When he committed
such horrid outrages there, and made such dismal havock, with the
priests and inhabitants in general, that they fled the country to all
parts of the world. Some went as far as the _East Indies_, and there
taught many of the antient _Egyptian_ customs; as is taken notice of
by the learned. It is not to be doubted that some of them fled as far
westward, into the island of _Britain_, and introduced some of their
learning, arts and religion, among the Druids; and perhaps had a hand
in this very work of _Stonehenge_: the only one that I know of, where
the stones are chizel’d. All other works of theirs, are of rude stones,
untouch’d of tool, exactly after the patriarchal and _Jewish_ mode:
therefore older.

This was at a time, when the _Phœnician_ trade was at height, the
readier a conveyance to _Britain_: it was before the second temple at
_Jerusalem_ was built: before the _Grecians_ had any history.

                   •       •       •       •       •


_Directions to the binder._

All the half sheet plates are to be bound up with the book, as single
leaves, according to their pages, and without guards, _viz._ Plate,
N^o. 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28,
29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35. Those Plates, N^o. 11, 17, 19, 21, are to
be once folded in the middle, and bound up with guards. Those Plates,
N^o. 3, 5, 13, 18, 20, 22, are to be folded in three parts, and bound
up with guards.

[Illustration: _P. 66._ TAB. XXXIIII.

Carvilii Regis Tumulus Iuly 29. 1723.

A. _Wilton._ B. _Sorbiodunum._ C. _Salisbury._ D. _M. Aurelius._ E.
_the Icening street road._ F. _Harnham hill._ _Stukeley del._]

[Illustration: _P. 68._ TAB. XXXV.

_Groundplot of the Second Temple at Persepolis_

_The Perspective of the Second Temple at Persepolis._

_Stukeley delin._]




                                INDEX.


  Stonehenge _the latest of the Druid temples_, Page 1, 17, 66

   _Older than the time of the_ Saxons _and_ Danes, 1, 2, 3, 7, 47

  _Older than the time of the_ Roman Britons, 1, 2, 32

  _Older than the time of the_ Belgæ, _who preceded the_ Roman
    _invasion_, 4, 8, 9, 47

  _The history of the_ Belgæ _seated about_ Stonehenge, _in_
    Cæsar’_s time_, 4, 8, 47

  _Our_ Welsh _the remains of the_ Belgæ, 8

  _The_ Cimbrians _the same_, 48

  _Of the_ Wansdike: _made by_ Divitiacus, 4, 47

   _Of_ Vespasian’_s camp_ Ambresbury, 49

  _The stones of_ Stonehenge _are from the gray weathers on_
    Marlborough _downs_, 5, 47

  _Of their nature, magnitude, weight_, 5, 6

  _Of their number_, 30

                   •       •       •       •       •

  _Mr._ Webb’_s drawings of_ Stonehenge _false_, 3, 22, 25

  _Absurd to compare the work to_ Roman _or_ Grecian _orders_, 6, 10,
    16, 20, 21, 28

  _The cell not form’d from three equilateral triangles_, 3, 18, 24,
    33

  _But one entrance into the_ area, 3, 18, 23, 33

  _He makes one side of the cell out of a bit of a loose stone_, 29

  _He has turn’d the cell a sixth part from its true situation_, 3, 22

  _The cell not a hexagon, but an oval_, 20, 22, 29

  _Demonstrated by Lord_ Pembroke’_s measure_, 28

  _Demonstrated by trigonometry_, 22

  _Proved by the surgeons amphitheater,_ London, _being an imitation
    thereof_, 25

  Stonehenge _not made by the_ Roman _foot_, 6

  Webb _makes the inner circle, of thirty stones, instead of forty_,
    20

  _He contracts 119 feet to 43_, 33

  _He draws a stone on the_ vallum _120 foot out of its true place_,
    14

  Stonehenge _not a monument_, 40

                   •       •       •       •       •

  _The Druids came with an oriental colony, upon the first_ Celtic
    _inhabitants_, 62, 63

  _Introduc’d here by the_ Tyrian Hercules, 7, 31, 32, 50, 52, 55, 63

  _The colony were_ Phœnicians _or_ Arabians, 63, 66

  _They found out our tin mines_, 32, 55, 63

  _The Druids came hither about_ Abraham’_s time or soon after_, 2,
    7, 31, 32, 49, 52

  _They were of the patriarchal religion_, 1, 2, 17

  _Which was the same as christianity_, 2, 54

  Stonehenge _prov’d the work of the Druids from the infinite number
    of the like, all over the_ Britannic _isles_, 3, 8

  _Farther suggestions: because accounted sacred, made by magic,
    medicinal, came from_ Ireland, Spain, Afric, Egypt. _In some places
    the name of Druids remaining_, 3, 5, 9, 47, 48

  _From the antiquities dug up about them_, 4, 45, 46

  Schetland _isles the_ Hyperboreans _of the_ Greeks, _thence_ Abaris
    _the_ Pythagorean _philosopher_, 40

  Stonehenge _not built by the_ Saxons, _deduced from its name_, 7, 47

  _Demonstrated to be older than_ Roman _times_, 9, 10

  _Such in countries never conquered by the_ Romans, 3

  Stonehenge _and such works built by the_ Phœnician _colony_, 8, 9,
    32, 49

  _The cathedral of the Arch-Druid_, 8, 10, 32

  _Called antiently the_ Ambres, 9, 47

   _Thence_ Vespasian’_s camp, and_ Ambresbury _nam’d_, 49

  Stonehenge _call’d_ choir gaur: _the great church or cathedral_, 4,
    47

  _Made with mortaise and tenon, unusual with the_ Romans, 18

  _Made by the ancient_ Hebrew, Phœnician _cubit_, 6, 12, 28

  _Its proportion to our foot_, 6, 11, 15, 26, 30, 32

  _The ancient_ decempedum, 12

  _The Druids were geometricians_, 16, 18, 27, 42

  _Knew the use of the compass_, 57, 63

  _They carried a little ax to cut down misletoe_, 39, 48

  _The Druids letter_, 31, 54

                   •       •       •       •       •

  _The patriarchal temples were open_, 19, 23, 30, 39, 40, 46, 52,
    54, 58.

  Moses’_s tabernacle the first cover’d temple_, 23, 24, 58

  _Patriarchal temples_, 19, 40, 46, 50, 51, 54

  _Of rude stones, unchizel’d_, 66

  _The_ kebla, 24, 30, 40, 54

  _Had no statues_, 55

  _Patriarchal altars_, 30, 50, 52

  _Their temples fronted the east_, 35

  _Their temples were consecrated and endowed_, 52

  _Paying tythe_, 52, 55

  _Bowing, a part of worship_, 33, 34

  _They officiated barefooted_, 55

  _They practised chastity, before officiating_, ibid.

  _The priests wore white linen surplices at the time of
    officiating_, 24, 55

  _Their publick devotion was call’d praying, or invoking, in the
    N A M E_, 52

  _They believ’d a future state_, 31

  _They gave notice of religious festivals by fire_, 37

  _Those were the quarterly sacrifices_, ibid.

  _The manner of sacrificing_, 34, 54

  _They us’d water for purification_, 11, 13, 14, 34

                   •       •       •       •       •

  _Of the water vases at_ Stonehenge, 11, 13, 14, 34

  _The stone table there_, 34

  _Of the stones and cavities on the_ vallum, 11, 14

  Crwm-lechen, _bowing stones_, 33, 34

  _Human sacrifices_, 54

  _Heathen imitations of the_ Jews, 46, 60, 62

  Main Ambres, _rocking stones,_ gygonia, petræ ambrosiæ, Bæthylia,
    18, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54

  Ambrosia _what?_ 51, 52

  _Horned, anointed, analogous to sacred, consecrated_, 52, 59

                   •       •       •       •       •

  _The time when_ Hercules _lived_, 52, 53, 58

  Hercules _built patriarchal temples, where-ever he came_, 54, 57

  _Probably he made the_ Main Ambre _by_ Pensans, _and_ Biscawoon, 54

  Persepolis _a patriarchal temple_, 19, 46

  _Of the avenue of_ Stonehenge, 35, 39

  _Of its two wings_, 35, 38, 41, 57

  _Eastern wing, its variation_, 36, 56, 57, 64, 65

  _Of the_ Hippodrom _or_ Cursus, 13, 41, 56

  _Its variation_, 42, 57

  _The_ Romans _borrowed the_ British _chariots_, 42

  _The eastern_ meta, _its variation_, 57

  _Other like works, in other parts of_ England, 43

  _The_ via Iceniana, 9

                   •       •       •       •       •

  _Of the barrows or sepulchral_ tumuli, 43

  _Druid barrows_, 10, 45

  _Arch-Druids barrows_, 38

  _Urn burial_, 44, 46

  _The bodies lay north and south_, 45

  _Beads of amber, glass, gold,_ &c. _found_, ibid.

  _Horses, dogs, and other animals buried with them_, 46

  Carvilius’_s tomb_, 4, 44, 46

                   •       •       •       •       •

  _The magnetical compass known to_ Hercules, _the_ Phœnicians _and_
    Arabians, 57

  _The oracle of_ Jupiter Ammon _had a compass_, 59, 61, 62

  _The golden fleece was a compass_, 60, 62

  _How the compass was forgot_, 55, 58, 63, 64

  Apher _grandson of_ Abraham, _companion of_ Hercules, _from_
    Arabia, 53, 62, 63

  _He gave name to_ Africa _and to_ Britain, 53, 62, 63

  _A scheme of the variation of the compass_, 65

  _A conjecture therefrom, when_ Stonehenge _was founded_, 65


                             _F I N I S._


Transcriber’s Notes:

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 - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
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   referred to in the text {sidenote}.
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