General Washington's Spies on Long Island and in New York

It is nearly one hundred and ten years since America’s first great novel was written, it being James Fenimore Cooper’s second book. With “The Spy” for title, it was hailed with unprecedented enthusiasm. There can be no question but what Governor John Jay’s recital of the work of the spies made a deep impression upon Cooper, but years passed before he attempted to record it permanently. Meanwhile, he had many opportunities to converse with others who were more intimately connected with the Secret Service work than he ever realized. Elizabeth Floyd was his mother-in-law, and the visits to members of her family on Long Island were frequent. Two years preceding the publication of “The Spy,” he became temporarily a resident of Sag Harbor, although still retaining his home in Westchester County. It is not, therefore, surprising to discover that so much that he has placed in Westchester County actually happened on Long Island.

To Cooper “The Spy” must have been a disappointment, particularly after Enoch Crosby had been exploited. Crosby did not conform to his ideal, but the spies of Washington did. When Tallmadge wished to send Long Island assistance in October, 1780, Townsend’s reply, as will be found in these pages, was, “I do not choose that the person you mention, or any other of his character, should call on me.” When Abrahamvi Woodhull discovered our country’s need for ready money, he used his own for incidental expenses of the Secret Service, such as repairs to their four whaleboats and feed for the horses, and never complained, although more than seven years of peace passed before our government reimbursed him. It is inspiring to a greater patriotism to discover the type of men that these pages reveal.

The story of Nathan Hale will commend itself for brevity. No statements at the present day known to be incorrect are even quoted therein. The hitherto unpublished statement regarding his capture is on the authority of Robert Townsend, whom General Washington says he found always reliable. This might have been known seventy years ago had not Henry Onderdonk added confusing details that discredited it.

An elaborate chapter was in preparation detailing the scientifically planned investigation that made certain the identity of Robert Townsend as the “Culper Junior” of the American Revolution, when it was observed that the material collected and here published evinced that beyond comment. Therefore, no documents are here offered to prove what obviously is a fact.

Many startling revelations will be discovered by the careful reader of these pages. Some of them will be observed only after referring to the secret code printed among the Notes. The return of Major André after he had been started on his way to freedom is timely as well as interesting, for we are this fall celebrating the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of his execution. A strange hesitancy to-day, as during the life of Major Tallmadge, may necessitate patient waiting for more intimate details that will be merely stronger confirmation of this interesting fact.

Where letters from either of the Culpers have been condensed for the sake of brevity, a figure within parentheses has been used to indicate that the same letter will be found amongvii the Notes beginning on page 232. A more perfect analysis is thus assured to the student of history.

Acknowledgment is due for assistance to so many, particularly among the heads of the larger public libraries and historical societies, that it becomes impracticable to name them individually. They have shown a uniform enthusiasm and untiring effort that makes the present publication possible.

FOREWORD

Certainly there are but few Americans to whom the name of Nathan Hale is not as familiar as a household word. Everybody has heard of that Martyr Spy and almost everybody knows his life story. A graduate of Yale College in 1773 he became a school teacher[1] and more, a patriot, in every sense the word implies. He enjoyed his work as a pedagogue but his country’s call was irresistible. Soon he was captain of a Company and on Long Island he received from the British his Baptism of fire. Then illness caused him to wonder if after all to him would come the privilege of rendering worth while service. Can it not be said he hoped, or better he prayed that he might be useful, and then, sooner than he expected, he was called to render an unusual service. There was no reckless haste in his decision. He considered well the hazard of the work he had been asked to do. It was more than to report the position of the British Army. It was to discover their intentions, and to report his findings to General2 Washington.—A week later he was dead—and not a line from him had reached the Commander in Chief. His work was a magnificent failure but the spirit that prompted him to undertake it entitled him to the everlasting glory which is his.

Hale’s was an unnecessary sacrifice that more careful planning might have prevented, but as yet there was no time for organized effort, and for some months no better method was devised than to entrust some officer to get what was needed, either by the capture of prisoners or by sending a trusted man into the enemy’s camp. Upon these latter occasions individuals were met with who seemed anxious to be of service. Among them were two men later to be known as Culper Junior and Senior. Certain officers, particularly General Chas. Scott, became popular with General Washington because of their ability to locate these men and to get from them intelligence that could be relied upon. It will be seen that they later formed the Secret Service Bureau that was so helpful to General Washington all through the Revolutionary War.

This organized service differed from that of Hale’s time in that it became a business with the men who conducted it, and enabled them usually to have some one who could get the information when they feared they were suspected or for any other reason they believed it too hazardous to undertake themselves. It is remarkable that although their lives were every moment in danger so carefully were their secrets guarded that not only to the end of the war but for a hundred and fifty years thereafter, in spite of frequent efforts to discover their identity the real men were never suspected. Primarily this was due to the caution of the men themselves, each declaring that if to any one other than those of their own selection they should learn that their names were known they would leave the service and never3 return; but it was also due to the care of General Washington in exacting from all who knew them the most solemn pledge that not to any one at any time or under any circumstances would they reveal their identity. It is interesting at this day to observe the fear they had that their handwriting might betray them, and to note that although they practiced several styles of writing with the intention of concealing their real hand nevertheless it was finally this that first enabled positive identification. It will also be discovered that although those in the Secret Service requested that the letters they were sending for General Washington should be destroyed the majority of them were preserved by him, and that on the contrary with one exception the letters from General Washington to the Culpers were promptly destroyed by them in order that they should not be betrayed thereby if searched. That the contents of so many of the letters to the members of the Secret Service from General Washington is known is due to his system of saving copies of them and these as a rule are in the handwriting of the General himself.

Long before the Culpers were requested to do their own writing both furnished intelligence, and it is not possible to say which was first so engaged. Culper Senior had made his fourteenth written report when Culper Junior’s first was sent, but most of Senior’s information was furnished by Junior, and probably Scott had it from him before Senior had attempted it. Their work did not end with the closing days of 1783 but General Washington’s temporary retirement occasioned them to look to others who may have been less careful in preserving the records. After the war Culper Senior was from 1799 to 1810 First Judge of Suffolk County but Junior never accepted any important political position, although Oliver Templeton, a leader among the business men of the day, wrote to Culper’s brother when in 1789 it4 was announced that his father had been made a member of the Council of Appointment, saying: “I am informed your father is one of the Council of Appointment. For God’s sake if that is the case, write your father immediately not to forget his sons. I am afraid for the opportunity he may have too much modesty.... Your Brother Robert is fitted for any office.” He wielded an influence however that was almost uncanny. No one knew the real patriots in the City of New York at the close of the war as he did and much that seemed mysterious at the time can be traced to him, for besides Washington and Tallmadge, Alexander Hamilton, Richard Varick and several others were familiar with his handwriting and gave weight to his suggestions and opinions.

Publication of “The Two Spies, Nathan Hale and Robert Townsend”[2] by Houghton Mifflin Company in 1930 revealed for the first time the names of those in the secret service employed by General Washington. It was discovered that Culper Senior was Abraham Woodhull[3] of Setauket, Long Island, and that Culper Junior was Robert Townsend of Oyster Bay. It was Robert Townsend who remained in New York City from the beginning of the war until and after its close. Culper Junior was the man whose identity every historian from Judge William Smith to those at the present day was trying to discover. Smith was a co-worker with him and at times they would both hand communications to James Rivington for his newspaper at the same moment, but Smith never guessed that Townsend was General Washington’s5 Culper Junior. Jared Sparks later went to the greatest pains to try to identify him, begging those who he knew could tell him if they would, but no one at any time was willing to break the pledge by revealing his identity. To prevent any misunderstanding as to Rivington’s part in the Secret Service a brief sketch of him here seems necessary.

James Rivington was the son of Charles and Eleanor Rivington. He was born in 1724. Was twice married, his second wife being Elizabeth Van Horne of New York, by whom he had two sons and a daughter. A brother was John, with whom he was in partnership in the publishing business in London until 1756, when he joined James Fletcher, son of the bookseller of Oxford. Their most successful venture was Smollett’s History of England, upon which they cleared ten thousand pounds, the largest profit then known to have been made on any single work. A growing love for horse-racing and gambling possessed him until most of his money was gone. He then came to America and settled as a bookseller in Philadelphia in 1760. The following year he opened a book store at the lower end of Wall Street in New York. Then in 1762 he commenced bookselling in Boston, where he failed. In 1764 he was in Bermuda, where he opened a printing office for a short time. He soon returned to New York where in April, 1773, he began “Rivington’s New York Gazetteer.” By 1775 the matter he permitted to appear in the Gazetteer was so offensive to the Sons of Liberty that on May 10th his office and home were mobbed and he with Miles Cooper was obliged to seek refuge on a British man-of-war in the harbor. Although his plant was damaged his assistants were able to continue the paper whilst he petitioned the Continental Congress, saying:

“It is his wish and ambition to be an useful member of society. Although an Englishman by birth, he is an American by choice, and he is desirous of devoting his life in the business6 of his profession, to the service of the Country he has adopted for his own. He lately employed no less than sixteen workmen, at near one thousand pounds annually: and his consumption of printing paper, the manufacture of Pennsylvania, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts Bay, has amounted nearly to that sum. His extensive foreign correspondence, his large acquaintance in Europe and America, and the manner of his education, are circumstances which, he conceives, have not improperly qualified him for the situation in which he wishes to continue, and in which he will exert every endeavour to be useful.”

However, before the close of the year, on November 23d, 1775, his plant was again mobbed. This time under Colonel Sears’s directions the presses were ruined and the type all carried away to later be melted into bullets. Rivington then went to England, but returned to New York in 1777, now as the king’s printer with a Royal commission and a grant of £100. per annum. He brought with him new machinery and type and began republishing his paper on October 4th of that year. He also had received commissions from several publishers to supply them with the news of British activities in this country. Several have stated that Rivington was permitted to remain in New York after the close of the Revolution; for example, in the news from Springfield, Mass., published in the Salem (Mass.) Gazette, December 25th, 1783, it was reported as “an undoubted fact Mr. Rivington, publisher, of New York was, as soon as our troops entered the city, protected in person, and property, by a guard and that he will be allowed to reside in the country, for reasons best known to the great men at helm.” But most have neglected to show that his treatment was worse than exile. A rival publisher in his issue of January 1st, 1784, says: “Yesterday Rivington, who has had the audacity to continue his obnoxious publications was waited7 on by General John Lamb, Colonel Willett and Colonel Sears, and forbid the prosecution of any further business in this city, in consequence of which, he has discharged his hands, and obeyed the order. To the joy of every one in the United States, Jemmy Rivington’s political existence terminated last Wednesday, the 31st ulto. [1783].”

Personal injury was soon to be added to insult, for on the 11th of the same month Nicholas Cruger gave him a violent beating, claiming he had suffered in prison during the war because of statements made by Rivington’s paper.

Rivington had a caller in 1794 in the person of Henry Wansey, who wrote in his Journal: “June 23d, I dined with James Rivington, the bookseller, formerly of St. Pauls Churchyard; he is still a cheerful old man, and enquired of me for Mr. Collins, and Mr. Baston, and many of his quandam acquaintances in England. During the time the British kept possession of New York, he printed a newspaper for them, and opened a kind of coffee-house for the officers; his house was a great place of resort; he made a great deal of money during that period, though many of the officers quitted it considerably in arrears to him.”

A record exists in a letter written on May 8th, 1797, showing that Rivington was then in jail for debts contracted by others but which he was held responsible for. On the fourth of July, 1802, he breathed his last, at the age of 78, and was buried in the cemetery of the New Dutch Church.

After discovering that the chiefs of General Washington’s spies were Robert Townsend and Abraham Woodhull the problem was still to be solved how these two men could so frequently meet without attracting suspicion. For many months it seemed beyond solution. Townsend’s books showed that he changed his boarding place usually after a year’s stay but this could be attributed to no more than a precautionary measure. However when the account books8 of Woodhull were compared with those of Townsend it was noticed that both men carried ledger accounts with these landlords. The first for example was Amos Underhill.[4] There seemed nothing significant in the name until the family genealogies were searched. Then it was discovered that on March 21, 1774, Amos Underhill had married Mary Woodhull. Mary Woodhull was the sister of Abraham Woodhull. The matter was solved! Townsend was an incidental roomer at the Underhills’ and Woodhull was a frequent caller on his sister and brother in law. Culper Senior and Junior could therefore be with each other whenever necessary without attracting the least suspicion.

Townsend next boarded with Jacob Seaman, who was married to Margaret Birdsall. This Margaret was the daughter of Col. Benjamin Birdsall who furnished our Gen. George Clinton with much valuable information.

Townsend and Woodhull found it necessary to personally scout for information at its source (see Woodhull’s letter dated Oct. 31, 1778). Their system also included a score of the most respectable citizens who were never seen anywhere in situations the least suspicious, but each employed trusted friends who regularly corresponded with them and the items they secured were promptly communicated to either Townsend or Woodhull. Much in these letters might be called camouflage. They usually began with some expression9 such as “We have no news” and then followed the style suggested by General Washington in several of his communications. Sometimes the information was promptly forwarded, the following letter being an example:

Culper Senior had the contents of the above letter on its way to Washington three days later; see his letter of June 10, 1780, on p. 79.

It may interest some to know that this Wm. T. Robinson once owned the property 421 E. 61st Street, New York, now owned and occupied by the Colonial Dames of America. His helpful intelligence reached the spies through Joseph Lawrence of Bayside, L. I. The original documents were preserved in a manner so similar to all the rest of the11 Culper Jr. material as to be remarkable. The wife of Joseph Lawrence was Phebe and there were not so many that knew her maiden name, but it was Townsend and she was the daughter of the Fourth Henry Townsend. They were married in 1764 when he was 23. Their son Effingham married Anne Townsend daughter of Solomon Townsend who was Robert Townsend’s brother. A daughter of Anne and Effingham twenty three years after her mother’s death had occasion to go through the homestead and there under the eaves in the garret at the stone house she found (in 1868) this interesting correspondence that had evidently been placed there by her grandparents and had remained unobserved for nearly a century. It reached the Long Island Collection in East Hampton a few months ago, having been carefully preserved but without critical examination during the past seventy years.

John Bolton was the assumed name of the man who stood between the Culpers and General Washington. With the occasional exception of a letter to General Washington all from the Culpers were addressed to Mr. John Bolton, the name assumed by Major Benjamin Tallmadge in the secret service work. Major Tallmadge did not try to conceal his identity after the war. Caleb Brewster always permitted his own name to be used. With his trusty gun and sword he defended it, although the British at one time offered a large reward for his capture. Austin Roe, also of Setauket, was the chief messenger. He was given no other name, but was known by a number, which was 724. Jonas Hawkins was another messenger, and there were several more that could be depended upon if required, but Austin Roe became so expert in the service as to eclipse the rest. One who can realize what he had to contend with must view with amazement the work of Austin Roe. Across the Sound General Washington had Dragoons posted, three every fifteen miles12 apart, to carry the messages to him, whilst on the Long Island side Austin Roe rode the fifty-five miles from Setauket to New York and the same distance back, through the enemy’s country, unattended. True, officers in British uniforms had permitted him to arrange for relays of horses which he could exchange along the way as required, but nevertheless it was a remarkable feat and should yet be recognised as such.

Had it been possible to follow a message from New York to Headquarters in 1781 one might have seen Austin Roe enter a coffee house in the vicinity of Wall Street. Visibly tired, and probably hungry as well, for he had just finished a long ride. Few were in the room at that hour but in the far corner we will observe two British officers in conversation with a gentleman dressed in the fashion of the day. This is Mr. Townsend, and the officers are persuading him to visit their encampment. They have been advised that he is diffident but they have discovered that preferment comes to those who receive favorable publicity in the English Magazines as well as in the Royal Gazette. Mr. Rivington, the king’s printer, had advised them to cultivate Mr. Townsend’s acquaintance; to keep him posted as to all their activities if they value publicity such as he may give them; and they exact from Townsend the promise of an early visit. They do not know that the Coffee Room was established for that very purpose: that Townsend and Rivington although silent partners were its financial backers; and that Rivington wished to establish it in order to provide a place close by his printing office where British officers would meet and furnish him with copy for the English Magazines and his own Royal Gazette. Townsend he found apt, and most willing to run down news that made good copy; and the fact that Townsend refused to be on his pay roll or to accept13 money for his work did not lessen Rivington’s regard for him. That James Rivington ever imagined Robert Townsend to be in the service of General Washington there is no evidence to show. In fact it is very unlikely. Rivington was not the type of man that Townsend would trust with that secret.

The sight of Roe was sufficient to apprise Townsend that the General was expecting a message. When he could excuse himself he left the Coffee Shop and returned to his own rooms, which were nearby. He was soon followed by Austin Roe, who handed him a letter from Mr. John Bolton. This read: “I wish you to send by bearer ½ ream letter paper, same as the last. Mr. Roe will pay for it.” Townsend paid little attention to this message, but opening a secret closet brought out a vial of liquid which he proceeded to brush over the letter. Soon another message appeared on the same sheet of paper. It was from General Washington requesting certain important information. Meanwhile Roe had started down the street for the printing office of James Rivington at the corner of Queen Street facing the North Front of the Coffee House. Here he purchased a half ream of paper—had it carefully wrapped and labeled and then started back with it to Townsend’s rooms. Very carefully it was unwrapped, in order that it could be sealed again without showing that it had been opened. Townsend then began counting the sheets until he arrived at a number previously agreed upon. That sheet was then extracted, and reaching for a vial of a different liquid he proceeded to write. But only momentarily could the words be seen. As soon as the stain was dry it disappeared, leaving no hint that it was there waiting to be developed by the other liquid.

The supper hour was now approaching when the Coffee Room would be a scene of great gaiety. There would be gathered new arrivals from abroad, anxious for an introduction,14 and those expecting soon to leave would be tendered an affectionate adieu. It was a huge success from the standpoint of a news gatherer, and would have been worth while even if it had not been returning the handsome revenue it did at that time. So thought Rivington. Doubtless Townsend from the standpoint of a Spy thought the same, but unlike Rivington he kept his own counsel. It should not be presumed that all could be gotten in this fashion. There were reports from at least a dozen to be checked over, and out of the way places to be visited. When all had been summed up Townsend finished his letter and returned it to its proper place in the package of letter paper. Austin Roe packed his saddle bags with a variety of articles needed by those at the east end of the Island, and carefully stowed among the things was this half ream of paper for Mr. John Bolton. In the late forenoon he set off, crossing the Brooklyn ferry and from there heading either for Jamaica or Flushing he soon was well on his way. There were times when he met with trouble along the road but upon this occasion we presume that he reached Setauket without incident, and just in time to give attention to his cattle, which were kept pastured in a field belonging to Abraham Woodhull. It might have been a matter of suspicion had he always left a package with Woodhull, therefore a box in the field was resorted to on this as upon many occasions, and straightway home Roe drove the cows. Later Woodhull, passing through the field, transferred the contents of the box to a bag he was carrying and soon the intelligence for General Washington was in his private room. Other messages to accompany those just arrived were now prepared by Woodhull, who we will not forget always signed himself Culper Senior in this correspondence.

Caleb Brewster was waiting with his boats to convey these messages across the Sound. Woodhull knew he was15 waiting but had not seen him. He had observed the black petticoat which was the signal of his arrival hanging on the line across the creek on Strong’s Neck. He knew where the boats were hid, too, although there were six landing places, but he had observed hanging with the clothes on the line near half a mile away four handkerchiefs. Just as one, two, three, five or six hanging there at one time indicated certain landing places Woodhull knew that four indicated the Neck, and there when the messages were ready he took them.[6] It was long a question as to who it was that used this clothes line signal to guide the delivery of the messages to Brewster who was to carry them across the sound on their way to Washington’s headquarters. Finally a clue was found among the papers of the Floyd family and when this was compared with the Woodhull account book it was discovered that the signals were arranged by no less a personage than the wife of Judge Selah Strong. Anna Smith was her maiden name. She was born on April 14th, 1740, and married Judge Strong on Nov. 9th, 1760.[7]

Brewster sometimes would capture an enemy crew on the way across, and sometimes when not well protected they would chase him. Occasionally he found it necessary to kill some of them. Major Tallmadge was not always to be found in the same place but kept Brewster sufficiently informed to be able to steer in the right direction. When to Major Tallmadge the messages were handed they were again examined, in fact frequently the stain letters were developed and then forwarded to the nearest Dragoons posted along the road, from whence they were relayed to Headquarters.

No one will challenge the emphasis put upon the importance of the Secret Service. Only lack of details has deterred its recognition. As early as April 1779, Major Tallmadge began by saying: “Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movements of the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London, and which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.” “Of very great importance” Washington considered it, and so wrote on July 11, 1780 “I rely upon this intelligence,” he wrote at another time. When G. W. P. Custis, adopted son of General Washington, was told by friends, who probably over-estimated, that the service had cost between one thousand and fifteen hundred pounds, he wrote: “It was a cheap, a dog cheap bargain; for, although gold was precious in the days of the Continental currency, yet the gold paid for the secret service was of inestimable value, when it is remembered how much it contributed to the safety and success of the army of Independence.”

Too much can not be said of the personnel of the service, due largely to Robert Townsend, whom all the others speak of in the highest terms. “Nothing could induce me to be here but the earnest desire of Culper Jur.,” said Woodhull in 1779. “He is the person in whom I have the greatest confidence,” General Washington wrote of Culper Junior in a letter to Congress. “This much I can assure you,” says Major Tallmadge, “he is a Gentleman of business, of Education and honor.” Of him on June 20th, 1779, Woodhull wrote: “He is a person that hath the interest of our Country at heart and of good reputation, character and family, I have reason to think his advantages for serving you, and abilities, are far superior to mine. As long as I am here shall be an assistant and do all that I can.” Again on February 5th, 1780, General Washington wrote of Culper Junior: “His accounts are intelligent, clear, and satisfactory ... I rely upon his intelligence,” and Woodhull echoes “He’s allowed to be a person of good sense and judgment, and his firmness and friendship towards our Country I do assure, you need not doubt. I have known him several years and confident he is a sincere friend, and hath undertaken it solely for to be some advantage to our distressed Country.” Then in May, 1781, General Washington recorded: “Of the Culpers fidelity and ability I entertain the highest opinion.”

In this volume are now collected a majority of the letters still in existence from spies in the American service during the Revolutionary War. That General Washington was contented with an occasional report from other scenes of action evinces the importance he attached to the territory around New York. That the Spies of Washington are worthy of important recognition in the annals of the State becomes evident as their work is examined.

G. M. Pierce, Registrar General of the National Society,18 D. A. R. in 1918 summed up the Revolutionary Spy in these words: “The man or woman who enters upon such a career must possess strength of character and be endowed with all the qualifications of a good soldier and a commanding officer besides. A soldier must possess bravery and courage, but a spy must be not only brave and courageous, but must also have what is called ‘nerve,’ poise, self possession, absolute control of facial expression, fearlessness, tact and discretion unequalled. For his is the most hazardous of all undertakings. Discovery means death, the penalty inflicted alike by all nations.”

FOOTNOTES to “FOREWORD”:

Late in the evening of September 22, 1776, Captain John Montressor, of the British Engineers, who was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Howe, appeared under flag of truce at the American outposts on Harlem Plains, New York. He bore a letter to General Washington respecting the exchange of prisoners. General Putnam, Captain Alexander Hamilton, and Captain William Hull were among those who met him. To them Montressor verbally gave the information that an American officer, one Captain Hale, had been executed that morning as a spy. It was startling news, and to Hull it came like a shock, for Nathan Hale had been his chum at college[8] and20 confided to him details of the dangerous mission he had undertaken. A week later, the sad news reached the home of Hale, and one of his brothers, Enoch, started for the encampment of Washington’s army. There Lieutenant-Colonel Webb was induced to visit the British headquarters under a flag, and he returned with information that enabled Enoch to record that “Nathan, being suspected by his movements that he wanted to get out of New York, was taken up and examined by the general, and, some minutes being found with him, orders were immediately given that he should be hanged. When at the gallows, he spoke and told that he was a captain in the Continental army, by name Nathan Hale.”

Enoch carried this news home, and later his brother John made entry in the town records of Coventry which reads as follows: “Capt. Nathan Hale, the son of Deacon Richard Hale, was taken in the City of New York by the Britons and Executed as a spie some time in the month of September, A.D. 1776.”

Tench Tilghman, in a letter to William Duer, written ten days after the announcement of Hale’s execution, betrays the feeling in the American army. “The General is determined, if he can bring some in his hands under the denomination of spies, to execute them,” he writes: “General Howe hanged a Captain of ours belonging to Knowlton’s21 Rangers who went into New York to make discoveries. I don’t see why we should not make retaliation.”

Another letter, written by an American officer in camp at Harlem, is dated September 26, 1776, and reads: “One Hale, in N.Y. on suspicion of being a spy, was taken up and dragged without ceremony to the Execution Post and hung up.” “Yesterday we hanged an officer of the Provincials who came as a spy,” writes a British officer to friends at home; and James Drewett, on board the British frigate Mercury at New York, writes: “On the 22d we hung a man who was sent as spy by Gen. Washington.”

It was almost five months later when the newspapers began publishing garbled accounts. The “Conquest of Canaan,” an epic poem, by Timothy Dwight, probably the first book to mention Hale, was not published until nearly nine years after his execution, although, strangely enough, its author had early in 1776 solicited Hale to get subscribers to it for him.

Hannah Adams was in fact the first historian to record a concise account of Hale, and her “History of New England,” in which it appears, was not published until 1799, nearly twenty-three years after the event. The story in her book reads as follows:

“The retreat from Long Island left the British in full possession. What would be their future operations remained uncertain. To obtain information of their situation, their strength and future movements, was of high importance. For this purpose, general Washington applied to Colonel Knowlton, who commanded a regiment of light infantry, which formed the van of the American army, and desired him to adopt some mode of gaining the necessary information. Colonel Knowlton communicated this request to Captain Nathan Hale, of Connecticut, who was then a captain in his regiment.

“This young officer, animated by a sense of duty, and considering that an opportunity presented itself, by which he might be useful to his country, at once offered himself a volunteer for this hazardous service. He passed in disguise to Long Island, examined every part of the British army, and obtained the best possible information respecting their situation and future operations.

“In his attempt to return he was apprehended, carried before Sir William Howe, and the proof of his object was so clear, that he frankly acknowledged who he was, and what were his views.

“Sir William Howe at once gave an order to the provost marshal to execute him the next morning. This order was accordingly executed, in a most unfeeling manner, and by as great a savage as ever disgraced humanity. A clergyman, whose attendance was desired, was refused him; a bible for a few moments devotion was not procured, although he requested it. Letters, which, on the morning of his execution, he wrote to his mother[9] and other friends, were destroyed; and this very extraordinary reason given by the provost marshal, ‘that the rebels should not know they had a man in their army who could die with so much firmness.’

“Unknown to all around him, without a single friend to offer him the least consolation, thus fell as amiable and as worthy a young man as America could boast, with this as his dying observation, ‘that he only lamented, that he had but one life to lose for his country.’... To see such a character, in the flower of youth, cheerfully treading in the most hazardous paths, influenced by the purest intentions, and only emulous to do good to his country, without the imputation of a crime, fall a victim to policy, must have23 been wounding to the feelings, even of his enemies. So far [1799] Hale has remained unnoticed, and, it is scarcely known such a character ever existed....”

Fifty years after Hale’s execution the “Long Island Star” published (April 2, 1827) extracts from a letter of Stephen Hempstead, Sen., aged sixty-nine, which Hempstead had published in the “Missouri Republican.” Another ten years went by before the first printed address appeared, and thereafter memoirs and biographies followed at frequent intervals to the present time. Attempts have been made to trace every step in his career, but there is much that still puzzles the historians. Nobody has been able to prove how he got to New York, and no one can say positively where he was captured. From all that has been gathered on the subject, we have arrived at the following conclusions:

The retreat of the American army from Long Island had been satisfactorily accomplished, but the officers found themselves in a most perilous condition when on September 7, 1776, Washington called a council of war to consider the important question: Should they defend or abandon New York? At another council on the 12th, it was decided to move to a position on Harlem Heights, leaving a guard of four thousand men under General Putnam in the city, with orders to follow if necessary. On the 14th, Washington made his headquarters at the house of Robert Murray, father of Lindley Murray the grammarian. From there he wrote to General Heath, then stationed at Kingsbridge:

“As everything, in a manner, depends upon obtaining intelligence of the enemy’s motions, I do most earnestly entreat you and General Clinton to exert yourselves to accomplish this most desirable end. Leave no stone unturned, nor do not stick at expense, to bring this to pass, as I was never more uneasy than on account of my want of knowledge on this score....”

To quote a paragraph from Lossing: “The vital questions pressing for an answer were, Will they make a direct attack upon the city? Will they land upon the island, above the city, or at Morrisania beyond the Harlem River? Will they attempt to cut off our communications with the main, by seizing the region along the Harlem River or at Kingsbridge, by landing forces on the shores of the East and Hudson Rivers, at Turtle Bay, or at Bloomingdale, and, stretching a cordon of armed men from river to river, cut off the four thousand troops left in the city?”

Washington, in his perplexity, called another council of war at Murray’s. He told his officers that he could not procure the least information concerning the intentions of the enemy, and again asked, What shall be done? It was resolved to send a competent person, in disguise, into the British camps on Long Island to unveil the momentous secret. It needed one skilled in military and scientific knowledge; a man possessed of a quick eye, a cool head, unflinching courage; tact, caution, and sagacity—a man on whose judgment and fidelity implicit reliance might be placed.

Washington sent for Lieutenant-Colonel Knowlton and asked him to find a man for the service. Knowlton summoned a number of officers to a conference at his quarters and after explaining the service required called for volunteers. Late in the conference, when it seemed he would not find a man competent and willing to undertake the perilous mission, “a young officer appeared, pale from the effects of recent severe sickness. Knowlton repeated the invitation, when, almost immediately, the voice of the young soldier was heard uttering the momentous words, ‘I will undertake it!’ It was the voice of Captain Nathan Hale.”

Everybody was astonished. The whole company knew Hale. They loved and admired him. After the meeting his friends tried to dissuade him from his decision, setting forth25 the risk of sacrificing all his good prospects in life and the fond hopes of his family and friends. Hull employed all the force of friendship and the arts of persuasion to bend him from his purpose, but in vain. With warmth and decision Hale said:

“I think I owe to my country the accomplishment of an object so important and so much desired by the commander of her armies, and I know no mode of obtaining the information but by assuming a disguise and passing into the enemy’s camp. I am fully sensible of the consequences of discovery and capture in such a situation. But for a year I have been attached to the army, and have not rendered any material service, while receiving a compensation for which I make no return. Yet I am not influenced by any expectation of promotion or pecuniary reward. I wish to be useful; and every kind of service necessary for the public good becomes honorable by being necessary. If the exigencies of my country demand a peculiar service, its claims to the performance of that service are imperious.”

Knowlton presently conducted Hale to Washington, who delivered instructions concerning his mission. The commander also furnished him with a general order to the owners of all American vessels in Long Island Sound to convey him to any point on Long Island which he might designate.

Asher Wright, his trusty servant, was told to have the horses ready at the earliest moment, and, in company with Stephen Hempstead, they set off that Saturday evening. No hint has been given as to how they reached Norwalk, except that because of the British cruisers in the vicinity they could find no available boat until they got there, which may indicate that they spent a part of Sunday, hunting perhaps at Stamford and other points between there and Rye. Captain Pond, whom Hale knew, happened to be at Norwalk, then in command of the armed sloop Schuyler and arrangements26 were made to take him across to Huntington on the Long Island shore that night. Hempstead, who accompanied him this far, writing fifty years later, says that he changed his uniform for a plain suit of citizens’ brown clothes, with a round broad-brimmed hat: He does not tell us whether he brought the extra suit with him, but we must presume that Captain Pond furnished it, although Hale charged Hempstead with the care of his army clothes, his commission and public and private papers, and also his silver shoe buckles, saying they would not comport with his character as a schoolmaster. He requested Hempstead to wait at Norwalk until he returned or was heard from.

It was near daylight Monday morning when Hale was landed on the beach at Huntington. No sound save the plash of the waves disturbed the quiet of the approaching day. No sign of human habitation was in sight: no guidepost to indicate the direction to the town; but there were hills not far away and from these a better view might be had. A path was discovered and he rightly surmised it led to the town. Who there entertained this martyr unawares we may never know. Nobody there wanted a teacher just at that time, but everybody was ready to tell him how the Whigs were crossing from Huntington every day in order to escape the British. Foraging parties had already been to Oyster Bay and other towns. Two hundred wagons had been demanded from the farmers of Suffolk County to remove the baggage of the British from New Utrecht to Hellgate, and already three hundred had been sent there. Only the troops were allowed to cross the ferries from Long Island to New York without passes;[10] but the market boats27 were still in service and doing a good business supplying the British troops with fresh country produce. Their difficulty was to get men to assist in loading and unloading.

We cannot think that Hale would fail to take advantage of this opportunity. Whilst the boats at Huntington were transporting passengers to Connecticut with their household effects, those from Oyster Bay were supplying the New York markets and now were making deliveries directly to the camp kitchens. Without loss of time, Hale must have followed the road from Huntington to Oyster Bay. There it was not necessary for him to diverge from the truth. He found Huntington was already well supplied with teachers, and being willing to work at anything was glad to assist on the market boats. They stopped at Whitestone Landing, at Flushing, and at Hellgate, and it was now his business to inquire how many troops were at each place, how many more were expected, and how long they would remain, and perhaps even where they expected to be the following week. Then, with what was left of the cargo, they crossed to New York and there found ready market.

We know that Nathan Hale upon arrival in the city found that many of the British had already crossed the river, had engaged the men of his own company among others, and were now fortifying their positions in various sections of the city. And undoubtedly he mingled among them until, early on the morning of the 21st of September, the lower portion of the city was discovered to be in flames. We may never know how his time was occupied that day,[11]28 but it is possible that in spite of his disguise he discovered he had been recognized as one of the officers attached to Washington’s army. It may have startled him when he realized that he was back at the place he started from almost a week before. Back, but now not among friends. Washington had withdrawn and the British were now in possession of the ground between him and the American army. A walk of less than three miles along the shore of Harlem Creek would bring him within the American lines. It may have seemed the easiest way to return, and in fact might have been safely accomplished but for the unusual events of that day. The great curtain of smoke that hung over the city attracted attention for many miles around. Among those who went out of their way to obtain details of its cause was Captain Quarme and the crew of the Halifax. They were off Whitestone Point at the time, but when they had neared Manhattan in the vicinity of Ward’s Island, Quarme, with a few men, went ashore near what is now One Hundred and Eleventh Street. Hale was just reaching the water-front at that point, and noticing the29 small boat, and the Halifax not being in sight as the trees on Ward’s Island hid the view, concluded it might be a friendly party from Long Island. He had betrayed his anxiety and attracted suspicion before he realized his mistake. By Captain Quarme’s order he was left with the sentinels at the British outposts, who later conducted him to headquarters, and when the men returned they rowed for the Halifax and sailed back to anchorage that night in the vicinity of City Island. Later in the war the Halifax was stationed at Huntington, which may account for the idea that Hale was captured there.

The documents previously quoted show his treatment after reaching the British lines.

FOOTNOTES to “NATHAN HALE”:

The capture and execution of Nathan Hale made a failure of the attempt to get instant information from within the British lines; but it formed a determination in the General’s mind to establish a Secret Service Bureau that would be more carefully planned and consequently less liable to disappointing results. The man selected to manage the spy system within the city of New York was Robert Townsend, of Oyster Bay, Long Island. Without discovery he furnished General Washington with correct information throughout the war, and at its close, lest harm should come to him, the General determined that his identity should never be revealed. His books, which remained sealed for over a century, now permit positive identification.(101)

Before the war began, Robert Townsend acted as purchasing agent for his father, in importing flax and sugar and molasses, tea and coffee and iron and rum and similar commodities,(102) and there is a suggestion that he may have collected a secret fund for the “Sons of Liberty” in 1772, ’73, and ’74. His first war work commenced when the Provincial Convention resolved unanimously on August 24, 1776, “That Robert Townsend be a commissary to supply31 Brigadier-General Woodhull’s Brigade with provisions”; but it may have been abruptly ended with the capture of Woodhull and the scattering of his men.(103) Released from other employment he had opportunity and with the gift of a keen observation was able to assist General Scott and later Abraham Woodhull in collecting intelligence. Lack of confidence might have deterred him from making more than verbal reports had they been required but at the moment they were satisfactory, and either Woodhull or Scott embodied his information in the reports to headquarters. Every general was prepared to furnish spies, but the arrangement now being made was of a more permanent nature, General Washington proposing that they should establish headquarters right in the heart of the British camp. General Chas. Scott took particular interest in arranging for this but was called to other service before it was fully organized. Major Benjamin Tallmadge, of the Second Regiment, Light Dragoons, was then selected to carry on the work. Tallmadge was a native of Long Island, born at Brookhaven in Suffolk County on February 25, 1754; and it was, therefore, natural for him to expect to find there those in whom he could place the greatest confidence. In this he was not disappointed. Men there were already anxious to be serviceable to their country’s cause in any capacity. Abraham Woodhull, Caleb Brewster, and Austin Roe, were among the leaders. So important was their work that without them little from New York City could have reached the General.

The exact date when the service of systematically transmitting intelligence commenced cannot be ascertained. In his “Memoir,” Colonel Tallmadge merely records:

“This year [1778] I opened a private correspondence with some persons in New York [for Gen. Washington] which lasted through the war. How beneficial it was to the32 Commander-in-Chief is evidenced by his continuing the same to the close of the war. I kept one or more boats constantly employed in crossing the Sound on this business.... My station was in the county of Westchester, and occasionally along the shores of the Sound.”

A letter from Major Tallmadge addressed to General Scott, dated Bedford, October 29, 1778, reads:

“I have this moment received a letter from a gentleman direct from Long Island, by the very gentleman whom I made mention to you the other day to serve as a conveyance for Samuel Culper’s letters. I doubt not it is authentic.”

Samuel Culper was the name assumed by those who furnished the secret intelligence. At first without distinction, but later Abraham Woodhull signed “Samuel Culper, Sr.,” and Robert Townsend, “Samuel Culper, Jr.” Sometimes in error they would write “Culper Samuel,” and Townsend sometimes forgot to add the “Jr.”

Abraham Woodhull’s letter of October 31, 1778, indicates the hazard of the work in New York City, and mentions finding a faithful friend who will assist him. His letter reads:

Before the end of the next month Culper’s letters were delayed, which caused Major Tallmadge to address the General with the letter which follows:

The 23d of November found another long letter of Abraham Woodhull’s on its way to Headquarters, the first page of which may be read among the Notes.(104) Continuing he says:

As will later be observed, General Washington was now in receipt of a secret formula for their correspondence, which he wished to put to use. Therefore he answered Major Tallmadge saying: “I should be glad to have an interview with Culper myself, in which I would put the mode of corresponding upon such a footing that even if his letters were to fall into the enemy’s hands, he would have nothing to fear, on that account.” However in his letter following the above he says: “When I desired an interview with him I did not know his peculiar situation. I now see the danger that so long an absence would incur and I must leave it entirely to you to manage the correspondence in such a manner as will most probably insure safety to him and answer the desired end.”

Major Tallmadge answered this on December 23d, saying: “Since your Excellency judges it improper to have an interview with C——, any private instructions which you may wish to transmit him, not so proper for me to transcribe, may be very safely conveyed to him, as from the regularity of his dispatches and the characters of the persons who I know are entrusted with their conveyance from N. Y. to Brook Haven, I dare venture to say there is not the least probability, and I had almost said hardly a possibility of a discovery.”

From Philadelphia on January 2d, 1779, came instructions for Major Tallmadge to forward his letters through General Putnam. “There are regular Expresses established between Danbury and the Head Quarters of the Army,” it reads. “And you therefore need not in future send a special messenger the whole way. Send your letters to General Putnam at or near Danbury, letting him know that they are to be forwarded with dispatch. I shall get them sooner than by a single express.”

Culper’s next letter, dated Feb. 26, is one of great length,(105) detailing the strength and position of all the troops of the enemy. In the closing paragraph he says: “Coll. Floyd returned on his Parole the 16. I earnestly wrote you for his discharge. I repeat it again, I anxiously desire you would not forget. I am very likely to stand in need of his services. I desire you will send me one hundred pounds, by the next appointment without fail, as I have spent already forty pounds more than I have received from you. Board is £3 per week in New York besides other necessary expenses postage and etcetra.”

An enclosure from Brewster accompanied the above letter. His in full is as follows:

From General Washington at Middlebrook dated March 21st, 1779, came a long letter of instructions, most of which will be found in another chapter. To Tallmadge he says: “With this letter you will receive fifty guineas for S. C. which you will cause to be delivered as soon as possible, with an earnest exhortation to use them with all possible econemy, as I find it very difficult to obtain hard money.... As all great movements and the fountain of all intelligence must originate at, and proceed from the Head Quarters of the enemy’s army, C. had better reside at New York—mix with and put on the airs of a tory, to cover his real character and avoid suspicion.... The temper and expectation of the tories and refugees, is worthy of consideration;39 as much may be gathered from their expectations and prospects. For this end an intimacy with some well informed refugee may be political and advantageous—Highly so will it be to contract an acquaintance with a person in the Naval Department, who may either be engaged in the business of procuring transports for the embarkation of the troops, or in victualling them.”

It is the forerunner of their use of a code. Without alteration his letter follows just as it was originally written.

Another letter also marked No. 10 and dated April 12, addressed to John Bolton is signed only with the initials S. C. It begins: “Your No. 6 came to hand, together with a Vial for a purpose that gives me great satisfaction, and twenty guineas. It is a great satisfaction to me to hear that his —— is well pleased with my letters.” The rest of the two sheets is a repetition of his letter of the 10th and may be a rough draft of it. It at least puzzled Major Tallmadge42 and he promptly started across the Sound for Setauket. There he found Abraham Woodhull suffering from the greatest fright of his life. It was only one of a series soon to follow, and was perhaps the least serious of them all. It would be hard to imagine that when Alexander Hamilton read this from Tallmadge to General Washington his usual calm countenance was not convulsed in smiles. The full letter will be found among the notes.(106) Here is the extract:

Culper’s next letter was dated from New York, April 29th. It was a “Stain” letter and only a poor copy of it has survived. Letters of importance were already on their way to Headquarters when from Smith’s tavern in the Clove, on June 13th, 1779, General Washington addressed Major Tallmadge as follows:

Two letters, both dated June 5th, and numbered 13, were the next received from Abraham Woodhull. In them he relates his narrowest escape from capture.(107)(108) Colonel Simcoe and his Rangers hastened to Setauket in April, 1779, upon information furnished by John Wolsey against him.44 Fortunately, he was with Robert Townsend in New York at the time; but they fell upon his father and plundered him in a most shocking manner.[12] Hardly was it thought possible that Woodhull would be able to pay the price of satisfaction, but through a friend he accomplished it.

Woodhull’s next letter is worthy of study. Two features of it are here emphasized. In full it will be found among the notes.

General Washington received through Major Tallmadge on June 26th, the news of Simcoe’s raid, and the next day answered in a long letter with which he sent ten guineas for Culper and mentioned one George Higday, who had attempted to get him information from New York.(110)

Entire direction of the Secret Service within the City of New York having now been placed in the care of Robert Townsend, his first letter(111) must have been looked forward to with anxiety by Abraham Woodhull, who announced its receipt in his No. 15, which is incorrectly dated June 31, 1779:

These letters, with those significant words, “You must keep a very good look out,” were on their way, but had not had time to reach Major Tallmadge when he was surprised by a night attack. Lord Rawdon, with nearly all of the British light horse, accompanied by a body of light infantry, had come upon them under cover of the darkness and compelled them to fight, principally with the broadsword, until Colonel Sheldon found it necessary to order their retreat. Tallmadge lost in the affray a fine horse, most of his field baggage, and the money and letters that General Washington had sent him for the Culpers. Upon receipt of this information at Headquarters, General Washington replied to Major Tallmadge on July 5th, as follows:

Nine days later, Samuel Culper’s seventeenth letter, dated July 9th, was forwarded to Major Tallmadge. He begins by saying it is a long time since he has heard from him and cannot tell if he wants him to continue the correspondence, and continues, saying: “I yesterday had an opportunity of seeing Mr. Culper, Junr. and repeated again all my instructions ever received from you. I have kept no secret from him and have consulted every thing and he’s determined to pursue every step that he may judge for advantage and is determined as soon as I can communicate to him your authority for my engaging him he will disengage himself from every other business which at present affords him a handsome living—He’s allowed to be a person of good sense and judgment and his firmness and friendship towards our Country I do assure you need not doubt. I have known him several years and confident he is a sincere friend, and will be frugal of all moneys he may receive, and hath undertaken it solely for to be some advantage to our distressed Country, and have determined to forward you for the future weekly intelligence if possible, as I have concluded to remain48 here as long as I possibly can (although I look upon myself all the time in danger) for the sole purpose of advantage to our correspondence.

Meanwhile, General Washington had prepared instructions for the Culpers, a copy of which is still preserved among the papers of Colonel Tallmadge, as follows:

Robert Townsend acknowledges receipt of the above instructions in his second letter, dated July 15th,(112) and in transmitting it Samuel Culper added the following:

General Washington forwarded the ink as requested, together with the following letter, dated West Point, July 25, 1779.

It is not surprising that General Washington so frequently expressed satisfaction with the intelligence that Robert Townsend was now furnishing. His third letter as well as those that follow is a good example. No. 3 is dated 10 July 29, 1779:

August 6th is the date of Townsend’s 4th letter. It was written altogether in the stain and required the services of two of the General’s secretaries to copy it. The first half of the first page is in the handwriting of Alexander Hamilton but the rest of the three pages was written by McHenry.(113)

Meanwhile, Samuel Culper continued to advise Robert Townsend that he should give up his business in New York.[15] In a letter to Tallmadge, dated August 12th, he writes:(114)

Jonas Hawkins called for Townsend’s fifth letter, but fearing capture destroyed it before reaching Woodhull. He advised Tallmadge of this in a letter, mostly in cipher, dated August 15th.(115) The sixth shared the same fate. Woodhull called for the next, which follows:

The General thought it was not necessary for Townsend to give up his business, and so replied from Headquarters at West Point, September 24, 1779:

FOOTNOTES to “GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES”:

The hazard of transmitting letters in the ordinary way between Headquarters and the Culpers continued to increase. It taxed the ingenuity of General Washington, as his preceding letter indicates; and Major Tallmadge carefully studied the subject. The first crude use of a few ciphers (ten for New York and twenty for Setauket) was no longer deemed sufficient. Early in July, 1779, Major Tallmadge prepared a “pocket dictionary” in which a new code was arranged. Copies were furnished the Culpers as well as Headquarters. Reference to it is in a letter from Washington dated July 27, 1779,[16] and a copy of the code is now among the letters of General Washington in the Library of Congress.

In letters Major Tallmadge’s name was never used on Long Island. He was always addressed as John Bolton. He had also a number, which was 721. Abraham Woodhull was always addressed as Samuel Culper or Culper Senior, and was known by the number 722. Robert Townsend was Culper Junior, and his number was 723. Austin Roe[17] 724, Caleb Brewster 725, George Washington 711, New York 727, Long Island 728, Setauket 729, etc.

The stain letters were doubtless the most clever, but only fragments of them have survived. However, copies of those that reached Headquarters were made by Alexander Hamilton and other trusted members of the General’s official family, and these are still preserved among the Washington Papers. Sometimes they reached the General in a manner that alarmed him, as the following extract shows:

Probably Major Tallmadge had not explained that Townsend’s method was to conceal the sheet by forwarding with it to him an entire package of the same folded62 letter-paper, in which there was no way of discovering this particular sheet except by knowing its position.

It was such a letter from Townsend that Culper Senior mentions in his of September 19th.(116) He also relates how it became necessary for him to expose himself in order to protect Brewster, who with his boat was waiting for it. Culper Junior’s tenth letter is dated October 9th.(117) In it he says:

With this Samuel Culper encloses his twenty-fifth letter, in which he relates how he was captured and escaped, as follows:

Meanwhile General Washington was dictating a letter to Major Tallmadge, which reads:

Townsend’s next letter, dated October 21, and written entirely with the stain, was copied at Headquarters, and reads:

Culper Senior’s next letter,(118) dated October 26th, he also, incorrectly numbers 25. Townsend’s next letter,(119) written with the stain, is dated October 29th, as is also the following from Culper Senior:

Major Tallmadge supplements the above in a letter to the General dated Bedford, Novr. 1, 1779, in which he says:

Townsend’s next letter, November 3d, announces that General Clinton and the Admiral were at Oyster Bay on Monday, observing the Harbour. In detail it reads:

Woodhull’s No. 27, dated Nov. 5th, is only short, but written under excitement. He says: “I have just received the Dispatches, and verbal accounts, that Coll. Fanning’s Regt. is at Lloyd’s Neck, and the Prince of Wales American Regt. formerly commanded by Monfort Brown tarried last night at Jamaica on their way to Huntington. One regiment is ordered to Jerusalem South side Hempstead Planes. Much talk about their coming to this place soon, and we are greatly alarmed about it. Should they come here I shall most certainly retreat to your side as I think it will be impossible for me to be safe. Shall see Culper, Junr. on the 10th, inst. at which time shall hope to compleat your directions, and order affairs so that the damage I hope will not be great if it should become necessary to quit the Island. Depend I shall not do it without absolute necessity. If you have anything material to communicate to Culper Junr. let 725 come one night before (say on the 9th.) I give over entirely the arrival of the French fleet. Nothing is said about them in New York, and the movement of the enemy looks like their going into winter quarters. Friends are all well. I am, &c. Your most Obedt.

Abraham Woodhull’s next letter on November 13th covers six sheets(120) in which he says:

In his next letter,(121) written with the stain and dated November 27, 1779, Townsend mentions that the British have procured from Philadelphia “several Reams of the paper made for the last emission struck by Congress.” “I have taken much pains to find out some of those concerned, but could not accomplish it,” he adds.

Woodhull, his hand still trembling from fear, sends off his 29th letter, dated November 29th. It reads:

In his letter of December 12th,(122) Woodhull encloses a blank from Culper Junior. They are to be together on the 25th (Christmas Day):

From Setauket, before he returned from his Christmas meeting, Townsend wrote a long letter(123) to “Mr. John Bolton” entirely undisguised. And soon one came from General Washington, in which he says:

Woodhull visited Townsend in New York toward the end of February. He was then probably trying to send his intelligence by the shorter route, as the next letter would indicate:

Another letter from Samuel Culper is dated March 13.(124) In a postscript to it he adds:

The difficulty in finding the stain letter hid among many similar looking blank sheets of the same paper is mentioned in the next, which reads:

A missing letter evidently unjustly complained of Townsend, for one, dated from Setauket April 23d, reads:

It was necessary to search other letters to discover Townsend’s reason for withdrawing at this particular time. It will be recalled he had promised General Washington that he would endeavor to shorten the line of communication and for this purpose he had selected his cousin, James Townsend. When the messages were ready Townsend set off, and managed to get safely across the river. However, he did not return at the appointed time and for some days Culper’s iron nerves were shattered, fearing that the British had their secret and that his fate was sealed. But what had actually happened had a less serious termination. James Townsend, realizing the importance of the messages he was carrying and perhaps because it was a new experience for him, became77 bewildered and although uncertain of the house at which he was to stop called at one Deansonbury, where were two young people fond of questioning strangers. They at once permitted him to believe that they were Tories. His first idea was to assume intoxication but when he found them determined to make him talk he recalled Washington’s instructions to put on the airs of a Tory and before long he was able to convince them that he was one of the king’s most loyal subjects. John, the elder brother of the household in his affidavit declares he was hiding where he could hear without being seen, but that “he heard no more, his spirits rose, he flew into the room and took him prisoner.”[19] He was of course detained, but was fortunately a prisoner in the American Army. His pockets were searched and their contents forwarded to headquarters. There seemed to be nothing very remarkable among them. A poem of 20 lines spread over two sheets of paper and folded into sixteen must have seemed insignificant. The title “The Lady’s Dress” and the initials S. T. which had been altered to appear like S. B. were alike uninteresting. But to Washington it was different. These were the stain letters and upon applying the counterpart the message showed up between the widely spaced lines. Washington kept the original and it is now among the treasures in Washington. The release of James Townsend was difficult, even after the papers in the case had reached Headquarters, lest knowledge of his errand might betray the Culpers to the British spies in the American camp.

Woodhull’s No. 4, dated Setauket May 4, 1780, would indicate that they did not get together on May 1st. He says:

Following this came an order from Headquarters practically discharging the Culpers. It reads:

Woodhull was not pleased with General Washington’s letter, as his next to Major Tallmadge indicates:

A few weeks’ suspension was sufficient to convince Headquarters that the services of the Culpers were indispensable. Messengers were rushed to Major Tallmadge to re-engage them, as the next communication shows:

It is regrettable that at this critical period several of the most important letters were not preserved or have been lost. But it is fortunate that enough remains to clearly indicate the purport of the missing documents. It was three days before the above letter from Headquarters in Bergen County reached Major Tallmadge at Cortlandt’s Manor. Then promptly on July 14th, 1780, he addressed General Washington, saying:

Tallmadge succeeded in finding Caleb Brewster, who promptly started across the Sound with messages for Abraham Woodhull and Robert Townsend. None of them yet knew that the British reinforcements under Admiral Graves were at that moment arriving in New York. Brewster found Woodhull ill, but Austin Roe was located and hastened off on the best obtainable steed to New York City. Had he gone slower he might have been overtaken by a British spy who on that day traveled the same road, carrying from East Hampton the news that a French fleet was off Rhode Island. In New York Roe was kept waiting whilst Townsend collected the news. To him it seemed the most important yet transmitted. He was never more fearful of discovery. Efforts were being made to detain everyone who might82 carry any information. Fortunately he still had a limited supply of the stain but to conceal these apparently blank sheets in a package of heavy goods as was the usual method would delay by perhaps a day the delivery of the message to headquarters. A happy thought suggested itself to Townsend. Colonel Benjamin Floyd, a British subject, had recently been robbed of many articles and was now obliged to make new purchases. A letter directed to him would attract no suspicion and its contents would account for the messenger returning apparently empty handed. Here is his note, which of course was to be delivered to Woodhull and not to Floyd:

As soon as the letters were ready Roe started back[20] and reached Woodhull in time to get the messages across the Sound that same evening. With them Woodhull sent what is83 probably the shortest and most exciting message he ever wrote. It reads:

Besides the stain letter Woodhull enclosed with the above one of his own, from information that Roe was able to communicate. It reads:

There being some question about finding Tallmadge at that moment Woodhull crossed John Bolton’s name from84 one of the letters and probably Brewster found a man to carry it directly to Headquarters, where it was received by Alexander Hamilton before 4 p. m. July 21st. As General Washington was not there Hamilton sent the news by a special messenger to General Lafayette, then on his way to Newport.[21] Likewise Major Tallmadge, as soon as the news reached him sent the information to General Washington and also to Generals Robert Howe and William Heath. General Washington later, upon studying the details, figuratively sharpened his quill pens and with them accomplished more than might have been possible at that moment with the sword. Hours went by, in fact several days, for the British transports were slow in arriving at Frog’s Neck, but they were fairly on their way to Newport when a man whom none could suspect, left at the British outpost a package that he claimed he had picked up along the road. It was found to be the details of General Washington’s plan of attack on New York. Already it was time for the American forces to strike the blow—they might be expected at any moment. The British signal fires were lighted,[22] and promptly came sailing back the fleet. A few days later as an excuse for the85 affair, in a letter to Lord George Germain Sir Henry Clinton said: “Washington must have learned that my armament had not proceeded to Rhode Island. He (I apprehend in consequence of this) re-crossed the river, and is now near Orange-town”. But in fact General Washington was not prepared to attack New York at that time and had no intention of doing so. In Sir Henry Clinton’s letter he says:

General Washington now ordered a chain of Dragoons to be posted between New London and Headquarters. There were to be 3 every 15 miles apart, to convey messages from the Culpers and the French Fleet. Colonel Sheldon complied under protest, as his letter following shows:

An interesting letter followed Woodhull’s visit to New York, which is dated August 16, 1780, and reads as follows:

The hazard of their employment is calmly illustrated in the next letter addressed to Major Tallmadge: It was necessary for them to kill a man whilst waiting for Culper’s messages. Brewster writes:

Through Major Tallmadge General Washington answered the above from Headquarters at Orange Town, August 21, 1780, as follows:

Brewster was roused to action. Therefore without waiting to hear from the General or Major he again crossed to Long Island, as his letter following shows:

As soon as Brewster had delivered the above message he crossed to the Island again. His next letter follows:

A letter from George Washington to Colonel Sheldon, dated as above, informs him that one of his Dragoon Express had been captured by the British at Pines Bridge and carried into New York. Fortunately he had none of the above messages at the time. But Colonel Sheldon had work for Major Tallmadge aside from the messages, which may account for the following dated Sept. 1st and 5th not reaching Major Tallmadge until the 9th.

Major Tallmadge’s letter from Lower Salem, Sept. 13th, and General Washington’s of the 16th, throw further light upon the service. It may be noticed that practically all of Culper Junior’s stain letters were now being deciphered by Major Tallmadge, each time with an apology for so doing. He was not aware at that time that had he failed to decipher them Major André would have been able to join Arnold and the treason plot might not have been discovered until it was too late.

It certainly was not possible at the moment to realize the importance of the messages that were now arriving. Woodhull’s inference that they contain much good intelligence is prophetic. The first is dated

At this period the Culpers were using more care to conceal the intelligence in their letters, as will be observed upon examining Woodhull’s, dated August 27th.(126) Townsend’s were now all written with the stain. Tallmadge’s efforts to shorten the line of communication have been preserved in a series of three of his letters to Headquarters written during the month of August.

Incidentally, in his zeal he almost betrayed the identity of Culper Junior. The first letter, dated August 10, 1780, reads:

Tallmadge’s next letter in this series is dated from North Castle, August 20, 1780: and reads:

FOOTNOTES to “SECRET SERVICE SECRETS”:

There is no good reason to question those who say in the veins of Robert Townsend flowed the blood of Norman Conquerors. Upon his own immediate ancestors he could look with pardonable pride. The first on Long Island was John Townsend, one of the patentees of Flushing in 1645 and of Rustdorp as Jamaica, Long Island, was then called, in 1656.

Among John’s children was John, usually called John 2d. He had, among others, a son James, whose son Jacob, born in 1692, was the father of Samuel Townsend and grandfather of Robert Townsend, whose alias was Culper Junior. Robert’s father, Samuel, was born in 1717. He married Sarah, the daughter of William and Mary (Hicks) Stoddard. Mary’s parents were John and Deborah (Almy) Hicks.

When Robert’s father, Samuel Townsend, was in his twenty-fourth year, he was appointed by George Clarke, then Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Province of New York, Ensign in the Company of Militia Foot in Queens County, Joseph Weeks then being Captain. His commission is dated December 15, 1741, and bears the signature of George Clarke, and also of the Deputy Secretary, George Moore.

Samuel Townsend is described in family documents as a fine old gentleman, of regular features, straight nose, a large blue eye, high forehead. A snuff-colored or gray suit, with silver knee- and shoe-buckles, a white stock of cambric lawn gathered in five plaits, fastened behind with a paste buckle, showing no collar, narrow ruffles at the shirt-bosom, gold-headed cane, and cocked hat. An uncle used to say he hated to see Sam and Sarah come into meeting, they looked so tall and proud. He was said to be a member of Meeting by birthright, his parents being strict Friends, and his wife, although baptized in the Episcopal Church, preferred the Friends. They had sons, Solomon, Samuel, Robert, William, and David, and daughters, Audrey Sarah and Phebe.

Solomon was seven years older than his brother Robert. Much has already been published about him. He married Anne daughter of Peter Townsend of Orange County, New York, and they had eight children:(128) Hannah, Anne, Mary, Phebe, Samuel, Jacob, Peter, and Solomon.

Robert Townsend, alias Culper Junior, was born November 25, 1753, and died at Oyster Bay, Long Island, March 7, 1838, aged eighty-four years, three months, and ten days.

Robert Townsend’s father, Samuel, was always a successful merchant. He conducted his business at Jericho, Long Island, until 1743, after which he moved to the property now known as “Raynham Hall” at Oyster Bay, which he had purchased in 1740. Himself a learned man, he was always careful to see that the education of his children was not neglected. Pride radiates in the handwriting still preserved on a page of his ledger, where he records:

“Sarah Townsend went to school to Rebeccah Coles ye 27th of October, 1766. Rebecca Coles School ceased ye last of February, 1767. Sarah and Phebe Townsend bagan school with John Townsend’s wife ye 16th March, 1767.”

The ages of the girls at that time were five and seven years. Ten years earlier the tuition of Robert who became Culper Junior began under the same teacher. Notes preserved by a nephew read: “My uncle Robert Townsend went to her school when only three years old, so young that Madam Townsend used to permit him and her little son Ephraim of about the same age to play at the pond with the young ducks instead of obliging them at their tender age to pour over to them unintelligable school books.”

A sister-in-law of Madam Townsend was Zerviah Townsend who married Dr. Matthew Parish, here mentioned because of her influence over the destiny of Robert. It is recorded by a contemporary that “while the British lay at Boston on the eve of the Revolution, she said to Solomon Wooden, ‘The Lord has assured me and spoken to me and advised’ that the Troops by Boston shall withdraw; likewise all the Men of War; and that America shall be the Mother of Nations and feed them with bread.”

At the commencement of hostilities, Samuel Townsend was slow in renouncing his allegiance to the King. A former experience was probably responsible for this caution. When in 1758 he had attempted to get justice for the neutral French and prisoners of war that had been brought into Kings County in 1756, he was held in the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms of the General Assembly of New York for several days and was then not released until they had passed a Resolve, that “the said Samuel Townsend, for writing and sending the said Letter, is guilty of a high misdemeanor and most daring Insult on the Honour, Justice and Authority of this House,” and he was further required to pay a heavy fine and promise that for the future he would be more cautious to avoid every occasion of exposing himself to their censure or reproof.

There was another Samuel Townsend in Oyster Bay105 active for the Crown as early as December, 1774, “who proposed to convince the world that his Majesty is not without friends here who will support his government.” Later he joined the American army and if British Headquarters confused the two men, they did no more than some of the biographers have done. Upon capture he was severely punished by the British in the Provost, New York, while for Samuel of Raynham Hall most of them had great respect.[25]

Samuel Townsend began active service in the Provincial Congress on May 24, 1775, and usually was present in the sessions to July 1st. Toward the end of July, he again took his seat and toward the close of May, 1776, he became active. He was with them at White Plains from July 9th to August, and during August attended the Provincial Convention107 and was also one of the Committee of Safety. But he did not follow them to Fishkill, where they began meeting on September 5, 1776. He, therefore, although elected a member of the committee to draft the first State Constitution, was not able actively to participate in their deliberations, and choosing to remain at home was obliged to subscribe to the Oath of Allegiance to the King.[26]

His appointment on committees to advise with and assist Brigadier-General Woodhull in protecting the stock was an important service, as the letters still preserved show. One, dated July 12, 1776, emphasizes this:[27]

On the 26th of August, Samuel Townsend and William Smith reported in the following words:

The Convention, upon receipt of the above report, addressed General Woodhull as follows:

General Woodhull replied to this in a letter addressed to the Honourable the Convention of the State of New York, at Harlem, which is as follows:

The next mention of Samuel Townsend will be found in the minutes of the Committee of Safety, dated

James Townsend, uncle of Robert Townsend, who with John Sloss Hobart attempted to make a stand at Huntington,111 addressed a letter from there to the Provincial Congress on August 30th, which in part reads:

Only a few more days on Long Island remained for the faithful followers of Washington and the army. On September 16th, a lone individual passed the spot where Townsend and Hobart had attempted to make a stand only seventeen days before. It was Nathan Hale on his way to a glorified martyrdom.

FOOTNOTES to “TOWNSEND’S PERSONALITY”:

As Culper Junior, the spy, the most trying period in the career of Robert Townsend was now approaching. British officers had been quartered at his parents’ home at Oyster Bay for the past four years. His sisters made life agreeable for all,[28] and saved their none too113 complacent parent from the wrath of many a would-be enemy. Hannah, his first cousin and neighbor, had already married Major Joseph Green, of the British Army. His sister Sarah had received from Colonel Simcoe a Valentine and other tokens of esteem.[29] Sir William Erskine had been entertained at Simcoe’s headquarters in their home, and Major André had upon several occasions visited Colonel114 Simcoe there and was treated almost as one of the family. Sarah had frequently furnished her brother with important information, but now she must have sensed that something unusual was about to happen. Inquiries were being made about the shores of the Hudson in the vicinity of West Point, and, thinking himself unobserved, a supposed Whig from that section had entered the house and concealed in a little-used cupboard a letter. Sarah examined it as soon as he had slipped out. It seemed to be only a business letter addressed to James Anderson, but she determined to watch its fate. Later Major André entered the room. He searched through the closets and when he came to the letter hastily concealed it upon his person without examining it, and, taking a dish of doughnuts that were still hot from the fire, he hid them as an excuse for entering the forbidden precincts of the kitchen. Later, Sarah, by listening to a whispered conversation in Colonel Simcoe’s room,[30] could distinguish the words West Point, repeated several times.

A note to her brother Robert was hastily written. Captain Daniel Youngs, of the British Army, a lifelong friend,116 was sent for. He was told they were out of a certain kind of tea she would need for her party the following evening. It was to be had at her brother’s store in New York and a messenger must be sent for it at once. Always accommodating, even though he had to wait nearly three years before he received on April 1, 1783, £200, and July 16, £200, in all over $1000 in hard money for his services, a horse and rider was furnished and before night closed, Robert Townsend was in possession of his sister’s information. It was on its way to Setauket the next morning,[31] crossed the Sound between midnight and daylight, and soon Benjamin Tallmadge had the puzzling message. He had been impatiently waiting for it, having returned from special service for the purpose of keeping an engagement with Brewster.

In the absence of Major Tallmadge others had opened a letter addressed to him from Benedict Arnold. It accompanied supplies they were sadly in need of, the receipt of which made them feel under particular obligation to him. Tallmadge’s anxiety for the messengers who were crossing the Sound gave him little opportunity to examine Arnold’s letter and he had almost forgotten about it when Brewster and his companions arrived. It seemed so probable that the stain letters contained vital information that Tallmadge fortunately decided to translate them as he had the preceding ones. In them he read that British officers at Oyster Bay were talking about West Point, and had received under suspicious circumstances a letter from there addressed to Mr. John Anderson.

Major Tallmadge was still working on a mysterious series of letters that was passing between Rhode Island and DeLancey in New York. General Washington had written117 saying “I applaud your zeal and attention” and added “I am sufficiently apprized of the circumstances to prevent his doing any injury.... Keep the matter to yourself as far as practicable.”

Until Major Tallmadge found an opportunity to read General Arnold’s letter there was little significance in the intelligence from Culper Junior that British officers were talking about West Point and receiving letters addressed to a Mr. Anderson, but when he read the paragraph in the letter from our General at West Point

the suspicious circumstances at once impressed him. However, perhaps because of General Washington’s advice he betrayed no hint of this in his reply to Arnold. In fact he agreed to conduct Mr. Anderson to West Point. Had he later insisted upon Jameson permitting him to do so Arnold might have been captured as well as André. Extracts from Major Tallmadge’s letter to Arnold read:

Major Tallmadge was on tour, endeavoring to discover the intentions of the enemy when Paulding and his companions brought a man to Headquarters they declared to be a spy. John Jameson, of the Second Regiment, Light Dragoons, was commanding officer at that time, and promptly dispatched the prisoner under guard to Benedict Arnold at West Point. He was well on his way when Major Tallmadge returned that evening, but, learning that the prisoner’s name was Anderson and that he had information from West Point, he insisted upon Jameson ordering his return. Reluctantly he consented, but would not recall the messenger that was carrying the information to Arnold.[34] That “John Anderson” acknowledged his real name to be Major André, Adjutant-General to the British Army, and that on the 2d of October, 1780, he was hanged as a spy,119 are facts well known to all. Major Tallmadge’s comment in his “Memoirs” is:

General Greene, in announcing the discovery of Arnold’s treason[35] on September 24, 1780, stated:

FOOTNOTES to “SPIES AND SPIES”:

Had the treason of Benedict Arnold been less carefully planned there might be more excuse for his conduct. Certainly at the moment many conspired to convince him that the time was approaching when it would become necessary to make peace with the mother country. The best spies of the enemy were falling into the hands of our Colonel Sheldon’s men or visiting General Parsons, and all were forwarded to Arnold, where they were able to accomplish the work they were employed to do, which was to prejudice him against his country. Letters such as Parsons’ of September 5th, in which he says “the wretches who have crept into Congress are almost below contempt: our country will never prosper in their hands and they will starve us in the midst of plenty: to deny the very obvious justice and to insult us when we require it, is left only for Politicians of the New World.” Such, and there were others reached him besides Parsons’, must have induced him to believe that self government would not succeed. But while these may have encouraged his treason they are not sufficient to excuse it. Every detail of his plot was planned with cunning. His attempt to locate all the spies is an example.121 The historian Marshall says he received from Lafayette the information that Arnold endeavored to procure from General Washington the names of his secret emissaries in New York, otherwise known as the Culpers. Dunlap[36] says: “An incident which the gallant and honest Lafayette tells us, marks the character of Arnold more distinctly than ever the dénouement of his diabolical plot. Before leaving the army for West Point, he went to the marquis, and mentioning his knowledge that the noble Frenchman had spies in New York, employed at his own expense, he asked their names and addresses; suggesting that their intelligence might reach him more certainly and expeditiously by the way of West Point, and suggesting that if he was in possession of their names, he might facilitate the intercourse. The gallant and ever honorable Lafayette escaped the snare laid by the arch traitor, merely through his honest and upright sense of duty—replying that those individuals had confided in him, and he could not divulge their secret to any person whatever.”

With our General Howe he had better success. In his letter from Robinson’s House, August 5th, he says:

The most notorious spy during the War of the Revolution was unquestionably Major John André, of the British Army. So much depended upon the success or failure of his undertaking that every move he made is interesting. The part the spies of Washington played in holding him when he had almost succeeded in following the traitor Arnold to freedom, is excuse for the detail that follows:

When André’s fate was known he had a host of sympathizers but there were never many in this country whom he could call his friends. There was one notable exception. In John Graves Simcoe at Oyster Bay, Long Island, he had a faithful friend as well as an admirer. Simcoe, born in England in 1752, was sent to Eton at the age of fourteen. Thence he removed to Merton College, Oxford, where his classical education was completed. At the age of 19 he obtained a commission as ensign in the 35th Regiment, and after three years service he came to America. He landed in Boston on June 17th, 1775, the day of the Battle of Bunker124 Hill; soon purchased command of a company in the 40th Regiment and for distinguished service was made second in command of the Queen’s Rangers. This regiment originated in Connecticut with Colonel Rogers at its head (the same Rogers who made the Rock or Slide in Lake George famous) and was then known as Rogers’ Rangers. Under Colonel Simcoe it was composed of American Loyalists including a number of gentlemen of Virginia. To these he added a company of Highlanders and a company of Irish until it numbered 550. It was one of the most efficient and active corps in the service. Whenever possible their headquarters were at Oyster Bay. After the war he became a member of Parliament and on the division of the Canadas in 1791, he was appointed the first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, where he served with great distinction.[37] During the war, when his headquarters were in the Townsend House at Oyster Bay the New York papers and London magazines contained much favorable publicity for him and his Rangers. There is reason to believe that many of these articles were either handed to or written by Culper Junior.

Colonel Simcoe was the first, aside from General Clinton, to know of Major André’s plotting. The twenty-third of August, 1780, found him back in his old quarters at Oyster Bay, after more than a month’s absence, on the east end of Long Island. He had seen much of Major André during that month and they had become warm friends, trusting each other with their confidences. Simcoe through him was able to “communicate his wishes and hopes to the commander125 in chief,” and André never failed to advise Simcoe of the progress of his coveted honors. “I am Deputy Adjutant General still and without confirmation of rank. I do not, however, despair of its being granted me” he writes on July 5th. The next day, from Flushing, L. I., he found another occasion to address Colonel Simcoe. Simcoe upon his return to Oyster Bay outlined a plan he wished André to submit to General Clinton and under date of August 29th, André reported as follows:

In this way, Simcoe says, “Sir Henry Clinton had been pleased to intrust him with knowledge of the important negotiation which terminated so unfortunately in the death of Major André, and at the same time he informed him on what service he should eventually employ him if it took effect, and directed him to obtain as minute a knowledge as he could of the country, where future operations were likely to be carried on.”

It appears that Benedict Arnold’s negotiations began about the time of his marriage to Margaret Shippen,[38] which occurred in April, 1779. He confided in Beverly Robinson126 that he was ready to return to the king’s service if a sufficiently interesting arrangement could be made. This information was conveyed to Sir Henry Clinton who saw in it great possibilities. Arnold was encouraged to open negotiations and André was to carry them to a successful conclusion. Matters were progressing slowly when, less than a week after André had written from Flushing, there came to him a letter entirely in the secret cipher used by Sir Henry Clinton. To André at that time the use of their code by an American General may have been a mystery, but it is now easily explained. Moody, a clever British spy, managed to fall into the hands of Arnold and helped him prepare the letter. He was in duress at West Point when Arnold took command and it is recorded that his condition excited the general’s attention. This letter is addressed to John Anderson (Major André) and advises the British commander that John Moore (Benedict Arnold) has accepted the command at West Point and will betray it. In full the letter follows:

Moody was still at West Point when another now famous British spy arrived. He came with a letter of introduction from General Samuel H. Parsons, which enabled him to128 dine at Arnold’s table and sleep in his Headquarters. General Parsons foolishly wrote from Reading, August 28th, 1780, saying: “Mr. Heron is a neighbor of mine for whose integrity and firm attachment to the cause of the Country I will hold myself answerable.... I am certain he will conduct with strict honor every matter he undertakes.” To the Secret Service of General Washington William Heron was known as Hiram the British Spy.

From Arnold’s correspondence it would seem that at this particular time he was looking for some one besides his wife in whom he could confide his treasonable designs. His letters to Parsons became frequent. Elisha Sheldon’s letter in which he complains of the assignment General Washington had given him[39] may have given Arnold a reason to believe he could depend upon him, for Sheldon closed by saying: “The friendly acquaintance which I have been honoured with General Arnold, and his well known military character, will make me peculiarly happy in receiving any orders from him, which shall be implicitly obeyed.” Arnold the next day replied saying: “I am happy to have an officer on the lines in which I can place the greatest confidence.”

From Sheldon two spies from New York were sent to Arnold on August 14th, and another on the 19th.

Early in September he received a barrel of rum with Arnold’s compliments, which may have been responsible for his being off duty when so badly needed on September 23d. The order for the rum still exists among the Washington129 Papers, No. 19796, and shows that Arnold had no intentions of paying for it. In full it reads:

Another now famous letter passed from Arnold to André dated August 30th, 1780. It reads:

Next from Lower Salem, dated Sept. 6th, came a letter from Sheldon to Arnold.[40] He reports having placed the messages as Arnold directed. His letter closes with the following paragraph:

With the intention of reaching Arnold, but not caring to address him directly, Major André’s next letter was directed to Sheldon, as follows:

Shortly before the arrival of the above letter Colonel Sheldon received a note from Arnold reading:

Sheldon was evidently mystified by these letters, and so from Lower Salem on September 9th, 1780, addressed Arnold:

Arnold showed alarm upon receiving this letter. Probably because André had spoken in such a manner as he feared would excite suspicion. In his reply to Sheldon he says:

Sheldon’s reply to Arnold’s above was prompt. It is dated Lower Salem, 12 September, 1780.

General Washington momentarily expected the British boats to ascend the Hudson, as is evident by his letter to Arnold preparing for that emergency. Answering it from Headquarters at Robinson’s House on September 12, 1780, Arnold in a paragraph saves the barge crew for himself and enables us to record the regiment to which they belonged. He says:

Arnold now started to meet John Anderson, as appointed in his letter of September 7th. For this purpose he set out in his barge on Sunday afternoon; passed the night at Joshua Smith’s house, and on the morning of the 11th of September descended nineteen miles to Dobbs’ Ferry. There is every reason to believe that André was nearby, expecting him, but as Arnold’s barge drew near some British gun boats opened such a fire that Arnold was put in peril of his life and obliged to fall back. In the hope of being followed he retired to an American post on the west shore, above the ferry, where he remained until sundown, but no flag came. That night he returned to West Point and André went back to New York.

Simcoe Wished to Capture Washington

During the first week in September Major André had arranged that Colonel Simcoe and the Rangers were to take an active part in the surrender of West Point. Word now reached the Colonel that he was to be ready to embark upon the arrival of Sir George Rodney’s fleet, and it was rumored for an intended expedition into the Chesapeake. This so upset Colonel Simcoe that he hastily and in great distress appealed by letter to Major André. Immediately upon his136 return from Dobbs’ Ferry the Major answered him, as follows:

André followed this letter to Oyster Bay and with Simcoe planned for the capture of General Washington,[42] which plan was not approved of by Sir Henry Clinton when it was presented to him a few days later. Simcoe nevertheless prepared for any emergency. An order among the papers of Captain Daniel Youngs reads:

Meanwhile Benedict Arnold was uneasy. From James Livingston at Verplanck’s Point came a letter dated Septr. 13th, reading:

Arnold on the same day directed a long letter to Major Tallmadge, similar as it concerned Anderson to his letter to Sheldon of the 10th. A postscript reads:

This letter, although promptly received by Major André, never reached Clinton’s headquarters. A copy of it was left by one of the crew of a Connecticut privateer in the pay of Sir Henry Clinton, at the Townsend House, Oyster Bay, and another copy was forwarded several days later with the following note added:

On the 16th the Vulture again conveyed Beverly Robinson up the river. Pretending to believe that General Putnam still commanded in the Highlands, Robinson addressed a note to him requesting an interview on the subject of his confiscated property, and sent this letter by a flag, enclosed in one addressed to General Arnold; soliciting of him the same boon should General Putnam be absent. This letter was received at Verplanck’s by Livingston and forwarded to headquarters as Robinson wished it to be.

On the 18th September, Washington with his suite crossed the Hudson to Verplanck’s Point, in Arnold’s barge, on his way to Hartford. Arnold accompanied him as far as Peekskill, and on the way laid before him with affected frankness the letter of Colonel Robinson, and asked his advice. Washington disapproved of any such interview, observing that the civil authorities alone had cognizance of these questions of confiscated property.

Arnold now openly sent a flag on board of the Vulture, as if bearing a reply to the letter he had communicated to the commander-in-chief. His message, addressed to Colonel Beverly Robinson, reads:

A further note on the opposite side of the sheet reads: “As no person except His Excellency Genl. Washington shall be made acquainted with them. The bearer, Capt. D. Archibald will take particular care of your letters and deliver them to me with his own hand. B. A.”

On the same day Major André left Oyster Bay, crossed the Sound at Flushing, and on the New York side met by appointment Sir Henry Clinton, and together they rode to Mme Riedesel’s for a private interview. A paragraph in her memoirs records this visit; she says:

This visit was followed by a dinner at Kip’s house in the vicinity of Kip’s Bay, which was about where 2nd Avenue and 34th Street now is. Ostensibly it was given to Clinton and his staff but in reality it was as a parting compliment to André. The next day (Tuesday) he went by way of King’s Bridge to Dobb’s Ferry and thence to the sloop of war, Vulture, then probably at Teller’s Point. Reaching her about seven p. m. he waited all the next day without message or news from Arnold. His messages to Clinton explain the situation.

The ingenious artifice by which he contrived to let Arnold know that he was waiting for him was written as follows:

(This was signed by Sutherland and countersigned by John Anderson, Secretary, and in André’s handwriting.)

FOOTNOTES to “JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON PLOT”:

We now come to the evening of the 20th of September, 1780. Joshua Hett Smith, returning from Fishkill, met Samuel Colquhoun[45] after crossing the river near Stony Point, and asked him to accompany him to his house. When they had ascended the stairs and were in Smith’s private room he asked Colquhoun to go with him that night a piece down the river. Colquhoun told Smith he had no mind to go, and did not want to go, and Smith did not urge him. Then Smith told Colquhoun he must send him up express to General Arnold, and they should go over to the other house; but upon Colquhoun telling him again that he had no mind to go Smith seemed to urge his going and said it was great business. Colquhoun then agreed to go. They went over to the house of Smith’s brother and there Colquhoun was furnished with a horse, and a paper to Major Keirs[46] and started off to General Arnold.

The sun was rising when Colquhoun reached the headquarters of Arnold, on the east bank of the Hudson River,145 below West Point. The General was not up but he delivered the letter from Smith to a gentleman there[47] and in a few minutes he was informed there was no occasion for an answer. He was requested however to return as quickly as he could. That afternoon Arnold passed him and rode to Smith’s house.

When Smith again hailed Colquhoun it was near sun down as he was going for the cows. He told him to come up to his house as the General wanted to speak with him. He found Arnold there and was asked by him to go a piece that night. Colquhoun told him he could not go as he had been up the night before, and he also told him he was afraid to go, but General Arnold urged, and told him if he was a friend to his country he should do his best. Colquhoun then asked Arnold where he wanted him to go and was told on board the ship in the river. Smith told him there was a man there the General wanted to see very much. Colquhoun then asked what was the reason he could not stay till the morning and Arnold replied that it must be done that night. Colquhoun’s next excuse was that he could not go alone, and then Smith told him to go fetch his brother. In a short time Colquhoun returned and reported that his wife objected to his going and that the guard boats were out. Arnold told him there was no danger from the guard boats and also that if he did not go he would look upon him as a disaffected man. He then went for his brother and when they returned they argued awhile before consenting to go. This brother was Joseph Colquhoun, and he has left such a concise narrative that much of it is here quoted.

The boatman’s story is here interrupted to insert paragraphs in the words of Joshua H. Smith, more complete in detail than Colquhoun’s.

Smith says that on his return he found General Arnold and Mr. Anderson had arrived long before him. Mr. Anderson having mounted the horse his servant rode when he followed Arnold to the Long Clove. Anderson appeared vexed that the ship had been compelled to leave her position. Breakfast was soon served and during the meal one of the topics of conversation was the arrival of the fleet at New York under Arbuthnot. A recurrence of his chronic complaint, together with loss of sleep obliged Smith to retire as soon as they had finished the meal. Arnold and André were left alone the greater part of the day.

There is no reliable statement as to where they went but it is probable that Arnold improved this opportunity to show Major André the West Point approaches. Major Tallmadge found André thoroughly familiar with them, and outlined his intentions when six days later he was escorted down the river in a barge. On that trip with Tallmadge André could point to a table of land on the west shore, which he said was the spot where he should have landed at the head of a select corps, and he was able to traverse the course up the mountain in the rear of Fort Putnam, which overlooked the whole Parade of West Point, with great exactness. Later in the day they returned to Smith’s house, and there was some talk of going to the “Vulture,” which it was noticed had nearly regained her former station; but probably the cannon that could hit the mark with one shot153 deterred them; General Arnold returned to West Point after suggesting that it would be necessary for Anderson to discard his military coat in exchange for a plain one, which Smith furnished. Smith says he showed André the prospect from the upper part of his house, from whence there was an extensive view over the capacious bay of Haverstraw, to the opposite shore and adds: “He cast an anxious look towards the Vulture and with a heavy sigh wished he was on board.” Smith having promised to accompany André at least part way to the White Plains by land was now urged to prepare for their departure, and his servant having been ordered to get the horses ready they started for the ferry about sun down.

Major Burroughs was the first to notice the party on their way to King’s Ferry on that 22d of September, 1780. His testimony follows:

Another half mile and they are before the tent of William Jameson, who records that on Friday evening, just as it was getting dusk, the twenty-second day of September, 1780, Mr. Smith came to his tent at King’s Ferry, on Stoney Point side, after sun down, with a gentleman who was in company and a waiter; the gentleman who was in company with Mr. Smith rode a little past the tent, and Mr. Smith made a halt; there were some gentlemen sitting in the tent, who handed him a bowl of liquor they had been drinking out of, upon which Mr. Smith dismounted his horse and handed the bowl to him and desired he would fill it, which he did; as he handed him the liquor again Mr. Smith spoke to Mr. Cooley, and said, “in three weeks’ time we shall all be in New York;” Mr. Cooley made answer, “Sir, I don’t know,” upon which Mr. Smith said, “Let it be three months;” Mr. Smith upon this, took his horse and went off, down to the ferry-stairs; the person with Mr. Smith had on a flopped hat and a great coat, the color I cannot recollect; the person rode a little past when Mr. Smith halted, made a little halt and he was on the ferry-stairs when Mr. Smith got down; Mr. Smith at his tent, took one drink out of the bowl, handed it about, and then went down to the Ferry-stairs.” William Jameson’s statement above was confirmed by William Cooley.

Cornelius and Lambert Lambert, with their brother Henry Lambert, were the ferrymen. Smith urged them to greater speed and when they reached the shore he gave Henry, who steered the boat, an eight dollar bill. Benjamin Acker was also an observer.

The party, still consisting of André, Smith and the colored boy, all mounted, are now on the east bank of the Hudson river near Verplanck’s Point. Here James Livingston, who fired the cannon that morning at daylight, landing the first155 shot on the deck of the Vulture, has a word to say: “Just after dark Smith stopped at my marquee for a few minutes. I asked him where he was going. He said up toward General Arnold’s, or that route, and I gave him one letter to be delivered to General Arnold and another to General Clinton as he had informed me it was likely he would go that route. I then urged him to stay awhile and take supper or a drink of grog. He then informed me that there was a gentleman waiting for him that had just rode on, and was in a hurry to get off, and informed me his business was very urgent, and I did not insist on his staying any longer. He then rode off and I did not see the person who was with him, it being dark and he having rode forward. I desired him to request the person to walk in, and he informed me the gentleman had rode on slowly, and he was in a hurry to go after him.”

It was four miles to Peekskill and about eight miles to Crompond, and it is at Crompond where they are next discovered.

“Last Friday a week ago, the 22d of September last,” says Ebenezer Boyd in relating the event, “between eight and nine o’clock, as near as I can recollect, at night, the sentry stopped Mr. Smith, another person, and a negro with him. When the sentry hailed them, they answered, ‘Friends.’ The sentry ordered one to dismount; Mr. Smith readily dismounted, and spoke to the person who was with him to hold his horse, and Mr. Smith advanced till he came near the sentry; Mr. Smith asked who commanded the party; the sentry said Captain Boyd; upon that I was called for; what passed between Mr. Smith and the sentry I heard, as I have related, being close by the sentry; Mr. Smith came to me, upon my calling for him; I asked him who he was; he told me his name was Joshua Smith, and that he had a pass from General Arnold to pass all guards; I asked him156 where he lived, or where he belonged; he told me he lived in the white house on the other side of King’s Ferry; I asked him what time he crossed the ferry; he said about dusk; I asked him how far he was bound for, and where to? He told me he intended to go that night as far as Major Strang’s; I told him Major Strang was not at home, and he spoke something of going to old Colonel Gil Drake’s, as he was an old acquaintance of his; I told him he did not live where he used to, but had moved to Salem; I told him about his saying he was going to Major Strang’s, that his lady might be in bed, and it would incommode her much, likewise I desired to see Mr. Smith’s pass; and went into a little house close by there, and got a light; and I found that he had a pass from General Arnold, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and return, being on business of importance, I think were the words of the pass. After I had read the pass we came out, and Mr. Smith and myself talked alone privately; then I desired him to let me know something of his business; he made answer that he had no objection to my knowing it; he told me that he was a brother of William Smith, in New York, though very different in principle, and that he was employed by General Arnold to go with the person who was with him to get intelligence from the enemy; and they expected to meet a gentleman at or near White Plains, for the same purpose. I asked Mr. Smith what gentlemen he was who was with him. Mr. Smith said he was a gentleman that General Arnold had in his employ; and told me his name was John Anderson. I think Mr. Smith told me he was not so positive as that he should go himself, as far as the White Plains, or not; on this I advised Mr. Smith to put up there, at one Andraes Miller’s, close by where we were, and so start as soon as it was light; the reasons I gave Mr. Smith were, that the riding in the night would be dangerous when they got below Croton River, from the Cow Boys; Mr.157 Smith made answer that he would speak to his partner; whereupon Mr. Smith went to him; I was pretty close to them; and when they conversed together they spoke low; Mr. Smith told him he thought it would be best to put up, and said he thought they might be interrupted; upon that they concluded to turn back to this house, to put up; I concluded in my mind their speaking low was occasioned by what Mr. Smith had said to me before, which was, he did not want everyone to know what business they were on; Mr. Smith then asked my opinion about the roads, which would be the safest to the White Plains, and not fall into the hands of those ‘Cow Boys’ or Refugees; putting confidence in what they were upon, I gave him my opinion as to the safest road, that the safest road would be to go by North-Castle Church, and by Wright’s Mills, by reason if they went the Tarry-Town road, they would fall into the lower party’s hands—these ‘Cow Boys.’ I likewise advised him to call upon Captain Delavan, next morning, pretty early. Mr. Smith asked me if I thought that Captain Delavan would assist them with an escort or two or three horse. I told him I did not doubt but that he might when he came to understand what his business was. They then went back towards Andraes Miller’s, which was the last I saw of them that night. I was a little at a stand about Mr. Smith’s name being Joshua, as he was called by the name of Jo Smith, but his pass was in the name of Joshua. What made me put more confidence in what Mr. Smith told me, was, I had heard it frequently mentioned that General Howe used to employ Mr. Smith in getting intelligence.”

Here Smith again takes up the narrative, saying: “With no small difficulty we returned and gained admittance into a house for the night; while such was the caution and danger of admitting nocturnal inmates, that we were obliged to158 take to bed or keep the family up, who would not retire until they saw us safely lodged. We slept in the same bed; and I was often disturbed with the restless motions, and uneasiness of mind exhibited by my bed-fellow, who on observing the first approach of day, summoned my servant to prepare the horses for our departure. He appeared in the morning as if he had not slept an hour during the night; he at first was much dejected, but a pleasing change took place in his countenance when summoned to mount his horse. The landlord, who was a very kind and civil man refused to take any compensation for the trouble which we had given him.... We rode very cheerfully towards Pine’s bridge without interruption, or any event that excited apprehension; here I proposed to leave my companion; but I observed that the nearer we approached the bridge, the more his countenance brightened into a cheerful serenity, and he became very affable; in short, I now found him highly entertaining.... He descanted on the richness of the scenery around us, and particularly admired, from every eminence, the grandeur of the Highland mountains, bathing their summits in the clouds from their seeming watery base at the north extremity of Haverstraw Bay. The pleasantry of converse, and mildness of the weather, so insensiably beguiled the time that we at length found ourselves at the bridge before I thought we had got half way; and I now had reason to think my fellow-traveller a different person from the character I had at first formed of him.

“This bridge crosses the Croton river, a branch of the Hudson; here we halted, and at a house on the right endeavored to obtain some breakfast, from an old matronly Dutch woman, and provender for the horses; in this expectation, however, we were disappointed; the Cow Boys or Skinners had been there the night before, and taken all the supplies of her cupboard, except some Indian meal, which159 she had mixed up with water, and boiled into a consistency, by the Dutch called suppon. This with the addition of some milk from a single cow they had left her, was the only fare we could procure, and of this we made a good meal, our appetites being keen from having been supperless the preceding night. While at breakfast I mentioned my determination to proceed no farther. Having discharged the bill to the woman, in the local money of the county, my companion (Major André) requested me to lend him some, and I cheerfully supplied him with the half of my pocket amount, although I was afraid it was not current below that place; the bridge being accounted the south boundary of the American lines. He was affected at parting, and offered me a valuable gold watch in remembrance of him, as a keep sake, which I refused. The horse was furnished by General Arnold; the saddle and bridle were borrowed of me, with the promise that they should be returned, or the value of them paid to me.

“Having given him directions about the road he was to take upon crossing the bridge, with a message to my brother, the chief justice, whom he knew, we parted, and I proceded on my way to Fish Kill.”

FOOTNOTES to “ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET”:

Perhaps as they parted no two men held more opposite ideas of danger than Smith and Major André. The very name “Cow Boy” struck terror in the heart of Smith, for they would have robbed him of all he possessed and then discovering that he was a nephew of William Livingston would probably have held him for ransom; but for André the Cow Boys had no terror. They were under control of James DeLancey and it would only be necessary to convince them that he was a British officer and offer to reward them for their assistance and they would conduct him with speed and in safety to headquarters. It was not surprising therefore that as soon as Smith was out of sight he turned from the White Plains road and started down the other road towards Tarrytown and the Cow Boys that Smith and Captain Boyd had impressed him made that road impassable as it was almost certain they would be encountered there.

John Paulding will now take up the narrative, in the words he used the day after the execution of Major André in explaining the matter to a board of officers at the request of General Washington. Paulding says:

“Myself, Isaac Van Weart and David Williams, were lying by the side of the road, about a half a mile above Tarry Town, and about fifteen miles from King’s-bridge, on Saturday morning, between nine and ten o’clock, the twenty third of September last (1780). We had lain there about an hour and a half, as near as I can recollect, and saw several persons we were acquainted with, whom we let pass. Presently, one of the young men who was with me said, ‘There comes a gentleman-like looking man, who appears to be well dressed, and has boots on, who you had better step out and stop if you don’t know him.’ On that I got up and presented my firelock at the breast of the person, and I told him to stand; and then I asked him which way he was going. Says he, ‘Gentlemen, I hope you belong to our party.’ I asked him ‘What Party?’ He said, ‘The lower party.’ Upon that I told him I did. Then he said, ‘I am a British officer out of the country, on particular business, and I hope you won’t detain me a minute!’ and to show that he was a British officer, he pulled out his watch; upon which I told him to dismount. Upon that, he said, ‘My God, I must do anything to get “along”;’ seemed to make a kind of a laugh of it, and pulled out General Arnold’s pass, which was to John Anderson, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and further. Upon that he dismounted, and says he, ‘Gentlemen you had best let me go, or you will bring yourselves in trouble, for, by your stopping of me you will detain the General’s business;’ and he said he was to go to Dobb’s Ferry, to meet a person there, on the General’s business. Upon that I told him I hoped he would not be offended, and I told him we did not mean to take anything from him; and told him there were many bad people going along the road, and I did not know but perhaps he might be one; and I asked him if he had any letters about him. He made answer, ‘No.’ Upon that, myself, or one of my comrades,162 though I think myself, told him to pull off his clothes, which he did. We searched his clothes, but could find nothing; and I told him to pull off his boots; he rather seemed backward of pulling them off; however, he pulled off one of them, and I felt at his foot, where I felt the papers in his stocking under his foot; then I told him to pull off the other boot, and when the other boot was off, I found other papers in his stocking, under his foot. Then I looked on the back of the papers, and I said to the young fellows who were with me, ‘This is a spy.’ One of the young fellows who were with me asked him if he would give up his horse, saddle, and bridle, and watch, and a hundred guineas, if he would let him go. He made answer, ‘Yes, and whatever sum of money you will mention, or quantity of dry goods.’ And then I made answer, ‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas, you should not stir a step.’ One of the young fellows winked at me, who had a mind to find out a little more, and I made answer to the lads who were with me to come along, for I would have nothing more to say to him, and we asked him some questions as we were going along the road, and he begged we would ask him none till he came to some officers, and then he would reveal the whole. We carried him to Colonel Jameson and there he took him into his custody,[48] and I have not seen him from163 that time until I saw him the other day.” Paulding added that had he pulled out General Arnold’s pass before he said he was a British officer he would have let him go.

David Williams’ story, as recorded on October 4th, 1780, confirmed Paulding’s, and it would be a repetition to print it; but one statement in it needs emphasizing. Williams said: “Mr. Paulding looked at the contents and said he was a spy; upon which we made him pull off his other boot, and there we found three more papers at the bottom of his foot, within his stocking; upon which we made him dress himself, and I asked him what he would give us to let him go; he said he would give us any sum of money. I asked him whether he would give us his horse, saddle, bridle, watch, and one hundred guineas, upon which he said, ‘Yes;’ and he told us he would direct it to any place even if it was to164 that very spot, so that we could get it. I asked him whether he would not give us more; he said he would give us any quantity of dry goods or any sum of money, and bring it to any place that we might pitch upon, so that we might get it; upon which Mr. Paulding answered ‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas you shall not stir one step.’”[49]

There was a sequel to the capture of Major André by Paulding and his friends that prejudiced Major Tallmadge to such an extent that when a petition was presented to Congress in 1817 to increase their reward he created a sensation by opposing it. It appears either the taste of the world’s applause or the earnest entreaties of the much abused inhabitants of the neutral ground induced Paulding and others to undertake another expedition against the “Cow Boys,” this time aimed at their chief. Without consulting Major Tallmadge these young men took it upon themselves to attempt the capture of James DeLancey, whose home was in Westchester County. Here lived his mother and her family. In an earlier raid they had met with such cruel treatment at the hands of a band of outlaws that both sides had been appealed to and in all probability the property was under the protection of Major Tallmadge as well as Oliver DeLancey at the time. Nevertheless Paulding and his friends were so anxious to punish James DeLancey, who had command of the “Cow Boys,” that with all the165 force they could get together they secretly marched to his home on January 25th, 1783, hoping to capture him there. Being disappointed in this they ransacked the house and took therefrom all they could carry away that was of any value. The alarm was given and the next day they were overtaken and seven of them captured. One was killed and John Paulding was among the prisoners taken to the provost in New York and consigned to the care of the notorious William Cunningham. A sister of James DeLancey was Nancy, who with her mother Mrs. Elizabeth DeLancey, a daughter of Cadwalader Colden, occupied the Westchester County estate at that time. Among the friends and frequent visitors were the Floyds, in particular Elizabeth Floyd who married John Peter DeLancey and became the mother of Mrs. James Fenimore Cooper, and her cousin Mary Floyd, daughter of William Floyd, signer of the Declaration of Independence, who a few months later became the wife of Major Tallmadge.

Rivington’s paper, the Royal Gazette, No. 662, published on January 29th, 1783, the following account:

A few days later from headquarters of General Washington came instructions to Colonel W. S. Smith to secure their exchange. In full this document reads:

On the 24th of the same month Colonel Smith advised Headquarters saying: “I have brought with me the paroles of Paulding, and those taken with him at Croton.”

Under ordinary circumstances Colonel Jameson would have held Mr. Anderson when John Paulding and his companions pronounced him a spy, but General Arnold had anticipated this possibility and thus saved his own life. He had written to several, Jameson being one, saying: “If Mr. John Anderson, a person I expect from New York should come to your quarters, I have to request that you will give him an escort of two Horse to bring him on his way to this place, and send an express to me that I may meet him.” Here was the very man that Arnold was expecting being detained as a spy! Were the letters decoys? It was beyond him to know; but the instructions of his General were plain, and off to Headquarters he promptly sent him.

Major Benjamin Tallmadge, in two letters addressed to Jared Sparks, carries the narrative through the 23d of September and into the 24th. He says: “No circumstances during that eventful period made a deeper impression on my mind than those which related to Arnold, the Traitor, and Major André, the sufferer. I proceed then to remark that the 2d Regt. of Light Dragoons, Commanded by Col. Sheldon, was stationed in advance of the Army, near North Castle, and Col. Sheldon being absent, I think at Salem, Lt. Col. Jameson was the commanding officer, and I was the Major. Early in the morning of the 23d of September, 1780, I marched with a large Detachment of Dragoons to reconnoitre the Country below the white plains, down to East Chester, which was a sort of neutral ground, from which Tour I did not return until late in the evening of the same day. Soon after I halted and had disposed of my Detachment,168 I was informed that a prisoner had been bro’t in that day, who called himself John Anderson. On enquiry, I found that three men, by the names of John Paulding, David Williams and Isaac Van Wart, who had passed below our ordinary military Patrols on the road from Tarry Town to Kingsbridge, had fallen in with this John Anderson on his way to New York. They took him aside for examination, and discovering sundry papers upon him, which he had concealed in his boots, they determined to detain him a prisoner. Notwithstanding Anderson’s offers to pecuniary satisfaction if they would permit him to proceed on his course, they determined to bring him up to the headquarters of our Regiment, then on the advance Post of our Army, and near to North Castle. This they effected in the afternoon of the 23d of September, 1780, by delivering said Anderson to Lt. Col Jameson of the 2nd Regt Lt Dragoons, who was then the Commanding Officer at said Post, Col Sheldon being then at old Salem, I believe under Arrest.

“His Excellency Gen. Washington had made an appointment to meet the Count Rochambeau (who commanded the French Army then at Newport, R. I.) at Hartford, in Conn. about the 18th or 20th of September, and was on his return to the Army at the time of Anderson’s capture. When I reached Lt. Col. Jameson’s Quarters late in the evening of the 23d of Sept., and had learned the circumstances relating to the capture of the said Anderson, I was much surprised to learn that he was sent on by Lt. Col. Jameson to Arnold’s Head Quarters at West Point, accompanied by a letter of information respecting his capture. At the same time he despatched an Express with the papers found on John Anderson to meet General Washington, then on his return to West Point.

“I felt very much surprised at the course which had been taken in this business, and did not fail to state the glaring169 inconsistency of their conduct to Lt. Col. Jameson in a private and most friendly manner. He appeared greatly agitated, more especially when I suggested to him a plan which I wished to pursue, offering to take the entire responsibility on myself, and which, as he deemed it too perilous to permit, I will not further disclose. Failing in this purpose, I instantly set about a plan to remand the Prisoner to our Quarters again, which I finally effected, although with reluctance on the part of Lt. Col. Jameson. When the order was about to be despatched to the Officer to bring back the Prisoner, strange as it may seem, Lt. Col. J. would persist in his purpose of sending his letter to Gen. Arnold—The letter did go on, and was the first information that Arch Traitor received that his plot was blown up. The Officer returned with his prisoner early the next morning.... We soon concluded that the safest course was to take the prisoner to Salem to Col. Sheldon’s Quarters, and I was appointed to take charge of him. After we reached Salem, it was manifest that his agitation and anxiety increased, and in the afternoon he asked to be furnished with pen, ink and paper, which were readily furnished, when he penned the letter to Gen’l. Washington, dated ‘Salem, 24th September, 1780.’ In this letter he disclosed his Character to be Major John André, Adjutant Genl. to the British Army. When I had perused the letter, which he handed to me to read, my agitation was extreme, and my emotions wholly indescribable....”

In another letter Major Tallmadge, although in a measure repeating himself, throws more light upon the subject. In this he says: “I have already informed you, that on the day when the Captors of Major André bro’t him up to our Regt. at North Castle (Sept. 23d, 1780) I was out on duty in advance of the Regt. below the white plains and did not return with my detachment until the evening of that day. After I170 had disposed of my Troops and had spoken with Lt. Col. Jameson, he informed me of the capture of John Anderson and that he had been brought up and delivered over to him by his captors. When I enquired where the prisoner was, he informed me that he had sent him on, under Guard to Gen’l Arnold at West Point. I expressed my astonishment at such a course and immediately entered on a course of measures to frustrate what I considered so unjudicious a procedure. My first proposal was to give me leave of absence for official object which I fully explained to Col. Jameson, and which for special reasons I have not disclosed, as no public benefit could result from it. Failing in this request my next plan was to remand the prisoner, then probably 8 or 10 miles on his way to West Point, which I did not accomplish until late in the evening. After the order was despatched for the officers and Guard to return with the prisoner, I waited impatiently for the coming morning, when for the first time I saw the face of John Anderson.

“What influenced Col. Jameson[50] to send on Major André to Arnold, I cannot tell, not being present with him when he sent him off; but I well remember that he expressed great171 confidence in him as I believe was the case thro’ the army. Until the papers were found on Anderson, I had no suspicion of his lack of patriotism or political integrity....

“With Arnold’s character I became acquainted while I was a member of Yale College and he residing at New Haven, and I well remember that I was impressed with the belief that he was not a man of integrity. The revolutionary war was coming on soon after I left college, and Arnold engaged in it with so much zeal, and behaving so gallantly in the capture of Burgoyne, we all seemed, as if by common consent, to forget his knavish tricks. When he was put in command of West Point, I had official communications with him, particularly as it related to my private Correspondence with persons in New York, of which you must have seen much in my Letters to Genl. Washington. When he turned traitor and went off, I felt for a time extremely anxious for some trusty friends in New York, but as I never gave their names to him, he was not able to discover them, although I believe he tried hard to find them out.”

What follows discloses the life of Benedict Arnold as observed by members of his military family during the months of July, August and September, 1780, when he was in command of the fortifications at West Point. Upon assuming command he invited Colonel Richard Varick[51] to join172 his military family as aid and secretary, naming, among other inducements for his acceptance, the fact that Mrs. Arnold was about to join him at his headquarters. Varick had acted as private secretary to General Schuyler, and then mustering officer in the Northern Department, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In this way they had become acquainted and he readily accepted the invitation, reporting for duty on August 13th.

As his private headquarters Arnold had selected the Robinson House, on the opposite side of the river a little below West Point. Upon the arrival of Mrs. Arnold on September 15th, his military family or the party which messed at his own table, consisted of himself, Mrs. Arnold, Colonel Varick, and Major David S. Franks, who had been an aid to the general for some time, having left Canada to join the American Army. As might be expected with an excellent cook and charming hostess dinner guests were frequent. Officers vied with each other in their attentions and witty entertainment. But one visitor particularly ruffled the temper of the “Family” at the Robinson House. This was Joshua Hett Smith, for whom Colonel Varick could not conceal his dislike. Opposition began upon receipt of a letter from him dated August 13. Varick told Arnold in the173 presence of Franks that he considered him a liar and a rascal, and Franks thereafter entertained that opinion of him.

On the 14th of September Arnold went down the river in his barge, to meet Mrs. Arnold, who was being escorted by Franks from Philadelphia. They returned on the 15th. Meanwhile Varick discovered that Arnold had sent for Capt. Robinson, a skipper, and asked him to sell some rum for him. Finding that he was a Tory his employ was prevented.

Smith brought his wife with him to call upon Mrs. Arnold the day after her arrival, and remained two days. At table he asserted that America might have made an honorable peace with Great Britain when the commissioners came out in 1778. Varick’s answer occasioned Mrs. Arnold to tell Franks that Colonel Varick was in her opinion a very warm and staunch whig.

It was whilst Smith was dining at Arnold’s Quarters on the 23d of September that Varick’s indignation reached a crisis. “My unfavorable opinion of his moral and political character, and his unusual and unparalleled impertinence and forwardness, and General Arnold’s countenancing him (notwithstanding my advice and frequent solicitations to the contrary) fixed a resolution in me to affront him before Arnold the first opportunity. A trifling one offered at table. I embraced it with warmth,” says Varick.

Arnold. Bless me, I had forgotten the oil I bought in Philadelphia; it will do very well with this salt fish.

Franks, Arnold, Smith, Varick, all join in a hot dispute, until Mrs. Arnold, observing her husband in a passion, begged them to drop the matter. Varick soon quitted the table and went to his room which was then in the office. Smith went off soon after dinner and Arnold went to the office and took Franks to task in very illiberal language for affronting him.

Arnold. If I asked the Devil to dine with me the gentlemen of my family should be civil to him.

Franks. Let me tell you that if Smith had not been at your table I would have sent the bottle at his head. Hereafter I will treat him as a rascal.

Franks (to Arnold). I have of late observed that you view every part of my conduct with an eye of prejudice. I beg you to discharge me from your family. [Leaves room in passion and goes to Newburgh, where he remains over night.]

Varick (to Arnold). Smith is a —— —— rascal, a scoundrel and a Spy. My reason for affronting him is that I think him so. My advice to you has proceeded from a regard to your reputation which you wished should stand well in this State and which I have very often told you will suffer by an improper intimacy with Smith. Smith’s insolence to Franks and his ungentlemanlike conduct to Mrs. Arnold, in speaking impertinently to Franks before her in a language she did not understand, justifies Franks’ treating him as he did and worse, and also merited your resentment instead of countenance.

Arnold. I am always willing to be advised by the gentlemen of my family, but by —— I will not be dictated to by175 them. I think I possess as much prudence as the gentlemen of my family.

That evening Varick received a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Benson, of Governor Clinton’s family, in answer to one of his of the 24th of August inquiring of Smith’s real political character and the truth of some information he had given Arnold. The answer contained an opinion by no means favorable. Varick showed it to Arnold and then told him that he considered his past conduct and language to him as unwarrantable and that he thought he did not place the confidence in his repeated friendly assurance and advice which he had a right to expect and which was necessary to be put in a person acting in his capacity, and that he could not act longer with propriety. Arnold gave him assurances of his full confidence in him, of a conviction of the rectitude of his conduct, of Smith’s being a rascal, and of his error in treating him with such cavalier language, and that he would never go to Smith’s house again, or be seen with him but in company.

We now come to the day of Arnold’s flight [Sept. 25, 1780]. Varick is not well, he remained in bed most of the morning. Before breakfast Arnold entered his room and inquired:

Arnold. Have you answered the letters received from Lt. Colonel Jameson? Has Major Tallmadge’s letter been answered? Have you written to Gov. Clinton inclosing copies of the letters of Colonel Beverly Robinson?

Arnold. [Taking Colonel Tallmadge’s letter out of the office with him.] I will write to Tallmadge myself.

Some minutes later the messenger from Lieutenant Colonel Jameson hands Arnold two letters. After reading them he ascends the stairs to Mrs. Arnold’s room.

Two minutes later His Excellency General Washington’s176 servant comes to the door and informs Major Franks that His Excellency is nigh at hand. Franks goes immediately up stairs and informs Arnold of it. Arnold comes down in great confusion, orders a horse to be saddled, mounts him, and tells Franks to inform His Excellency that he is going to West Point and will return in about an hour.

Half an hour later General Washington arrives and after taking a hasty breakfast starts for West Point. Franks in the interval had stopped at Varick’s room and told him that Arnold had gone to West Point. Lieutenant Hubbell also entered Varick’s room and incidentally told him he saw Arnold’s barge going down the river. It should have been going up to reach West Point, but at the moment this made no impression.

Colonel Varick’s room was on the ground floor. There was a window near the bed that could be opened from the outside. Presently this was raised by Franks and with suppressed emotion he informed Varick that he believed Arnold was a villain: that he had heard a report that one Anderson was taken as a spy on the lines and that a Militia officer had brought a letter to Arnold and that he was enjoined secrecy by Arnold. Varick concurred and with indescribable agitation they discussed the subject, but finally concluded that it was uncharitable and unwarrantable even to suppose it.

Franks had only time to lower the window when Mrs. Arnold called for Varick. As soon as he conveniently could he waited on her. She was in great distress and had apparently lost her reason. Dr. Eustice was summoned. After an examination he addressed Varick: “Where has General Arnold gone? I beg you for God’s sake to send for him, or the woman will die.” Franks was with them by this time and taking Dr. Eustice into an adjoining room, after enjoining the most sacred secrecy, they informed him of their suspicions that Arnold had gone to the enemy. They made him177 understand that it was a bare suspicion, and that they were afraid to lisp it to any creature living, lest proving untrue it should ruin their reputations. Their suspicions were soon confirmed and communicated to Dr. Eustice, when upon Varick’s remarking to Mrs. Arnold that she would soon have the General with her again, she exclaimed, “Oh no, no! he is gone, gone forever!”[52]

General Washington has arrived at the Robinson House, the Headquarters of Arnold. And now in his own words will be told what next happened. One day in 1796 he related this at the close of an enjoyable meal at his own table. His secretary, Tobias Lear, carefully recorded it and begged permission to preserve it for permanent record. General Washington says:

“On my return from Hartford I met Chevalier Luzerne towards evening within about 15 miles of West Point, which I intended to reach that night, but he insisted upon turning back with me to the next public house; where, in politeness to him, I could not but stay all night, determining, however, to get to West Point to breakfast very early. I sent off my baggage and desired Colonel Hamilton to go forward and inform General Arnold that I would breakfast with him. Soon after he arrived at Arnold’s quarters, a letter was delivered to Arnold which threw him into the greatest confusion. He told Colonel Hamilton that something required his immediate attendance at the garrison which was on the opposite side of the river to his quarters; and immediately ordered a horse, to take him to the river; and the barge which he kept to cross, to be ready; and desired Major Franks, his Aid, to inform me when I should arrive that he was gone over the river and would return immediately. When I got to his quarters and did not find him there,178 I desired Major Franks to order me some breakfast; and as I intended to visit the fortifications I would see General Arnold there. After I had breakfasted I went over the river, and inquiring for Arnold, the commanding officer told me that he had not been there. I likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no one could give me any information where he was. The impropriety of his conduct when he knew I was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and my mind misgave me; but I had not the least idea of the real cause. When I returned to Arnold’s quarters about two hours after, and told Colonel Hamilton that I had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had just arrived for me from Colonel Jameson, which immediately brought the matter to light. I ordered Colonel Hamilton to mount his horse and proceed with the greatest dispatch to a post on the river about eight miles below, in order to stop the barge if she had not passed; but it was too late. It seems that the letter which Arnold received which threw him in such confusion was from Colonel Jameson, informing him that André was taken and that the papers found upon him were in his possession. Colonel Jameson when André was taken with the papers, could not believe that Arnold was a traitor, but rather that it was an imposition of the British in order to destroy our confidence in Arnold. He, however, immediately on their being taken, dispatched an express after me, ordering him to ride night and day till he came up with me. The express went the lower road, which was the road by which I had gone to Connecticut, expecting that I would return by the same route, and that he would meet me; but before he had proceeded far, he was informed that I was returning by the upper road. He then cut across the country and followed my track till I arrived at West Point. He arrived about two hours after and brought the above packet. When Arnold got down to the barge he ordered his men, who were very179 clever fellows and some of the better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on board the Vulture sloop of war, as a flag, which was lying down the river; saying that they must be very expeditious, as he must return in a short time to meet me, and promised them two gallons of rum if they would exert themselves. They did, accordingly; but when they got on board the Vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered the cockswain to be called down into the cabin and informed him that he and the men must consider themselves as prisoners.

“The cockswain was very much astonished, and told him that they came on board under the sanction of a flag. He answered that that was nothing to the purpose; they were prisoners. But the Captain of the Vulture had more generosity than this pitiful scoundrel, and told the cockswain that he would take his parole for going on shore and getting his clothes, and whatever else was wanted for himself and his companions. He accordingly came, got his clothes and returned on board. When they got to New York General Clinton, ashamed of such low and mean action, set them at liberty.”

It is not proposed to even mention here the prompt measures that were taken to protect West Point. General Washington’s letter to General Heath follows as a continuation of the narrative of Arnold’s escape and extracts from a letter of General Green to show in what contempt he was held.

Nathaniel Green’s letter is addressed to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth at Hartford, and reads: “I think I have not written you since the late desertion of Arnold. Was you ever more astonished in your life? A man high in reputation, and with the fairest prospects of domestic happiness. The love of parade and the thirst for gold has proved his ruin. How black, how despised, loved by none, and hated by all. Once his Country’s Idol now her horror. Curse on his folly nay his villainy and most of all his meanness. The latter has been displayed in such dirty colours in his transactions at this post, as has not been equaled in the history of man. All kind of private and public robery has he pursued, and accompanied it, with such circumstances of littleness as shows him to be the basest of mortals. I freely confess I had no conception notwithstanding the converse I have had with mankind, that it was possible for human nature to arrive at such a degree of corruption. The discovery has been very providential. Had these Posts fallen into the Enemies’ hand God knows what might have been the consequence. But I think little short of the entire subjection of America. What a triumph to British pride; and what a downfall to American glory. Poor Congress what would have become of you?”

Benedict Arnold

We know that his mother’s maiden name was Hannah Waterman, and that she married first Absalom King, of Long Island, and then, after his death, on November 8th, 1733, she married Benedict Arnold and that Benedict, the182 traitor, was born on January 3d, 1740, new style Jan. 14, 1741; and that he had a sister Hannah, born Dec. 9th, 1742. We also know that while yet a lad he was apprenticed to a druggist in Norwich and that another lad likewise apprenticed was Hopkins. Arnold when only sixteen enlisted in a regiment and went off to Hartford but at his mother’s earnest solicitation he was sent back; only to run away again and enlist in a regiment stationed in the vicinity of Ticonderoga. He soon deserted and returned to his home and business and after serving his apprenticeship started in the drug business for himself in New Haven. This for awhile prospered and later failed. We know that before the war, in 1767, he was married at New Haven to a lady by the name of Margaret Mansfield. They had three sons, Benedict, Richard and Henry. This lady probably died in 1775. We know that during the war, in April, 1779, he was married to the youngest daughter of Edward Shippen of Philadelphia, Pa. Margaret, or as she was more frequently called, Peggy Shippen, a girl under nineteen in 1779. We know they went to England before the close of the war and Benedict Arnold was in England in 1786 and part of 1787. We do not know if he was married again after the war, but we know that a lady calling herself Mrs. Arnold arrived in Massachusetts on January 3, 1796. She came in the ship Outram from London 56 days out. With her was her daughter Elizabeth Arnold, then nine years old. A man showed them marked attention during the voyage and after they had been some time settled in Boston Mrs. Arnold announced that she had married this individual, who was Charles Tubbs, before leaving England. Mrs. Tubbs and her daughter Betty or Elizabeth Arnold became stage favorites and in 1802 the daughter Elizabeth Arnold, then fifteen years old, married C. D. Hopkins, and they continued to take prominent parts on the stage until his death,183 which occurred on October 26th, 1805. Meanwhile David Poe, the son of David Poe of Baltimore, Maryland, had fallen desperately in love with Betty Arnold Hopkins. Her husband’s sudden death enabled them to marry and in July 1806 Mr. and Mrs. Poe appeared together at the Vauxhall Garden Theatre in New York. In January, 1809, they were together, filling an engagement on the Boston stage, assisted by John Howard Payne, the immortal author of Home, Sweet Home, when on the 19th of the month Edgar Poe was born. What became of his Arnold grandmother may always remain a mystery. She may have died in Philadelphia in 1798 after which date she was never heard of, but wherever she reposes, with her is probably buried for all time that question one might like to solve. Was her child, as some affirm, the daughter of Benedict Arnold? If this Betty Arnold was his daughter then our immortal poet Edgar Allan Poe was a grandson of the arch traitor, Benedict Arnold.

FOOTNOTES to “EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE”:

None were more shocked at the news of André’s execution than the Townsend family. Robert in particular feared that his friends among the British officers might betray him in retaliation. He considered it necessary to visit personally every one in his employ. Meanwhile, his store in New York was closed for nearly three weeks and upon the day of his return entries were made of over £500 in cash that had been given to sundry persons. In a letter dated from Bedford, October 11, 1778,[53] Major Tallmadge writes:

General Washington supplements this justifiable praise with the following paragraph which will be found in a letter to the Congress (No. 20645):

Townsend, meanwhile, in a letter addressed to John Bolton, Esq., replied to two he had received from Major Tallmadge, as follows:

Culper Senior enclosed one of his in the above,(129) in which he says: “C. Junr. is now with me.... I was in hopes you might have come and seen him.” Major Tallmadge forwarded these to General Washington on October 17th, and in a note of his own(130) says: “As circumstances have since turned out I wish I had met C. Junr. as mentioned in my last to Your Excellency.”

Again on October 23d, Major Tallmadge wrote to General Washington, saying that he was obliged to attend Colonel Sheldon’s trial that day at West Point, and expected to be detained some time. Nevertheless he would give attention to the Culper messages.

The momentary retirement of Townsend, Woodhull’s fear to remain in the city, and request that Tallmadge undertake the expedition that terminated in the capture of Fort St. George, are features of the next letter from Culper Senior, dated October 26, 1780. In full, as translated, it reads:

The saddest letter in the correspondence comes next. Some of those friends of their country were captured by the British in New York. Culper transmits the information to John Bolton in the following letter:

In homely words Brewster modestly records one of his brave exploits on a sheet accompanying the above letter, which reads as follows:

Major Tallmadge quickly responded to the advice of Culper and Brewster. Indeed, so quickly that Fort St. George was captured sooner than Woodhull expected it would be.(131)

Years afterwards, Major Tallmadge’s account of this expedition was written for his “Memoirs.” Another officer, one of the party, who had accompanied Brewster on several occasions, fresh from the smoke of the battle, wrote in detail to a friend an account of the expedition. As until now192 his account has never been published, it is here carefully copied:

There was too much transpiring in the fall of 1780 to permit using all the intelligence in its chronological order. It is therefore necessary to return to the closing days of September to examine the rest of the correspondence. On September 27th Woodhull wrote, saying:

Comparatively few letters from this period to the end of the war have survived. The next is Woodhull’s, as follows:

A mystery concerning the next letter remains unsolved. It appears to have taken three months to get to Tallmadge. It is an invitation from Arnold, inviting him to become a traitor, like himself. In forwarding a copy of it to General Washington Major Tallmadge says:

Woodhull’s letter of February 8th, 1781(132), predicts success. He thinks it is not far distant, but nevertheless he urges vigilance and activity. He pleads in behalf of Samuel Townsend[57] who as a British prisoner is suffering severely. He calls to mind that all the money General Washington has been able to send him in the last twelve months is 29 Guineas.

Brewster had a letter to accompany this on its way to General Washington.(133) He captured a boat and with it eight persons, whose names he forwarded. They reached Fishkill and from there General Parsons also reported to Headquarters, but mentions only six men instead of eight. He suggests the exchange of two of the leaders of the British198 crew for Major Brush and Captain Conklin. General Washington from New Windsor, on Feb. 23d, questions Brewster as follows:

Culper Senior’s next letter, dated March 18th, 1781,(135) mentions that “C. Junr. is again in New York and entering into business again as heretofore, and you may soon I hope receive his dispatches,” but his letter following(136) on April 23d, states that they have found it necessary to employ another man to collect information. He says that Culper Junior has recently visited him, but that he will not send a letter out of New York on any account. It might have discovered them to put in a letter the reason for this. In fact Robert Townsend preferred the risk of the long trip to putting on paper the information for Woodhull. At that moment the British had information that might lead to their identity. William Heron, otherwise known as “Hiram, the Spy,” clever agent for Sir Henry Clinton, and good friend of our General Parsons, had reported to British Headquarters in a communication dated February 4th, 1781, that “Private dispatches are frequently sent from New York to the Chieftain here (George Washington) by some traitors. They come by the way of Setalket, where a certain Brewster receives them at, or near, a certain womans.” Townsend must have trembled when he discovered that Clinton had this information and perhaps his trip to caution Woodhull was made none too soon.

If the secret service was to be continued money was now badly needed. In another chapter will be explained the efforts General Washington was making to procure it. Doubtless Major Tallmadge explained this to Culper Senior, who thereupon agreed to finance the work. From Newport, Rhode Island, on April 25th, 1781, Major Tallmadge sent this information to General Washington in the following note:

Promptly before the end of the month came orders to Major Tallmadge to re-engage the Culpers. From Headquarters at New Windsor General Washington wrote:

The need of this information was anticipated both by Major Tallmadge and by the Culpers. Therefore much of it was in the intelligence forwarded by Culper Senior on May 8th.(137) That trip was quickly followed by another, from which he returned on May 19th, and wrote:

The above was followed by his letters of May 27th(138) and June 4th(139) and then on the 27th of June he wrote, saying:

It would be possible to name several who were at this time trying to commit to paper the intelligence the Culpers found it too dangerous to attempt. Probably not more than three or four letters from any one of these individuals was written, and that mostly from information furnished verbally by the Culpers. Little appears to have survived of that which must have reached Headquarters during the Yorktown Campaign. Among the shortest and most welcome intelligence was a note inspired by verbal information furnished by Robert Townsend with the preliminary announcement of peace. This reads:

Written on the same day of the month two months later a long letter of Abraham Woodhull’s clears what has been a mystery to some members of the Townsend family.(140) With all his ingenuity Dr. Peter Townsend, the nephew of Robert, never succeeded in getting from him a syllable as to the part he played in the struggle for American Independence. It was common for him to relate experiences of others but his own were never mentioned. One day during his lifetime the young folks discovered among his effects a uniform looking suspiciously British. They knew him to be in sentiment a Whig and an uncompromising Federalist, and in amazement they questioned him as to the uniform. He admitted that at one period during the war he was obliged to stand on duty in the front doorway of British officers headquarters. Frequently thereafter the family would tease him by referring to this but although it appeared to greatly embarrass him he never gave them further enlightenment on the subject. Woodhull in this letter says: “Carlton’s called a Tyrant at New York by the inhabitants in general and makes them do Soldiers duty in the city without distinction. The first Gentlemen in the City stand at Officer’s doors Soldier like.”

From Newburgh on August 10, 1782, General Washington addressed Major Tallmadge as follows:

Repeated requests that his letters be destroyed was now probably complied with, for with one exception only stain letters can be found and they cannot now be deciphered.

This last of the Culper Junior letters to survive contained welcome news for weary soldiers: It was carried by Robert Townsend into Westchester County, where he met Major Tallmadge, who forwarded it to Washington. Dated September 19, 1782, it reads as follows:

Major Tallmadge confirmed Townsend’s statement in his letter of March 31, 1783, and asked to be permitted to be one of the first to enter New York.(141)

At the request of the General, he sent from Litchfield on August 16, 1783, an account of the incidental expenses that had been incurred in the Secret Service work, which account is missing. One that Culper Senior submitted on July 5th, and which formed a part of it, is still preserved.

It is worthy of note that both the Culpers lived for over fifty years after the war began. Some day someone may wish to put in type the story of those interesting years.

FOOTNOTES to “AFTERMATH”:

The necessity of transmitting information in a private manner taxed the ingenuity of many during the Revolutionary War. Clever ideas were experimented with, but none were more practical than those used by General Washington’s spies. True, when they first realized the necessity of secrecy a very crude method was adopted, originating with Abraham Woodhull and used first in his letter of April 10th, 1779. This was the use of the figures 10 for New York, 30 and 40 for Post Riders and 20 for Setauket. By July of that year Major Tallmadge had prepared pocket dictionaries for the General, the Culpers, and himself. These consisted of closely written columns of figures and words, arranged on a double sheet of foolscap paper. The words were those they would be most apt to need, extracted from a copy of Entick’s Dictionary and written in columns in alphabetical order. Then opposite each word was placed a number and this number was thereafter used to designate the word. Then there were proper names, beginning with General Washington 711, General Clinton 712, Tryon 713, Erskine 714, Vaughan 715, Robinson 716, Brown 717, General Garth 718, Lord North 719, Germain 720, John Bolton 721, Sami. Culper 722, Culper Junr. 723,210 Austin Roe 724, C. Brewster 725, Rivington 726. Then 37 places have numbers assigned them, and there is an alphabet for words not listed and letters for numerals. These tables were used to the close of the war.

Much more important to the Secret Service of General Washington was the use of an invisible stain which required developing with another chemical before the writing became visible. It reached the Culpers about the time the above dictionary was prepared but was first proposed to General Washington in a letter from John Jay, a facsimile of which is opposite page 52. In another chapter his brother, James Jay, tells how he invented this stain, and its practical use. It was an important factor in the success of the service and it is regrettable that no one ever sufficiently thanked the Jays for it. The Culpers were frequently asking for more of it, and General Washington, low in funds, had to depend upon James Jay to furnish it. Becoming a tax upon his resources he found it necessary to explain the situation to General Washington in the following letter:

At times, because of lack of funds to purchase it the Culpers were without the Counterpart to develop the letters from Headquarters, and sometimes they had no stain with211 which to write their intelligence. They guarded well its discovery, in fact so well that the matter was never mentioned historically until now although several incorrect guesses were made as to the method they used to convey their messages.

More clever than those written between the lines were their letters addressed to prominent Tories. These could be sent with fair assurance of safety. The messenger knew of course that they were not to be delivered to the party addressed and discovery of them in his possession would only have disarmed suspicion. Their only rival in cleverness was the British Headquarters, where André and DeLancey exerted themselves. Like the early attempts on the American side those used by the British were sometimes more ingenious than efficient, as exemplified in the silver bullets which were used to convey messages between Generals Burgoyne,[59] Clinton, and Howe. Experiences of several of these messengers are historically recorded. One courier being cautioned that upon no account was the message to be delivered to anyone besides General Burgoyne unless it was General Clinton himself, suspecting that he was in territory occupied by the British, was surprised when challenged, but declared himself to be a friend of General Clinton’s and asked to be taken to him. He had no knowledge that there was a Clinton on both sides and not until he found himself in the presence of General George Clinton did he discover his mistake. Then he swallowed the silver bullet, but it was too late. His action had been observed and he was immediately taken into custody, when being interrogated as to what business he had with General Clinton, and discovering some embarrassment in his answer, it was proposed to administer an212 emetic, to ascertain what he had swallowed with such precipitation. The idea was adopted, and the consequence was that he threw up the silver ball; which being unscrewed was found to contain important intelligence. The courier was of course hung as a spy.

General Washington believed more could be accomplished by strategy than by bullets. He was careful to conceal his plans during the war but when peace came he permitted to be published in the “Columbian Centinal” a letter which he wrote from Mount Vernon, dated July 31, 1788.[60] The following extracts from this letter give an interesting angle to the campaign around New York:

Many deceptive letters were forwarded by General Washington, and of extreme interest were the experiences of those who carried them. The almost instantaneous success of those he prepared in July 1780 is mentioned in the chapter on Secret Service Secrets. Another that was equally successful Mrs. Elizabeth Oakes Smith, one time of Patchogue, Long Island, recalls in her book “Hugo.” This little work was written after a visit to the Iron Furnaces in northern New Jersey and New York, owned and operated by Peter Townsend whose daughter married the brother of Culper Junior. Mrs. Smith says:

The Political Magazine in London printed the sequel to the above on page 343 of their June, 1781, issue. It is copied from the New York Gazette of April 4, and reads: “On Saturday another rebel mail was brought to this city taken last Thursday with Montaigne the post rider, who was in person brought to town by the captors. It contains a great number of letters.”[61] Several are published in full, including215 Washington’s, in which it is hinted that he is preparing to attack New York.

Masks were also used by British Headquarters to disguise the contents of important intelligence. These required two sheets of blank paper through each of which an oblong opening was cut. One of these sheets was deposited with the recipient and the other kept by the sender. A letter was then so written that the message to be conveyed could be read through the opening when the mask or cut out sheet of paper was laid over the letter. Without the mask the letter was so worded as to convey an altogether different meaning. On another page is illustrated the masked letter sent by General Clinton to inform Burgoyne that there would be no British army to meet him at Albany. Another illustration shows a code letter that Moody, the British spy, assisted Benedict Arnold in preparing. It is addressed to John Anderson (Major André), advising the British commander that he (Arnold) has accepted the command at West Point and will betray it. The full text of this letter will be found on page 127.

Besides the Stain, John Jay had a code that General Washington was familiar with, but it appears not to have been used by the Culpers. In a letter to a friend he explains its use briefly, as follows:

The code letter that may have given General Washington the greatest thrill required still another dictionary to translate it. It was that used by Robert Morris, the financier of the Revolution. On another page the closing half of one of his letters is illustrated. Historians tell us how Washington had appealed to Morris for funds to conduct the war. Sometimes he was fortunate in raising a sufficiency but at a critical period it seemed to Robert Morris that his only prospect was to obtain the needed sums from a wealthy Quaker. “How can I, friend Robert, who am a man of peace, lend thee money for the purpose of war? Friend George is, I believe, a good man and fighting in a good cause; but I am opposed to fighting of any sort.” This was the Quaker’s plea, but Morris recalled that Washington had also mentioned the urgency of funds for the secret service. That appealed to the Quaker. “The gold was dug up from his garden and handed over to Morris to forward to General Washington. His adopted son Custis says: ‘Its application to the secret service produced the happiest effects upon the cause of the Revolution in that critical period of our destiny.’”[62]

The code used by the Culpers covers too much space for reproduction here. However some of the words most frequently used have been collected and will be found on the page following, and a section of the original code prepared by Major Tallmadge for General Washington is reproduced on page 218.

FOOTNOTES to “CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE”:

The spies were never safe; to them sometimes friends were as dangerous as foes. The British and Americans upon several occasions captured their own men, but perhaps only once was the same whale boat captured by both sides. The discovery that they were detaining their own men certainly embarrassed the British officers in this particular instance. It was no less than William Heron who by capture they were not only detaining but from him their own men had taken the boat and outfit and it was necessary for them to get his things together again. William Heron’s home was in Reading, Connecticut, and he was at the time a member of the state legislature.

Hiram he called himself in correspondence with British Headquarters, and as Hiram he was known to Washington’s secret service. Perhaps none, aside from General Parsons, knew that Heron was their most active spy, even Governor Trumbull being deceived into giving him a commission as a privateersman. His trips across the Sound with messages for British Headquarters were frequent and he was most active particularly during the weeks of Arnold’s treason. When he visited West Point he was entertained by Arnold and slept under his roof. Parsons gave him a letter of introduction220 in which he vouches for him and Arnold trusted him with letters he wished to reach British Headquarters.

At the time of his capture which was in April, 1781, he was negotiating to make a second Arnold of Parsons.[63] Matters were progressing nicely when he crossed the Sound and landed near Oyster Bay with messages for Headquarters. Soon he was surrounded by British troops and found himself and crew prisoners. His actions must have appeared suspicious for that they claimed to be bearers of a flag did not deter their captors from making away with the boat and all that was in it. The available correspondence on the subject is interesting. First is a letter dated Westbury 21st April, 1781.

Probably Heron feared he would not be able to reach Headquarters. He therefore from his place of confinement addressed a long letter to Major DeLancy which unfortunately for General Parsons has been preserved. This letter explains the progress he had made since his last visit. It is dated April 24th, and reads:

Filed with the above are other papers which show that he was permitted to reach Headquarters. They are dated 25th April, 1781, and read:

Then from Westbury, under date of April 27th, 1781, the following note was forwarded by the detained men, who found upon their arrival Heron and the boat waiting for them:

Without delay they set out for Stamford and reached there just in time to fall into the hands of our General Waterbury, who treated them just as the British had on the other side of the Sound. We know now what they never suspected, that one of them, namely Heron, had recently furnished British Headquarters with information intended to enable Sir Henry Clinton to capture the spies of General Washington. Perhaps he had not quite sufficient detail. More likely the Culpers saved themselves by refusing to work as soon as the discovery was made that they were about to be betrayed. Employed with this crew of Heron’s were two whaleboat men who were also in Washington’s service. One was able to persuade General Waterbury to send him express to Headquarters. Promptly came word to release the crew and return their boat, just as the British had done on the other side. The letter was addressed to General Waterbury, Stamford, and reads as follows:

It was the William Heron above who made a farce of the engagement at the Setauket Church in August 1777. Putnam’s orders to Parsons were to destroy the enemy at Huntington and Setauket, bring off all the officers and soldiers of the Continental Army on Long Island, and destroy all the stores; and what he did was to capture a number of horse blankets and a dozen mounts. On page 108 of the life of Parsons will be found a part of what follows, including the original orders:

In August, 1777, Colonel Richard Hewlett, with two hundred and sixty Queens County Loyalists, had fortified himself in the Presbyterian Meeting House at Setauket, on the Long Island shore nearly opposite Fairfield and at the head of the little bay of that name. About the middle of the month, General Parsons prepared an expedition to surprise and capture this force. The following are the orders issued to him by General Putnam, the commander of the Connecticut Division:—

Parsons’ order of August 16, to Colonel Samuel B. Webb of his brigade, was as follows:—

This expedition had long been contemplated; at least as early as March, at which time the Connecticut Legislators were in session. Parsons had received instructions from General Washington which he took with him and read in the presence of William Heron. The British, therefore, had ample time to prepare themselves.[65]

Henry Onderdonk in his Revolutionary Incidents of Suffolk County publishes on p. 66 the letters that passed between Parsons and Hewlett, as follows:

In Vol. I, page 182 of Thomas Jones’ “History of New York during the Revolutionary War,” a paragraph will be found covering this exploit. It reads:

FOOTNOTES to “A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED”:

(101) For ten years an endeavor to discover a handwriting that corresponded with the existing documents written by Samuel Culper Junior, was continued without success, until, upon examining a chest of old documents, once the property of Robert Townsend of Oyster Bay, Long Island, a startling resemblance was discovered. This led to a critical examination of the letters written under the alias of Samuel Culper Junior, still preserved among the papers of General Washington, and it was found that the paper upon which they were written was identical. The same watermark, the same shade, the same weight, the same laid marks minutely varying one from the other on the same sheet, but corresponding exactly with all the little variations and flaws with other sheets among the Townsend Papers. The handwriting, looking so similar, was not declared identical until the world’s greatest expert, Albert S. Osborn, had examined it. The books showed accounts with Abraham Woodhull, who had already been identified as Culper Senior, and with several others known to be engaged in the secret service work. The movements of Culper Junior corresponded with those of Robert Townsend as revealed in his documents, and the stain invented by James Jay had been twice tested on documents still carefully preserved among Townsend’s effects. Long before all the evidence was discovered, it was certain that the identity of Culper Junior, that most active spy of the Revolution, had been revealed. Everything since gathered adds to the confirmation of that identity.

233

Handwriting that discovered Robert Townsend to be General Washington’s Culper Junior.

(102) Robert, although not yet of age, like his brother, Solomon, traveled extensively before the Revolution. From Wilmington, North Carolina, on November 22, 1774, he addressed his father as follows:

“Honored Father: I wrote you a few days since from Brunswick. Have now to advise you of my arrival here the 18th. Instant.—I am much afraid whether I shall be able to purchase any Flaxseed being very little yet come to markett.—There is considerable to come from the country, which they cant yet bring owing to the waters being so very low in river.—I am with Duty to Mother, love to Brothers & Sisters,

“Your Dutyfull Son,
“Robt. Townsend.

“P.S. Expect we shall sail about the 1st. of Decr.”

(103) Besides what will be found in these pages regarding Nathaniel Woodhull, there is much of interest that appears to have escaped the historians in the Journals of the Provincial Congress of the State of New York. There are still preserved many letters written by cousins of Abraham Woodhull, among the most interesting of them being those from the Reverend John Woodhull, son of Culper Senior’s uncle John, and therefore one of his first cousins. In writing to his wife, he describes the Battle of Long Island as he witnessed it from a distance as follows:

“Near Midnight, Aug. 27, 1776.

“My Dear Sally:—The solemn Day is come at last,—Long Island is made a field of Blood—now the cannon & small arms make a continued roar, even at this time of Night: Day before yesterday the battle began, and with some intermission has continued till now, yea now is roaring in my ears and God only knows when it will end.

“Yesterday morning it was very hot, as yet we have no account which may be fully depended on, only that in general that Howe has landed with most of his men upon Long Island. Small parties engaged till yesterday morning, when they made an attack upon us, they were beat back three times, the last time our People pursued them too far, when a strong reinforcement of the Enemy endeavored to cut off our234 retreat and did us a good deal of damage, tis reported that General Sullivan and Stirling are missing. Tis also said we have made great havoc amongst them—but I can tell but very little for certainty as yet, except that there is a mighty Battle which is continuing—May a good God grant that it end in our favor and for the glory of his Name! Goodnight!”

* * * * *

“Aug. 30th, 1776.

“My Dear Sally:—Thro’ divine goodness I am very well as are our congregation in general that are here. Adam Woods has the ague. General Washington has thought proper to draw his men from Long Island, this was done last night.

“The enemy are now firing upon New York, from Long Island; our men here are drawing up to be in readiness, in case we are needed.

“How many were lost upon the Island is yet uncertain, some say we have 700 missing and that we have killed twice as many of the enemy, tho I believe it is but guess work as yet.

“Generals Sullivan and Stirling who are missing are said to be prisoners, it is also said general Grant on the other side is killed, they talk of another General of theirs Killed.

“It is reported that Col. Atly is wounded and a prisoner. Think it likely that our people will burn New York, and retreat into the chain of Forts which are above it—when that is done am in hopes our Enemies will get no farther. Poor Long Island! I know not what will become of my Relations there. May God help them. They are left to the mercy of our Cruel Enemy.

“Our men are in high spirits and I trust we shall, thro’ ye help of God soon break the power of our Foes.

“My Love to the Girls, my little son, and the Neighbors. Remember me to Elsy and the boys—and accept yourself the best affections of your....

“John Woodhull.”

(104) Abraham Woodhull meets with the inhabitants.

November 23, 1778.

Sir. The enclosed will explain to you a meeting of the inhabitants, at which I was present, and with satisfaction beheld their dijected235 countenances. The Commissioners sales this day in the Roebuck, it is sd. Lord Cornwallace is a going with them. The second division under Brig. Genl. Cambell that have laid some time at Sandy Hook, on the account D’Estaing sailing consisting of about three thousand troops, are to sail this day. Two ships with Troops drove to sea in a violent gale of wind from the northward about the 10th inst. and have not been heard of since. A friget sent yesterday with all expedition to Rhode Island said for transports, The Bedford in the Harbour lost her fore and Missen Mast, is to go home under Jurey Masts with expedition. She was one of four in A. Byron’s fleet that was missing after the gale of wind the beginning of the month. With her came in the Richmond Friget dismasted. The cannon and field pieces are removed from the common to Fort George. Some of the cannon on that Fort and the Battery near it are put as ballace on board several transports, on the 19th Inst. Some Capital Merchants were very buisy the day and night following in packing and putting their goods on board ships. The whole of the Kings Troops on York Island includeing out posts, doth not exceed three thousand five hundred men, and not much to be feared from the inhabitants. The whole City seaged with a Panike and a general dissatisfaction taken place.

(105) Woodhull’s longest letter.

Setauket, Feby. 26, 1779.

Sir. No. 8.

Your No. 4 and 5 came to hand. The former forgot to acknowledge the receipt of in my No. 7. The latter have carefully observed and will follow your directions. I shall now endeavour to give you as an authentic of affairs and transactions that hath past since my No. 7 (together with the state of the enemy) as I possibly can. The troops within these lines have not been augmented by any arrivals from Europe. The number consequently remaining the same, save two companies of Light Infantry from Rhode Island landed on Long Island and marched immediately for Southampton, about fifty came down to New York, said to be deserters from General Burgoin’s Army. The force of the enemy on this, Staten, Powles Hook and York Island are as follows: and think you may very safely rely upon it as I have been for some time engaged to find out the true state of the Enemy, and to236 correct my former accounts. The 44, 57, 63, Colls. Robinson’s and Emmerick with three German Regiments all commanded by Governor Tryon, are cantoned from King’s Bridge to and within four miles of the city. From these posts to and within the City are two Battallions of Guards, 28 Regm. Welch Fusileers, The Volunteers of Ireland, called Lord Rhoden’s Regm. and four German Regm. Also in the City are Genls. Clinton, Jones, Mathews, DeLancey, Knyphousen, with one other German Genl. think his name is Smyth—64th Regm. Powles Hook, 26, 37, one German, Colls. Buskearks and Barton’s, with Genls. Leslie and Skinner on Staten Island, Long Island and Brooklyn ferry one German Regt. 33 at Bedford, a small part of the 42 and 71 with three companies of Germans commanded by Genl. Vaughn are at New Town. One German Regm. Yaigers at Flushing, Queen’s Rangers Coll. Simcoe at Oyster Bay, Coll. Ludlow’s Regiment under Genl. DeLancey New Levies at Lloyd’s Neck. The 17th Regm. Dragoons, Coll. Burch and Lord Cathcart Legion are at South Hampton together with all the Grenadeers and Light Infantry belonging to the enemy within these lines, except about two hundred left at Jamaica. Their several movements to South Hampton make that body about two thousand men. They have lived upon the miserable inhabitants of Suffolk County ever since they have been in it and there is a great probability of the inhabitants wanting the necessities of life. They give receipts for cattle, hay and etc. but are not paid. They have been out of money nearly two months. I compute the whole force of the enemy to be thirty four Battallions, equal to two hundred and fifty in a battallion, and believe it to be a very just computation. I saw a private letter from London brought in the Packet that left Falmouth the 20th of November and arrived here the 24th January, which I think you may rely on, that Spain and the two Sicily’s have followed the steps of France in favour of America which compleets the whole family of the House of Bourbone. The Dutch have demanded satisfaction of his Brittannick Majesty of all damages sustained on their shipping by seasure ever since the year 1734, and His Majesty hath complyed with their request. Bergoin a discarded Lord and General Howe are both to undergo parliamentary examinations. 15 Privateers and 300 sail of Merchantmen and 2 ships of War have been lately taken by the French. No prospect of any troops being237 sent to America but a great probability of the King giving up the contest. This sir agrees in substance with the English papers, which I have seen up to the 3d of November. Other accounts say his Majesty will continue the war and that a large body of troops will be sent to America in the Spring, but I doubt if any troops comes, but begin to be fearful that these troops here will stay longer than some time ago I expected. I can positively inform you that Genl. Clinton had liberty from his Majesty to leave New York the first of November last on which a council of war was held and concluded it was not for the interest of the Crown to do it. I think if it had not been for the sake of the Tory’s they would have quit America then. The cannon that was taken from the Battery near Fort George and put on board the Lord Townsend transport was some time ago relanded. On the first instant a Cork Fleet, consisting of eleven sail arrived with provisions but brought no news. On the 8th six transports arrived from Hallifax under convoy of the Delaware Frigate. Same day some ships from Rhode Island with the troops before mentioned. On the 14th Instant his Majesty’s Speech was handed us from Jersy, it appears very mild and not very pleasing to the enemy; it is all we have had from England since the November Packet. It is said the December Packet is taken. There is a fleet of Victiallers and private adventurers preparing for Georgia. It is said some Troops will go in the Fleet. I think it very likely. Their convoy will certainly be weak. I do not know to be but three or four ships of war in and about the city, their ships of war are all gone to the West Indies. Six ships of the Line could now very easily block up the Port and reduce New York. It is reported fifteen hundred troops have sailed from Rhode Island for Georgia but it wants confirmation. On the 15th Inst. a fleet sailed for Ireland consisting of about ten or fifteen sail. The enemy will shortly be in great want of forage, which they will endeavour to get a supply from the Jersey’s before long, their flat boats in the King’s yard have lately been put in good repair. I frequently see General Clinton amongst the Carpenters, in particular viewing the boats. Ther’s upwards of Seventy Privateers and Letters of Marque from this port and have been very successful. A large French ship arrived here on the 15th with upwards of 500 hhd. of Sugar and 5 tons of Indigo, with some specie and other articles. Sir William Erskin is a fortifieing at and238 about Southampton and building flat boats, probably they intend to cross and do you some damage. On the 17th it was said a fleet was at the Hook from England but being obliged to leave the city that afternoon I can give no further account about it. Their movements puzzles the greatest politicians and I am at a loss to judge whether we shall have peace or war this Spring. I think upon the whole there is a greater prospect of war than peace. I believe now that the King will endeavour to see if his fleet can get the better of the French Fleet. If they should not he will then make peace with France and quit America. I don’t doubt but by the next appointment we shall know the determination of Parliament and give a better guess. Their success in Georgia under Campbell and as they say Adml. Byron blocking up Count D’Estaing in Martineco and Genl. Grant defeating the French with great loss at St. Lucea, hath given the Enemy fresh spirits. I cannot bear the thoughts of the war continuing another year, as could wish to see an end of this great distress. Were I to undertake to give an account of the sad destruction that the enemy makes within these lines I should fail. They have no regard to age, sex, whig or tory. I lament to hear the depreciation of your money and in particular the civil dissentions among you at Philadelphia. I think them very alarming. It sinks the spirits of our suffering friends here and pleases the enemy. Cannot the disturbers see that they are working their own ruin. Is there no remedy to apply. Better had they be cut off from the land of the living than to be suffered to go on. There’s nothing will give the enemy greater courage than Civil dissentions, and as long as there’s any hope they will endeavour. Thus sir, I have wrote you as fully and clearly as is in my power at this time, and please excuse any imperfections that you may discover. Coll. Floyd returned on his Parole the 16th. I earnestly wrote you for his discharge. I repeat it again, I anxiously desire you would not forget it. I am very likely to stand in need of his services. I desire you will send me one hundred Pounds by the next appointment without fail, as I have spent already forty pounds more than I have received from you. Board is £3 pr. week in New York besides other necessary expenses, postage, &c. I now conclude with my sincere regard and desire for your health and safety.

Samuel Culper.

239

(106) Tallmadge finds Woodhull ill from fright.

Sir. Fairfield, April 21, 1779.

Agreeable to your Excellency’s instructions I have forwarded the Vial delivered me and the directions for C——s future conduct. In answer to which he wrote, but as I wished to see him to communicate many things, I appointed an interview at Brook Haven, Long Island, where I met C. on the 16th instant, and was detained on the Island till this morning by a violent storm and contrary winds.

In addition to what C. informs by the enclosed, he has given me some memorandums. You may perceive in the close of his second letter No. 10 he mentions something respecting the transport lately arrived at New York from Rhode Island. He assures me that the business of their mission is a proposed feint, and that by diligent attention and enquiry he finds they are taking on board the remaining baggage of the troops now at Rhode Island. The conjecture among them is that they intend to evacuate that post, and by their taking their baggage from New York they cannot be returning there.

He thinks there never has been such a prospect of peace as at present. Bets are now laying 2 to 1 that there will be a peace in less than 2 months from this. Many of those who have been particularly active against us are selling off their estates. General DeLancey and Mr. McAdams in particular have proposed their estates for sale, neither of them in want of money. In England Government takes up money at most enormous interests, from 10 to 14 per cent.

The Troops at the East End of Long Island are ordered to supply themselves with forage for 14 days, and by the beginning of next month it is thought they will move westward. Most of the flat boats have moved thro’ South bay for New York.

In addition to the 20 Guineas acknowledged to have been received by Culper in the enclosed, I have handed him 30 more. He informs that his expenses are necessarily great, but whenever your Excellency may wish him to discontinue his present correspondence he will most cheerfully quit the employment, as he proposes no advantage to himself from the undertaking. I have urged by letter and verbally the plan of forwarding letters by some shorter route to Headquarters. C. wishes as much as your Excellency to hit on some more speedy mode of conveyance, but finds such a step difficult and dangerous.240 That same Brown at Bergen, whom your Excellency mentioned to me, C. informs is now in provost on suspicion of having given information of the late movement of the enemy to Elizabeth Town. If he should soon get released C. thinks he would be a very proper man for the business. He will in the mean time pay the greatest attention to the proposal. He says a man may be engaged to reside on Staten Island (if he can be supported) who will receive his dispatches and forward them at all times. In this case some person must be appointed to go across with a boat to an appointed place.

I must now relate an anecdote respecting the Vial which I forwarded Cr. Much pleased with the curious Ink or Stain and after making some experiments with the same, he was set down to answer my letter which accompanied it. He had finished the enclosed when suddenly two persons broke into the room (his private apartment). The consideration of having several officers quartered in the next Chamber, added to his constant fear of detection and its certain consequences made him rationally conclude that he was suspected, and that those steps were taken by said officers for discovery. Startled by so sudden and violent an obtrusion he sprang from his seat, snatched up his papers, overset his table and broke his Vial. This step so totally discomposed him that he knew not who they were, or even to which sex they belonged—for in fact they were two ladies who, living in the house with him, entered his chamber in this way on purpose to surprise him. Such an excessive fright and so great a turbulence of passions so wrought on poor C. that he has hardly been in tolerable health since. The above relation I had from his own mouth. He is much pleased with the Ink, and wishes if any more can be spared, to have a little sent him. By this he thinks he could frequently communicate intelligence by persons permitted to pass the lines.

Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movement of the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London, and which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.

There are some men on this side the Sound who conduct most villionously towards the inhabitants of Long Island by lying on the road and robbing the inhabitants as they pass. Cr. was the other day241 robbed of all his money near Huntington, and was glad to escape with his life. I know the names of several, some of whom under sanction of Commissions for cruising in the Sound land on Long Island and plunder the inhabitants promiscously.

I have now put the Correspondence with Cr. on such a footing that any letter he may forward by the old conveyance will be sent to Capt. Grinell of this place, on whom I can most implicitly depend. He will forward them to Genl. Putnam agreeable to instructions. Any instructions which your Excellency may wish to communicate to Cr. you will please to forward to me as usual, no other person being appointed in this quarter with whom he would be willing to correspond.

The bearer having some business to transact and wishing to see his friends, will return in 4 or 5 days, when your Excellency’s commands and in particular the above mentioned Ink, may be forwarded with safety. I am, with profound Respect, Your Excellency’s most Obedt. Hbl. Servt.

Benj. Tallmadge.

(107) Culper Senior near capture by Colonel Simcoe.

“No. 13 20 June 5, 1779.

“Dear Sir, Your No 7 came to hand and have observed its contents. I Purpose this only to informe you of my Misfortune. On the 24 of April. John Wolsey returned from Connecticut being Paroled by the Company of Prisoners (although taken in a Privateer). And Lodged information against me before Coll. Simcoe of the Queens Rangers who thinking of finding me at Setauket came down but happily I set out for N. York the day before his arrival, and to make some compensation for his voige he fell upon my father and plundered him in a most shocking manner. I hearing of it and his intentions, used every endeavour to defeat his designs which I happily did in a measure by a friend of mine makeing interest with the Genl Aid and only that saved me. But I am very obnoxious to them and think I am in continual danger you will see the contents of the other letter and the proposals there made and at once see the necessity of destroying these letters after perusull.

242

“I was in town that night you was. I wish I had a known it. I am with esteem Yours &c.

“Samuel Culper.”

(108) Woodhull fears handwriting may betray him.

“No. 13 20 June 5, 1779— 12

“Sir, Your No 7 came to hand and have duely observed the contents. It is now a long time since I have wrote you, And do assure you not through neglect but owing to the difficulty I have laboured under ever since I saw you—In my other letter I have stated the particulars. And I dre say you will be filled with wonder and surprise, that I have had the good fortune to escape confinement. And am sorry to inform you that it hath rendered me almost unservicable to you. I purpose quitting 10 and residing at 20. As I am now a suspected person I cannot frequent their camp as heretofore. And think only just residing at 10 and be obliged to take up with common reports will not answer your purpose, or make by any means compensation for the expense—I have truely the interest of our Country at heart[66] and could not wish to spend one shilling useless—I shall visit 10 as often as I can with any degree of safety—and have not as yet stoped the channel of intelligence and shall anxiously wait your directions—Weather I shall endeavour to establish a confidential friend to step into my place if agreeable direct in your next and forward the ink—When I have effected this most probable I shall come to you. And shall wish to joyne in the common defence—I shall now endeavour to give you an authentick account of the principle arrivals and departures of all fleets—foreign intelligence, and the temper and expectations of the enemy and movements since the 14th of May, all before hath been forwarded. The latter of which I am sensible can be of little or no service now but may be some satisfaction. About the 15th May sailed a Cork fleet and on the 18 arrived 12 sail from Cork with provisions and serveral private ships have arrived at different times from Europe one bringing the news of the surrender of Pondicherry in India, but I do not believe it yet. you may depend that the Cutter that said to bring the news saild243 some time from Ireland and of course before the last Cork fleet and they brought no such account. Provisions are very plenty at 10 and a Cork fleet is expected also a large fleet from England with ten thousand troops is said to be expected in, in about ten days. The troops that went from hence last fall for West India and Georgia it is said are about returning. I think it probable for they are very sickly in those quarters. I hear some tell us of Peace amongst you. God grant it may take place on honourable terms. But I must tell you thers less appearance of Peace here now than some time agone—And thers nothing we can hear from Europe that demonstrates it. The spirits of their troops is high, and the expectation of the Tory’s is great to admiration. I hope you will not trust to an uncertainty, but prepare for the worst. I have a long time expected to hear of your appearing in force near the Bridge and keeping them in their strongholds and hope that their present expedition may serve to further convince them of the impracticability of subduing this country. And call your army together and be upon your guard and be very industrious to find out the schemes of the Torys amongst you. Almost every action is handed down by them and men is said to pass (and I believe they do) from hence to the enemy on the frontiers. The enemy have almost intirely quit Long Island and the whole of the force on Long Island does not exceed three hundred only a few individuals left at their different stations they have likewise taken all their baggage from Long Island and on the 29 arrived their Virginia fleet with about 30 prizes mostly small schooners and a number of negroes and some white females, upon the whole that expedition is thought but little of and as the 30 sailed immediately up the river about 20 transports the Raisonable of 64 guns and 2 frigats on the 28th the army and troops in general left 10 together with all their train of artillery that stood on the common. There was not on the 3 instant one thousand troops in and about the city only one Batallion of guards and two small German Regt. to do duty in and about 10 There orders for to raise a number of men for the terme of six months out of the Militia of Kings and Queens Countys to do duty as occasion may require. This is very disagreeable to the inhabitants. On the 3 instant there was only 3 frigates in the river except those before mentioned—Thus sir I shall conclude with this request that you would upon sufficient Perusual consume it for if by any244 accident this or any other of my letters should fall into the enemy’s hands very probable my handwriting or some circumstance mentioned might be the cause of detection. And conclude with my great desire for your success and welfair. I remain your most obet. H. Servt. Samuel Culper. Just as I was about to seal this I saw a gentleman from 10 that said every sixth man in 10 and the before mentioned places were immediately to be Draughfet I purpose waiting at 20 until I receive an answer from you.

“S. C.”

(109) Robert Townsend now becomes chief.

Sir. No. 14. 20 June 20 1779.

Your No. 8 on the 16 found me at 20 anxiously concerned for our interest, and unwilling it should be neglected, and some reason to fear that by delay the door might be shut and out of my power to perform what I proposed in my No. 13, which I have concluded would be your desire. I thought proper to detain 40 until I went to 10 to endeavour to gain the best intelligence I could, and settle the plan proposed. I returned on the 19th, and my success hath exceeded my most sanguine expectations.—There hath been no arrival of any fleet from any quarter since my last—and the enemy hath not been strengthened. On the 18 Gen. Clinton went out of 10 in person to go to his camp. You may depend their whole force is up the river, and that can’t exceed 8000 men. I expect they are evacuating Rhode Island, if not all part of their troops are coming to 10, it is said four Regiments, this I have from good authority, likewise that it is certainly Gen. Clinton’s positive order and determination to burn all the fields of wheat as soon as they are dry, and intends to exert himself in that to the utmost. They have brought in many cattle. If you don’t exert yourself the country will greatly suffer. A considerable force to march towards the Bridge would make them quit the River and country, for they are very fearful of your getting New York and have frequently said they have in all but just a garrison, it is the admiration of all friends that they can hold their ground up the river. Their strength by sea is trifling. Much the same as mentioned in my last only it is said you have taken the Delaware of 28 guns. It is currently reported in New York that the enemy are entirely defeated245 near Charles Town, and is believed by some, and the enemy in general trembles for fear if it should be true they acknowledge that it will ruin them. In answer to yours concerning the strength of the enemy at Lloyd’s Neck and what saw mills were sawing for the use of the enemy I cannot give so satisfactory an account about the above questions as I could wish. The former shall endeavour to refer you to Capt. Cornelius Conklin, Major Brush, Capt. Rojers and some others mostly residing at Norwalk that frequently cross near there, the latter shall advise—Coll. Ludlow’s Regiment is very small, don’t exceed 150 men. The Refugees that are there are all armed and take their turn as guards with the regiment, how many I cannot tell but readily conclude they exceed the number in the regiment. I cannot tell whether there’s any cannon in the fort nor how it is situated. Coll. Hulet that commands is a brave officer. Many deserters and refugees that know they will be hanged and think they will make a desperate resistance, and think if it is done at all it must be by surprise.

Tillotson hath a Saw mill at the County House, Havens one at Moriches, Seth Worth one at Fire Place, Humphry Avery one at West Neck, Nichols and one Willets each one at Islip, Edmond Smith at Stony Brook, Samuel Phillips, Caleb Smith, Botts at Smith Town. All alike in serving the King and all professed friends to the country except Havens and Nicols. And it is the nature of the people here, they will do any thing to get money. The navigation of South Bay is now entirely stopped by Whale Boats. I am entirely against destroying property if can be avoided. Saw mills are built with little expense and if torn down no great loss to build again. If people are a mind to be obstinate the following I do not doubt will answer the desired effect. Print in hand bills, let them be conveyed over in all quarters if possible and be posted up, entirely forbidding every saw mill on the Island from stricking a stroke under penalty of destruction of their property, it will most certainly be adhered to, they never will saw no more.

They are determined to raise 400 men out out of the Militia of Long Island. The people in general much against it, and certainly will quit their homes before they will comply.

I have communicated my business to an intimate friend and disclosed every secret and laid before him every instruction that hath246 been handed to me; it was with great difficulty I gained his complyance, checked by fear. He is a person that hath the interest of our country at heart and of good reputation, character and family as any of my acquaintance. I am under the most solemn obligation never to disclose his name to any but the Post who unavoidably must know it. I have reason to think his advantages for serving you and abilities are far superior to mine.

I must call on you for ten Guineas which will about defray my charges with what I have received. If what I have done is disaproved of it can be dropped, but if mine was worth attention this will not certainly be of less value. You will receive a letter from him in a short time beginning at No. 1. He will expect an ample support, at the same time he will be frugal. As long as I am here shall be an assistant and do all that I can. In the interim I remain Your Most Obt. Huml. Servt. Samuel Culper.

(110) George Washington to Major Talmadge.

“New Windsor, June 27th, 1779.

“Sir, Your letter of yesterday came safe to my hand, and by the Dragoon who was the bearer of it I send you Ten guineas for C——r.—His successor (whose name I have no desire to be informed of provided his intelligence is good, and seasonably transmitted) should endeavour to hit upon some certain mode of conveying his information quickly, for it is of little avail to be told of things after they have become matter of public notoriety, and known to every body.—This new agent should communicate his signature and the private marks by which genuine papers are to be distinguished from counterfeits.—There is a man on York Island living on or near the North River, of the name of George Higday who I am told hath given signal proofs of his attachment to us, and at the same time stands well with the enemy. If upon enquiry this is found to be the case (and much caution should be used in investigating the matter, as well on his own account as on that of Higday) he will be a fit instrument to convey intelligence to me while I am on the west side of the North River, as he is enterprizing & connected with people in Bergen County who will assist in forming a chain to me in any manner they shall agree on.

247

“I do not know who H—— employs, but from H—— I obtain intelligence, and his name and business should be kept profoundly secret, otherwise we not only lose the benefits desired from it, but may subject him to some unhappy fate....

“I wish you to use every method in your power through H—— and others, to obtain information of the enemy’s situation—and as far as it is to be come at, designs. C——r speaks of the Enemy’s force up the River as now exceeding 8000 men, but as I know he is mistaken if he comprehends their whole force I should be glad if his successor was cautioned against giving positive numbers by guess.—this is deceptions—let him ascertain the particular Corps which can be no difficult matter to do, & he will soon by taking a little pains, indirectly come at the strength of them and where they lie.

“I am Sir with esteem and regard, Yr. very H. Servt.

“Go. Washington.”

(111) Townsend’s first official letter.

“No 1 New York, 29th June, 1779

“Sir, The present offers nothing material, save that of the arrival of Capt. Mernaid, who left Plimouth the first of May, at which time the Grand fleet for this place had not sailed, and was quite uncertain when they would, and likewise that some Troops now coming out—say not more than three thousand. However as he is a Rebel we do not entirely believe it, but are much afraid that its too true.

“I was this day informed that 2 British Regts. 1 Regt, of Amsuch, Col. Fanning’s Corps & the associated loyalists, is now at white Stone, where they arrived yesterday from Rhode-Island—This I have no doubt of, as it was told me by a person who came passenger with them—He thinks they are to make excursions into Connecticut—and from what I can collect I believe they are, and very soon.

“Most of the Troops are come from Verplanks Point, and are now near and about the Boats. Several Transports are ordered to be in readiness, but no troops embarked.

“We are much alarmed with the prospect of a Spanish war—Should that be the case, I fear poor old England will not be able to oppose the whole but will be obliged to sue for a peace.

248

“Wou’d wish to write you more particularly, but the person going sooner than I expected prevents.

“I am, Sir, Your Humble Servant,

“Samuel Culper.”

(112) Townsend’s second letter.

“No. 2 10, July 15th, 1779.

“Sir, I did not mean that No. 1 shou’d be sent as it was wrote, I intended it as hints for my friend S. C. Senr., and expected that he would have wrote you more particularly—the shortness of the notice, and not at that time being sufficiently acquainted with the Character of 30, prevented my writing so particular as I wou’d have wished—However I flatter myself that it was of some service. I saw S. C. Senr. a few days ago, and informed him of the arrival of 10 sail of vessels from the West Indies, with Rum, &c. and a small fleet from Halifax, but no Troops. 12 sail of Cork Victuallers arrived on Sunday last—2 which were then missing are since arrived. Also a ship from Theneruffe loaden with wines—A Fleet, say about six sail, from Jamaica laden with Rum &c. is daily expected; they are to take the advantage of the June Convoy for England. The Romulus of 44 guns fell down to the Hook this day. The Daphni and Delaware Frigates are to fall down tomorrow, with some eight Transports which are said to be bound for Halifax. The Romulus, Daphni, & Delaware are to cruise in Boston Bay for the purpose of annoying their trade, and to intercept a number of Privateers and armed vessels which it is said are now fitting out of Boston. I have conversed with some of the most intelligent of the Masters of the Cork Victuallers, and from what I can collect from them, there will be but few Troops from England this season. Some say, who I am certain do not wish it, that there will not be more than 4 Regiments to this place. Ireland is almost to a man against the present administration, and that most loyal of all Countrys, Scotland, has been for some time past in the greatest confusion, said to be occasioned by a motion made by Lord North for to pass some Laws in favor of the Scotch Roman Catholicks—they have gone so far as to burn that Ministry in Effigie—This is fact.

“I have recd yours of the 10th Inst, and note the contents—The instructions shall be followed as far as in my power. 30 came unexpectedly249 this evening, and says he must go out tomorrow morning, which prevents my being so particular as I could wish. I did not expect him till saturday. The situation of the army I cannot give you with any exactness; but will endeavour to send it by next opportunity. You may rest assured that I will not give you any intelligence as fact, but such as I am certain is so. I will not intentionally deceive you, as I know that it may be attended with the most fatal consequences. I gave S. C. Senr. some hints concerning a Christopher Duyckenik, formerly Chairman of the Committee of Mechanicks of this place, and hope he has transmitted. This much I will inform you, that he has acted as agent for David Mathews from the commencement of the war. The particulars must be kept a profound secret, as few persons but myself know them, and it is known that I do. Note a paragraph in Rivington’s paper of the 10th Inst. under the N.Yk. head, and you’ll observe that something has either leaked out or they have conjectured very right.

“I am, Sir, Your Humble Servant,

“Samuel Culper, Junr.”

(113) Townsend’s fourth letter.

August 6, 1779

Since my last the number of the enemy within these lines have not been augmented by arrivals. I have received your favour of the 30th of July with the vials 1 and 2—The contents shall be duly observed. The Raisonable with four frigates sailed from this the day I mentioned—but did not sail from the Hook till a few days ago. The Rainbow with two sloops of war are said to be cruising off the Delaware Bay. The Romulus with two frigates are supposed to be cruising in Boston-bay—and the Greyhound is cruising alone. I am sorry that I cannot give you an exact account of the situation of the troops. You may think that I have not taken sufficient pains to obtain it. I assure you that I have, and find it more difficult than I expected. It is in some measure owing to my not having got into a regular line of getting intelligence. To depend upon common reports would not do. I saw and conversed with two officers of different corps from Kings-bridge from neither of whom I could obtain an account of the situation of the army there. I was afraid of being too particular. I saw a person who had250 been throughout all West Chester and came in yesterday, who told me that there were 2000 troops out from Kingsbridge. This I by no means give as certain. The number on Staten Island does not exceed 1000. The whole of the guards, two Hessian Regiments. The 54th and some of the 46th in town. A detachment of 100 from the Hessians are at Brookline, and the 3d Battalion of G. DeLancey’s brigade consisting of about 200 are at Lloyd’s Neck, Long Island, near half of which are acting as marines on board armed vessels, and a guard of about 20 men are at Jamaica, where G. D. resides. These are all on Long Island. They have begun to fortify at the narrows on the Staten Island side and to refit the fortifications at the battery in this city. They have done nothing more than lay the platforms and not but one gun mounted, which has been there for a long time past. The cannon for the forts are expected in the fleet. We have positive accounts of the French having taken the Island of St. Vincent and Grenada, and that there has been an engagement between Byron and D’Estaing in which according to public reports Byron came off victorious. But from many circumstances we have reason to believe he had the worst of it: and indeed all the most intelligent of the tories think so. This with Stoney-point and the uncertainty when the fleet from England will arrive, discourages them very much. Admiral Arbuthnot certainly did sail for this port, but hearing that the French had landed on the Island of Jersey, went there, where he may meet with such diversion as may detain him for some time. There appears no prospect of a speedy movement from this. But it is generaly reported and believed by the most knowing ones that there will be a detachment sent from this to the southward as soon as the works are put in a proper state of defence. However some think that no troops can be spared at any rate till a reinforcement arrives.

Arrivals: A small fleet from Rhode Island a few days ago. The Renown from same place on Wednesday evening, and last evening a privateer brig of 14 guns belonging to New London taken by the Greyhound off the east end of Long Island. A fleet of four or five armed ships will sail in about a week for the West Indies. The guard boats are still kept out which makes it impossible to send any letters by a shorter route. As soon as I can find an opportunity you may depend that I will embrace it. The Renown and Daphne are the only251 ships of war in port. In my next will if possible give you a particular account of the situation of the troops. Yours,

Culper, Junr.

(114) Would have Townsend give up business.

“722 to 721. No. 23 729 August 12, 1779.

“Sir, Your several Nos. 13, 14, & 15, are before me. The contents have duly observed and communicated them to Culper Jur. and he hath in general replyed, that have only to add, That your fears of the Queens Rangers crossing the Sound, I think must be groundless. I think the main reason of their being stationed ther’s to Succor Coll. Ludloe’s Regt, on Lloyd’s Neck if need should require, and to recruit their Horses and men, that are much worne down with service. Agreeable to your request, shall endeavour to gain every intelligence from that and every other quarter and communicate. Your observations concerning the bad tendency that might follow the Capture of certain Persons mentioned heretofore, is worthy of due consideration. And perhaps it will be best to let them fill up the measure of their Sins, and ripen for greater ruin. If it had been done instantly after the capture of some persons here I should have feared no danger that might have risen from such a step. You could have stoped plundering here nevertheless—To have taken two for one then, matter not wheather Whig or Tory, would have been pollitick in you, and a glorious barrier in favour of our Country, and Nutrallity, for as they are continually pressing us to be active, and daily cursing of us for not complying, and laying at your mercy and unprotected by them; and suffering for so small an affair, perhaps would induce them to think more favorable of us, and consider our situation, and treat us with more compassion.—I say if ever such an opportunity should present again, I shall beg that it may be embraced, and would be highly favorable to this unhappy country, now universally throughout attended with the greatest sickness and frequent deaths that ever was remembered by the oldest man now living. And dayly threaten’d by that Judas Tryon. Devastation or banishment for not complying with their exorbitant demand enclosed when striped of Items, and out of our Power to fulfill—don’t let the inclosed be published in News Paper.

252

“Your desire that no time may be lost after dispatches arrive hath ever been complyed with, at appointed times, I always attended. When he comes unexpectedly it hath been unavoidably attended with some loss of time, once in particular, owing to a certain persons family being sick, and attendance there which debared him from making himself known. A step on purpose to acquaint me. I received a message from a person that I intimated in my last was an acquaintance of Hamiltons, three days ago, that 4 or 5 Regts. were embarking, generally said for Quebeck had taken altogether thick clothing, yet nevertheless he thought most likely for Georgia, and believed they all had but a short time to stay here.

“I have had much discourse with Culper, Jur. Contrary to his intimation and my expectation, he continues in business, that engroseth some part of his time, and interfereth with the important business he hath undertaken. I do assure you he is a sincere friend and capable of rendering service to our country. And as such a one I have again most earnestly endeavored and beged him to disengage himself from all concerns that may intefere with the Public business he hath undertaken. His reply in substance was this, that he feared his inability. He was willing to do all he could to serve his Country, and not leave himself entirely out of the line of business, and be destitute of a support.”

(115) Use of ciphers by the Culpers.

“No. 21 72929 15th 1779.

“Sir, Dqpeu Beyocpu agreeable to 28 met 723 not far from 727 & received a 356, but on his return was under the necessity to destroy the same, or be detected, but have the satisfaction to informe you that theres nothing of 317 to 15 you of. Thers been no augmentation by 592 of 680 or 347 forces, and everything very quiet. Every 356 is opened at the entrance of 727 and every 371 is searched, that for the future every 356 must be 691 with the 286 received. They have some 345 of the route our 356 takes. I judge it was mentioned in the 356 taken or they would not be so 660. I do not think it will continue long so. I intend to visit 727 before long and think by the assistance of a 355 of my acquaintance, shall be able to out wit them all. The next 28 for 725 to be here is the 1 of 616 that it is so prolonged. It may be253 better times before then. I hope ther will be means found out for our deliverance. Nothing could induce me to be here but the ernest desire of 723. Friends are all well, and am your very Humble Servant, 722.”

(116) Samuel Culper tells of dangers.

“729 Sepr. 19, 1779.

“Dear Sir. Agreeable to the few lines in the inclosure of the several dates of the 11 & 12, I parted with 725 and expected his immediate returne to you, But next day understood he was waiting for the enclosed dispatch, replying his boat must have a repair before he could come again—Perhaps it is best, as the former dispaches hath been so long detained I judge they have nearly lost their value, if any. The inclosed written with the stain, I am ready to believe contains something of importance. By the report of Pevbep Yqqhbwmm, who hath just returned from 727 he tells me there’s a council of war holding of all the General Officers and every thing appears to be much confused on account of an Express from Genl. Prescot that a Sloop arrived at Rhode Island sailed two days in sight of a large French fleet stearing North West course in latitude 25 or 35 he cannot remember certain which. That a large number of troops were embarking, Transports prepared to receive one thousand and those on board. He was one of the Petitioners but got nothing but hard words, that infernal Tryon saying we would never raise any men for government, and now the Spanish and French had combined against them and in difficulty would grant them no assistance. It would be no matter he said if we were all laid waist and those that were sick he would put in their hospitals. I hope a foreign fleet is at hand and that some thing may intefere to our advantage—I have just heard from Oyster Bay that Coll. Simcoe is a going to leave that place. They are selling their horses that is their own private property and are loading all their baggage, his destination unknown but believed they will all leave us soon.

“I yesterday was waiting for the Express with the enclosed dispatch at Stony Brook, when about one o’clock warning was given out from Capt. Woodhull for his Company to meet persuant to an order from Coll. Floyd to the several Capts. of this Township, to pursue and lay wait for Ebenezar Dayton and his companions, that last night plundered254 two houses at South. I immediately took a confidential friend and went in search of 725, and after passing by one boat hid in the woods, found his, and him, and advised him the necessary steps for his safety. I then repair’d to the place of rendezvous, and found the Militia just in motion to drive mount misery, to prevent which I was obliged to open myself to the several Capts. and had the good fortune to order matters to my mind. These things you will readily conceive lays me open, and I desire you to take such measures to prevent the like again. Plundering makes as much difficulty with us as perhaps taking of some persons. Dayton’s[67] excursion heretofore, was the sole cause of the loss of C. Jur. No. 5. The Refugees and some Troops were filling the road that the express was to pass.

“Culper Junior hath appointed no time. I therefore appoint the 30th Instant for 725 to cross, and am yours &c. 722. N.B. If you think well of it send several phials of that stain and I will place it in two or three confidential persons hands in New York that will do their endeavour.”

A Townsend stain letter translated.

New York, Sept. 29th, 1779.

Sir, In my last I informed you that a number of the enemy were under orders for embarkation part of which consisting of about 3000255 embarked in the fore part of last week, and sailed from the Hook on Friday last but returned the next day. It is said and generally believed that it was in consequence of some intelligence they got from some vessel at sea, some say from a Spanish prize, the master of which reports that he left the French Fleet on the Bahama Banks and that they were steering for the Continent. This is certain that a number of transports were immediately ordered for Rhode Island, part of which sailed on Monday, 27, and the rest sailed this day. It is positively asserted that it will be evacuated immediately. The troops returned not yet disembarked. The works at the Battery are nearly completed and a number of guns mounted. The forts on Bayard’s Hill and back of Jones’ House nearly completed. The Gorge of Fort Kniphhousen (or Washington) very strongly fortified. The Militia of Kings and Queens County are still at work on the fort at Brooklyn. All the operations of the Enemy indicate their fears of a speedy attack—The fleet under convoy of Sir Andrew Hammond arrived the 22d inst. The number of troops does not exceed six hundred, mostly Hessian Recruits. I am Sir, Yours &c.

C. Junr.

(117) A typical Townsend letter.

“October 9th, 1779.

“Sir, In my No 9 I informed you that the first division of Troops had returned—They disembarked on Long-Island & Staten Island that day. The next morning about 100 of the inhabitants went on Governor’s Island, and began to repair the works there, and have continued going every day since.—The works are now nearly completed. About that time the Garrison was much alarmed, as by a number of coroborating documents they had great reason to expect D’Estaing. All the Men of War and a number of arm’d Transports were ordered down to the Hook, with several old hulks to sink in the Channel in case D’Estaing should appear. They had also two or three fire ships prepairing, and are building a very strong Fort at the Light House.256 The ships do still continue there, tho their fears are now in some measure abated. The transports destin’d for New York are still at White Stone, and it’s now thought quite uncertain whether it will be evacuated this Fall. The vessels belonging to private people sailed this day, and are to stop at Huntington to join the wood Fleet, and proceed from there immediately. From this circumstance I think it will not be evacuated. It is now said that the first division of Troops are to re-embark immediately, and it’s generally believed that they are destined for Georgia. The last accounts from the West Indies say that Byron was at Barbadoes about a month ago. There positively is a letter from his Secretary to a gentleman in this place dated the first of Sept: which says that Byron was going home and that the Fleet was taking in water, and preparing with all expedition to go down to Jamaica, expecting that D’Estaing had gone against it. A vessel from Tortula which left it the 10th. Septr, the Capt of which says that it was reported there, and generally believed that D’Estaing had come to this Continent.—He likewise says that the English trade in the West Indies, is almost ruined by the number of French & Spanish Cruisers. Tortula has already been plundered, and it’s expected that all the rest of the English Islands will share the same fate in the course of the winter. The Spaniards, he says, are even fitting out privateers at St. Thomas’ & St. Croix.—Some say that Pensicola is invaded by the Spaniards. Accounts from England, via Rhode Island, as late as the 10th of August, say that there has been no engagement between the French and English Fleets.—No late accounts from Georgia; Some begin to fear that all is not well there.—A considerable number of Troops are on the West end of Long-Island—The 17th Dragoons at Hempstead—The mounted Legion of Queens Rangers at Jericho, and the Foot belonging to the Legion are at Oyster Bay. No arrivals of any consequence since my last, except those mentioned. The Spirits of the Tory’s Flags much, but still some flatter themselves that there is yet a probability of England’s rising superior to all her enemies. There does not appear the least prospect of this place being evacuated this fall. Tho’ I believe thay would be glad to have them at home, as from the best accounts they are in a very critical situation—if we were only to judge from Sir Joseph York’s memorial presented to their High Mightinesses, they are low enough.

257

“Large Magazines of Hay is already collected, and more collecting. The expense of transporting letters has already amounted to the money sent;[68] I am therefore under the necessity of requesting that you will send me 20 Guineas by next conveyance.

“I am, Yours, &c.

“Saml. Culper, Jun.”

(118) Culper answers Bolton’s eighteenth letter.

“No. 25 October 26th, 1779.

“Sir: Your No. 18 with the enclosed came to hand, and was immediately forwarded to 723. And the inclosed blanks are his returns, which hope may be satisfactory at this conjuncture. I have again heard Count D’Estaing with his whole fleet are in Delaware Bay. This Glorious assistance together with the dejection of our Enemies, bids fair for our delivery, the pleasing hopes of which hath almost transported all our friends. But here much may be done toward our destruction within the space of a week, and to the great advantage of the enemy, to prevent which requires your immediate operations. From the effect of that Infernal Tryon’s expedition into this county last year and branding a number of cattle that he left behind, last week a demand for 198 was made, not one quarter of that number was ever marked; and about 30 head was drove up but are not satisfied, and insist upon the whole number, and are now at Smith Town with carts from Lloyd’s Neck and a number of wagons are hourly expected with a number of Troops at that place, for hay. They have nearly collected all the forage in Queens County and carrying it to Brooklyn; in258 one word, every preparation is a making for their defence—I hope you will not forget to grant us assistance as soon as possible. Your letter to Mr. C——r, Junr. was instantly forwarded, forgot to mention it in my last, then being in such haste, as I had not time before dark and 725 I expected was a waiting. I received 20 Guineas from 725 which I sent to 723. I have nothing more to say—and may God grant us Success. And am

“Your very Humble Servt.,
“Samuel Culper.”

(119) Big guns at Battery.

“New York, October 29th, 1779

“Sir. I have made inquiry concerning the quantity of provisions on this Island, and am well convinced there is sufficient to last this Garrison 6 months. Several vessels have not discharged. The packet arrived the 23d Inst. The accounts by her are very alarming to the Tories. They are now convinced that the English fleet dare not engage the united fleets of France and Spain. The Ardent is taken, and some say that they chased the English fleet into Portsmouth—This is certain that they lay off there several days, which caused the greatest consternation, as they expected to be invaded. The troops from Stoney and Verplanks points got down on Sunday evening. The troops which I mentioned to have embarked sails for Halifax this day with all the heavy ships of war except the Europa. The Daphne Frigate with Sir George Collin and Col. Stewart sails at the same time for England. Another Fort is erecting near Harrison’s Brewery on the banks of the North River. That on Long Island will not be completed in some time. The Battery will be completed in a few days. Eighteen 24 pounders are now mounted. We have no late accounts from Georgia but it is generally believed that the Garrison there is taken. The fleet with the garrison from Rhode Island arrived the 27th, Inst. The Rainbow arrived at Sandy Hook from Halifax the same day. The enemy are daily collecting forage and have lately been about Oyster Bay and took all the hay in that quarter, notwithstanding the Legion quartered there. From this they mean to contract their lines very soon. No prospect of any speedy movement. The transports which I intimated are taking in Water and Ballast was for the use of the ships at Sandy259 Hook. The pilots say that it is now very difficult to bring a vessel in, owing to the hulks which were lately sunk there. A fleet of Victuallers were to sail from Cork the latter part of September. A fleet of Store ships and Merchantmen were to sail from Spithead at the same time. I shall want some more of the Stain immediately as I am now quite out.

“I am Yrs, &c.

“Saml. Culper, Junr.”

(120) Woodhull meets British Foot and Horse.

“No. 28 427 eg 1779

“Sir. Your No. 20 & 21 came to hand pressing an immediate answer to sundry questions. It not being then in my power to send a person, to make the necessary inquiry, and the next appointment very short, and dispatches waiting, thought it best to order his return. Accordingly on the 7th sent a person, who visited every quarter between this and Hempstead Harbour, and on the 9th returned to me, and reported: No piles of wood on any Necks or Shores. As soon as it is cut it is put on board and carried to New York. Lord Cathcart Legion are stationed at Jericho and Oyster Bay. In Huntington and Lloyd’s Neck are Coll. Ludlow’s, Gov. Brown’s, Coll. Fanning’s Regiments. New Levies, 43 of foot 17 Dragoons, one Regt, of Hessians, all commanded by Genl. Leland if I do not mistake his name. However I am sure it is similar to such a name, and are collecting large magazines of wood and Forage near the house of Nathl. Williams—The whole number is computed to be sixteen hundred men.—On the 10 was to see C. Jur. at a house he appointed twelve miles west from here, and set out with all my letters to meet him, and just before I arrived at the appointed place I suddenly met a foraging party of 40 Horse and 200 foot and about a hundred wagons. Was much surprised but after answering a few questions passed them unmolested. This party were draughts from the 17, 43, & Coll. Burch of the 17th. But to my great mortification Culper Jur. did not come that day. I waited all the next, and sent a person westward to several houses where I thought likely to find him, but could hear nothing of him. I am much concerned, fear some accident hath befallen him, but yet wish to entertain a favorable thought that he may be sick.

260

“The wagons went from Smith Town yesterday, loaded, but am informed the Troops all stayed behind waiting their return. We have 20 Horse and 4 foot bilited about in houses, but no wagons have loaded here yet, they are exceedingly afraid and keep a very strict guard at the foot of Seaton’s Neck. Coll. Floyd, E. Jones, above the Mill, J. Thompson’s, P. Lions, John Bayles is Head Quarters Main guard in Kelly’s House. They are not expected to stay here more than 10 days, some say not longer than a week. It will be precarious to attack them, they may be reinforced in one day’s time. They are continually reconnoitering the shores and the weather is very uncertain. I am told the New York Paper saith Admrl. Parker hath taken 5 ships of the line from the French. I think something is the matter or they must have been here before now. I give over all hope of their coming to our relief this winter, and it is a killing thought to me. We shall see more distress this winter than ever since the war began. The inhabitants of this Island at present live a miserable life, which you may readily judge when having the refuse of three kingdoms and thirteen States amongst them. Plundering and rapine increaseth at no small rate. I am tired of this business, it gives me a deal of trouble, especially when disappointments happen. Could not consent to be any longer an assistant if I was not almost an Enthusiast for our success.—I am perfectly acquainted with a full year’s anxiety, which no one can scarcely have an idea of but those that experience, and not long since there was not the breadth of your finger betwixt me and death—but so long as I reside here my faithful endeavours shall never be wanting. 725 loudly complains of his fatigue and declares he will not come so often. Should the enemy be stationed here this winter it will be very dangerous for him to come. You say you will take all the pains possible to secure Coll. Floyd and Mr. Seaton’s goods. I hope they may be saved and the public get the benefit. I have no love for Coll. Floyd nor for no Tory under Heaven, but in my present situation am obliged to cultivate his friendship, and for that reason dare not mention to him what you purposed. I do not doubt he would be glad to hear it and perhaps keep it entirely secret for his own interest, but yet he would view me with an Evil Eye. I have not as yet heard of 725 arrival but as the weather is now favorable expect him this night, and shall expect his return on the 20th Instant, when shall hope to be261 ready for him, and shall if no accident hath befallen C. Jur. hope to see him soon. And in the interim remain your most obt. H. Servt.

“Saml. Cullper.”[69]

(121) British counterfeiting money.

“No. 14 New York, 27th Nov. 1779.

“Sir. It is now said by the most knowing ones that a considerable part of the Army is to go to Georgia as soon as it is known that D’Estaing has left the Coast, and some think that several Regiments will be sent to the West Indies. Charlestown is fixed on as the grand object this campaign and winter.

“The spirits of the Tory’s is amazingly elated with the reports of the Army in Georgia. It has been repeated some time past that Parker has taken seven sail of French Men of War in the West Indies, and on Friday an account was brought by a Cartel from Boston that there had been an engagement between the grand Fleets in the Channel, in which the combined fleets of France and Spain were defeated with the loss of .. ships sunk and taken. The former account is now thought premature, and the latter improbable, as it is said to have happened on the 2d. of September and the packet left Falmouth the 7th, and brings no such account.

“The Tories are extremely anxious for the fate of the British Fleet. They think that the success of the contest depends entirely on it. They have hopes that England will be able to form some alliance this winter, which will enable them to carry on the War here another campaign, which they flatter themselves will end in their favour, as they think America will not be able to keep an Army together another campaign. Truth reasons that their currency will be entirely depreciated, and that there will not be provision in the country to supply an Army another campaign. That of the currency I am afraid will prove true, as they are indefatigable in increasing the quantity of it. Several reams of the paper made for the last emission struck by Congress have been procured from Philadelphia. I have taken much pains to find out some of those concerned, but could not accomplish it. But that there is such paper brought in you may depend on as a fact. A large ship was sent into the Hook yesterday but it is not known262 where she is from. The Men of War at the Hook have taken in water for several months and on Friday the Admiral went down with all his baggage. A Fleet for Cork and a number of vessels for England will sail in a few days, some of which are loaded with valuable cargoes. However, some think that they will not sail till D’Estaing has left the Coast, or till there is some arrival from England. Privateering is now almost over, not more than six now out and few fitting. There has not any prizes of value arrived for some time past.

“I am, Your humble Servt.

“Saml. Culper, Junr.”

(122) Woodhull would kill Simcoe.

“No. 30 729 December 12, 1779.

“Sir: Inclosed you have a blank just come to hand from C. Junr., which I conclude contains some important intelligence, and as this is the appointed night, and very good hope it will soon reach your hands. On Monday last the Foraging Party left us, after collecting the Forage in general as far Eastward as this township extends, some from South Hold and South Hampton. The Forage collected in this county is all carried to Huntington; and are as fast as possible sending it to N. York. As soon as they get it all from that place the enemy will most certainly leave there, except the Garrison on Lloyd’s Neck. We are not a little comforted after our distress, with the pleasing hope that the Enemy will not trouble us any farther this winter, and glad our correspondence will not be interrepted or subject to greater danger than usual. The said misfortune attending our endeavours to the Southward hath greatly lifted up our Enemies and dejected our friends, and deeply affected me and allmost ready to conclude that the day of our deliverance is farther distant than we ever glanced a thought, and that all the Carolinas will fall into their hands, as is most certain a large embarcation destined for Charles Town is about to take place, and believe Clinton will go himself. But yet hope such measures will be adopted that they may be spaird and protected. Culper Junior is entirely out of the Counterpart, and unable to read any future blanks that may come. Don’t fail to forward it next opportunity, and we cannot get any person to run the risk written with common ink. C. Jur. is to be with me on the 25th, hope if the weather is favorable263 you will incline to come as we greatly desire to see you. We would gladly if possible meet you half way. I have the pleasure to inform you my fears are much abated since the troops have been with us. Their approach was like death to me. Did not know wether to stand or fall. Had they been the Queens Rangers or legion should have been with you before now. Were I now in the State of New Jersey without fear of Law or Gospel would certainly 344 Gqm. Ucngqi for his usage to me. I have nothing further to say at present, and am

“Yours sincerely,
“Saml. Culper.”

(123) British sail for Charleston.

“No. 17 729 Dec. 27th, 1779.

“Sir, In my last I informed you that a considerable number of the enemy were under orders for Embarkation. The number does not exceed seven thousand. I have now to inform you that they have all Embarked, and part of the Transports fell down to the Hook a few days ago. They were to sail the 26th Inst. under Convoy of the Russel, Robust, Europa, Defiance, Raisonable, Roebuck, Renown, Romulus & Perseus. Genl. Clinton goes in the Romulus. The time that it will necessarily take for this to get to hand makes it almost useless to inform you that they are positively going to Charlestown. Governor Martin with a considerable number of North Carolina Refugees, and all the Officers who have been on furloe from Georgia, goes with the expedition. Five vessels are loaded with ordnance stores, and they have taken fifty chests of Arms for the purpose of arming the Tory’s and Negroes. It is said that they are to act on a very different plan from what they formerly have, i.e. to settle the Country as they Conquer it, by securing all those whom they may suppose dangerous; and to give the most noted Tory’s a considerable command. It is said that Clinton will go home immediately after taking possession of Charlestown, and leave the command to Lord Cornwallis. The most sanguine of the Tory’s flatter themselves that the British army will be in possession of both the Carolinas May next. I sincerely hope that such measures will be taken as may disappoint their expectations, even to the taking of Charlestown. If the Garrison destin’d to defend it will have a Retrospect to Georgia, and immitate them I think they may264 hold it. Clinton will make a vigorous push for it, for I believe he thinks that it is necessary to do something to distinguish himself before he returns to England.

“The Garrison at New-York is left under the command of Tryon & Knyphausen. It is now entirely out of wood, and can get none but what they bring from a considerable distance by land. A considerable number of teams are ordered from Queens County to Brooklyn Ferry, each to carry a load of wood, and to continue there for six days to cart wood from the nearest wood land for the use of the Army. If the creeks continue shut any time, the inhabitants will be greatly distressed for the want of fuel. The Markets are well supply’d with fresh provisions of every kind, and will continue so while there is any cattle in Connecticut & New Jersey. A considerable number of cattle and other provisions is daily brought over from Connecticut to the East end of Long Island, and from thence conveyed to New York; and there has ever been regular supplies from Shrewsbury, Middletown, and every other part of East Jersey. It is almost needless to mention Kings Bridge, for it has been, and ever will be a practice to get supplies in that way.

“No arrivals since my last, and none from Europe since the September Packet. The Fleet for Europe, consisting of near one hundred sail, sailed from Sandy Hook the 23d Inst. under convoy of the Solebay & Lioness, Frigates.

“The expense of conveying letters obliges me to request that you will send me Twenty Guineas pr. next conveyance. I am now entirely out of the Counterpart of the Stain.

“I am, Yours, &c &c.

“Saml. Culper, Jun.”

(124) Prison ship set on fire.

“729 374 eg 1780.

“724 returned from 727 last night with a blank for 711 which I have inclosed and forwarded, together with the Newspapers. The papers declare the willful burning of the Prison Ship by one Woodberry of Connecticut, on the 5th inst. No account of Sir H. Clinton yet. Verbal accounts sent me from a person thats had the perusal of the English papers say the debates run much higher than ever, some265 having fought duels. Lord Charles Gorden declared in the Parliament he had in Scotland 150 thousand men ready to take vengeance on the present ministry. Hope it may be true.

“Saml. Culper.”

(125) Robinson quotes Rivington.

Esteemed Friend.

I enclose for the amusement of yourself, our friend Wistar &c three New York Papers—Yesterday about Forty transports full of Troops, sailed up the North River, and at three in the morning the troops at Elizabeth Town moved out, when there was an abundance of firing, which continued till ten. It is supposed that those in transports are designed to take possession of the strong country above, and that the movement from Elizabeth was intended to draw off the attention of the Rebels—I was just now informed by Rivington that the troops returned to Elizabeth Town last evening—but there is yet no account from them.

The Rebels affect to console themselves for the loss of Charlestown, by attributing it to the want of Provisions—this indeed gives the affair a better appearance than if it had been timidly surrendered amidst a plentiful supply of every thing necessary for its defence, and I find their well wishers here are somewhat comforted by this circumstance, and say that had the garrison been properly supplied they would have laughed at all the efforts that Clinton could have made against them—so strong by nature and well fortified by art, was that Capital—and people who were there say that no deficiency of skill or courage appeared in the besieged. Its fall they say must be attributed to some fatality which prevented their being properly furnished with Provisions. Ten days before the Capitulation the Garrison and Inhabitants had nothing but Rice, and on the 12th of May there was only two days allowance of that left. The Rebel officers are outrageous against their Commisary, and say he will be hanged. When they reckoned upon three months provisions there was only twenty days in store.

The malcontents build great hopes upon a French Fleet and Troops that is expected—and indeed we are not clear of apprehension on that account. They are expected at the eastward—and as several Flags266 which have been due for some time, do not come, we fear they are detained on that account. My Respects to both families. I am with Esteem,

Your assured Friend,
Wm. T. Robinson.

June 24th, 1780.

(126) Code words here freely used.

“729 29 fn 1780.

“Sir. I have now to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the ff Instant—and one of an earlier date, as also eu 230. The 121 I 691 my last before had time to 156 it. Was taken very cmm with the 73 151, but am now 60, though very 349. My 151 hath put it out of my power to make any 322 about the 178 in these 476. Genl. 712 hath returned to 727 some 121 ago. The en Regt. D. is in 729. ei Companies of 309 are at Smith Town. Queens Rangers and Fannings Regts. are yet East of here, where know not. The whole number is about 1500. It appears probable they will continue in these parts some time. Their wanton waste of the necessities of life (which will occasion people to perish for want of subsistance unless can be procured elsewhere) hath given rise to a prevailing opinion that this is the last visit we shall ever have from them, and that they will leave 727 soon. I was told so when at 727, but could see nothing that looked like it. There’s the same accounts in 727 from 745 as mentioned in your 356. Hope the flame begun may increase, and fill with horror all those cursed destroyers of mankind. The 585 keep up a constant communication with your courts, and carries large sums of counterfeit paper currency of every emission and puts it into the hands of Tory’s for to pay their taxes with. This I do assure from undoubted authority is their practice. I shall at a more convenient time write you further on the subject of treachery, and some discoveries that I hope soon to make. Inclosed you have a blank from C. Jur. just come to hand, and yours enclosed to him shall be delivered into his hands on Wednesday next. On the f 616 let 725 cross again. In the interim am yours sincerl.

“Saml. Culper.”

267

(127) Major Tallmadge deciphers Townsend’s letters.

“Bedford, Aug. 28th, 1780.

“Sir. I have the Honor to enclose a letter from C. Junr., & one from Lt. B...r which have just come to hand. I have also recd. a letter from C... Junr. of which the following is an extract:

N. Y. Aug. 23d, 1780.

“C. Senr. was in Town & wrote you by the last conveyance. The present offers nothing material. Clinton seems now preparing to act on the defensive. He is fortifying on L. I. opposite Frog’s Point, the Heights of Harlem, & the Island eastward of Hellgate. However some of our most knowing politicians say that Rhode Island is still the object, & that he is only waiting the arrival of three Regts that are expected from Carolina, and some Hanoverian Troops that are expected some time in September, and that Arbuthnot is to keep off N. Port till that time. Others think that this garrison will be put in the best state of defence & that Arbuthnot will go to the West Indies.

“A fleet of Transports, Victuallers, & some private vessels under convoy of the Renown, will sail for England in a few days. The 22d, 76th, Robinsons, and two Hessian Regts, do duty in Town. Forty two pieces of Cannon are mounted on the Battery.

“C. Senr. will furnish you with the situation of the troops on Long Island.

“I was obliged to decypher C... Junr. letter, as I was convinced it referred to the future mode of our correspondence. After his next arrives, I hope to have no further occasion to decypher his letters, as I hope by that time our plans will be finished. After sending several times across the Sound to open a new communication with Culper Junior, without success, I have finally referred the whole matter to him, who I expect will appoint such place and pick on such persons for his confidential friends, as will best answer our purpose, and inform me thereof.

“Lt. B...r informs of several boats with Continental Crews, being along the Sound, which were appointed by Genl. Officers. Possibly Major Humpreys knows more about this matter. If they are not wanted on their present duty, one of them would be of very great268 service to Lt. B...r. I have the Honor to be, with great regard, Your Excellency’s most Obedt. Hbl. Sert.

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

(128) Genealogy.

Samuel Townsend and his wife Sarah, parents of Robert Townsend, alias Culper Junior, had eight children; Solomon, Samuel, Robert, William, David, Audrey, Sarah, and Phebe. Only the descendants of his son Solomon have survived to the present day.

* * * * *

Solomon,[70] son of Samuel and brother of Robert Townsend, also had eight children, namely, Hannah, Anne, Mary, Phebe, Samuel, Jacob, Peter, and Solomon.

* * * * *

Hannah, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon, married Isaiah Townsend, of Albany. When he died, February 17, 1838, the merchants met and resolved to close all the stores and to attend his funeral. She died November 1, 1854. Her children were Isaiah, Anna, Robert, Franklin, who was Mayor of Albany in 1850–51, Howard, Frederick, and Mary. Isaiah married Harriet Townsend, Anna married Henry H. Martin, Robert married Harriet Monroe, Franklin married Anna King, Howard married Justina Van Rensselaer, Frederick married Sarah Rathbone, Mary married General William H. Walker.

* * * * *

Anna, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon, married Effingham Lawrence, one-time first judge of the County of Queens. He was a son of Phebe Townsend, of Orange County, who in 1764 married Joseph Lawrence. His grandfather, Richard Lawrence, born in 1691, married Hannah Bowne, daughter of Samuel Bowne, and granddaughter of John Bowne, of Flushing, and his great-grandfather was Joseph Lawrence, who in 1690 married Mary Townley and inherited from his mother a large estate at Flushing269 and Little Neck. His great-great-grandfather was William Lawrence, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard “Bull” Smith, patentee of Smithtown. The town of Elizabeth, New Jersey, was so named in honor of this lady. Anna (Townsend) Lawrence had eight children: Townsend, Lydia, Henry, William, Effingham, Robert, Mary, and Edward. She died October 11, 1845.

* * * * *

Mary, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon, married Edward Holland Nicoll, son of Henry and Elizabeth (Woodhull) Nicoll, and grandson of General Nathaniel Woodhull. She was born in 1789 and died in 1849. Her children were: Henry, born October 23, 1812, and died November 28, 1879; he married Anna Townsend Thorne, daughter of James and Phebe (Townsend) Thorne; Solomon Townsend Nicoll, born November 13, 1813, and died December 23, 1865; Edward Holland Nicoll, born December 25, 1815, died January 26, 1820. Solomon Townsend Nicoll, above, married Charlotte, daughter of Samuel Benjamin Nicoll, of Shelter Island. Their children were Annie, DeLancey, Benjamin, Mary Townsend, Edward Holland, and Charlotte. DeLancey Nicoll above, the well-known lawyer of New York City, is therefore a grandson of Robert Townsend’s niece.

* * * * *

Phebe, niece of Robert Townsend and daughter of Solomon, married James Thorne, of Albany. They had children: Sarah, Anna, Robert, Mary, Edward, John, James, and Martha.

* * * * *

Samuel and Jacob died unmarried.

* * * * *

Peter S. Townsend, nephew of Robert Townsend and son of Solomon, died March 26, 1849. His activities would fill a volume and are worthy of careful preservation.

* * * * *

Solomon, nephew of Robert Townsend and son of Solomon, was born October 8, 1805, and died April 2, 1880. He resided at “Raynham Hall,” Oyster Bay, married Helene, daughter of Dr. Charles Townsend, of Albany, and had six children: Solomon, Charles, Robert, Maurice, Edward, and Maria.

270

(129) S. Culper urges Howell’s imprisonment.

“729 462 ei 1780

“Sir. Your favour of the k Instant hath been duly received, and observe the contents. I am pleased with your intention of apprehending Aiqlai Bqyim. Pray be active and vigilent to secure our Country. No man’s character stands in better light with the Enemy and hath been a particular friend of Tryon’s. And whilst resided at his native town held a constant correspondence with Tryon & Coll. Burch. He never faild in his request for favors when asked for. Could obtain permission for five hundred pounds worth of goods at one time, when others could not for fifty. You may rest assured that B. & J. Nwcluqp are his bosom friends and know his heart. Not long since, B. Nwcluqp told me he was very uneasy about him. Said he had been expected back for some time, asked me if I had not heard nothing about him and desired if possible to enquire after him. Said this was the second time he had been out in the service of Government and was afraid he would be found out. He is largely in debt at 727 and his departure appeared like one fleeing for refuge but it was all to cloak his villany. Arnolds affair hath now become an old story, I am sorry for the death of Major André but better so than to lose the post. He was seeking your ruin. C. Junr. is now with me and shall refer you to his letter for intelligence. I was in hopes you might have come and seen him. I have enclosed you receipt for fifteen Guineas. The other five pieces were too light and could not be of any service to me, two of which were Quarter Joes, and have sent them back again.

“S. Culper.”

(130) Bad money is returned to Washington.

“Pine Bridge, Oct. 17th, ’80

“Sir. I have this moment recd. the enclosed from the C. .s. As circumstances have since turned out I wish I had met C. Junr. as mentioned in my last to Your Excellency.

“C. has returned me five of the Guineas which I recd. of your Excellency at Tappan, for reasons which are mentioned in his enclosed letter. I will forward them to Hd. Qrs. or otherwise dispose of them as I may be directed.

“With respect to the person mentioned in C. Senior’s letter, I really271 believe he is a very dangerous man among us, and from the charges adduced against him by C. should suppose he ought to be apprehended. I am informed he has lately been to Rhode Island; his business may be guessed at. The person mentioned in C. Senior’s letter as friends to Aiqlai Bqyim are the brothers of the person who had a permit from Genl. Parsons to cross with Lt. Brewster, but has since been prohibited agreeable to your Excellency’s order through me. I am very confident Genl. Parsons was much deceived in the man....

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

(131) Woodhull congratulates Tallmadge.

“729 427 fo 1780

“Dear Sir. I congratulate you on your success within the bounds of 729. The burning the forage is agreeable to me and must hurt the enemy much. It cannot be replaced and was what I advised 725 to do some time ago but was opposed by a person of some consequence in this place and so gave up the matter. In order to continue your success and endeavours I rode yesterday above sixty miles, and now can inform you that the 17th Dragoons at Hemstead, about 200 grenadiers at Newtown, 1000 Hessians at Flushing. Some few at Jamaica, 900 Yeagers and Anspach Germans cantoned from Herrick along the north side of Hempstead Plains and some to Oyster Bay. About sixty occupies the fort at the last mentioned place, about 200 consisting of Ludloes. A Major Coldens Volunteers at Lloyd’s Neck. There about 50 Refugees at and about Tredles farme near Smiths Town possess a small fort, two field pieces, but are under no command each man thinks himself equal to their Capt. Luke, and are disagreeing continually. Good judges say they can be taken at any time with ease and is thought they will leave that quarter soon, if they should not be attacked. The woods afford a cover almost to their works. Last week the enemy lost a Frigate going through Helgate bound to the fleet at this east end, and sunk immediately. To serve you I purpose if possible to ride the circuit of these lines and return on the 20th day of December, at which time let 725 cross again. Perhaps you may think the time long but cannot well be sooner. If you should think proper to send him about the 10th it will be agreeable and will write you all I can. Perhaps may hear something of importance, or you may wish to272 give me some instructions which is ever agreeable. I have had but a few minutes to write and please excuse the imperfections you may discover. The intelligence is the best concerning the enemy and am

“Yours Sincerely,
“Saml. Culper.”

(132) Culper Senior pleads for Samuel Townsend.

Setauket, Feby. 8th, 1781.

Sir, I returned from New York yesterday but have nothing of much importance to communicate—The English Fleet of Transports and Merchantmen of about seventy sail left Sandy Hook about the middle of last week—A private ship arrived from England on Friday last, with the king’s speech (see the papers enclosed) and an account of Admiral Darby with thirty four sail of the line being in sight of the combined fleets consisting of fifty sail—The Enemies papers gives a large account of Arnold’s success in Virginia but is not fully believed. Genl. Clinton is said to be dissatisfied with Arnolds conduct—we have nothing from the Carolinas or any other quarter worthy of notice. The prisoners are used very hard, numbers are confined in the Dungeons, and condemned rooms supported only on bread and water. In particular one Mr. Saml. Townsend, said to be one of your Commissary’s, who suffers beyond expression. I can say but little about the situation of the army. The 17th Dragoons is at Hempstead, Coll. Ludlow’s Regt. of DeLancey’s Brigade and the Jersey Volunteers is at Lloyd’s Neck. A very considerable part of the Yaugers and Anspack Regiments are cantoned from Oyster Bay to Herricks—Three Battallions of Hessian Grenadeers are cantoned from Jamaica to Flushing, and think the 37th Regiment is also at Flushing. All the grenadeers and infantry are cantoned at Bedford and Newtown—the 17th of Foot is at Flatbush. There’s one Battallion of Hessian Grenadeers on York Island near Kings Bridge which is all I can say with any certainty. To conclude, the Enemy expect a large French Fleet in the Spring—and their spirits are very low—The principal inhabitants that are most obnoxious to you still continue to offer their property to sale. It appears to me that we need not doubt of success, and that it is not far distant—But, nevertheless must urge you to be vigilent and active. In particular be watchful of the Enemies among273 you who are daily forwarding supplies to the Enemy. I could mention numbers that I know are guilty and many circumstances that might detect others but am fearful it would lead to a discovery. At all hazards, I will mention one Robert Bown, of Shrewsbury in Jersey that I assure you keeps up a connection with the Refugees and hath frequently had them at his house. I have given you such information as this repeatedly but could never hear you made any use of it. It was not long ago that I declared to you of a certain person being in your lines and in the Enemy’s service, and but a few days ago he found his way into New York and waited on the Commander in Chief. It is now a full year that I have supported this correspondence and have forwarded frequent dispatches—and the expenses incurred amounts to one hundred and seven pounds eighteen shillings, and all I have received is 29 Guineas. The balance is due me and in want thereof, wish it could be forwarded soon. Agreeable to your request hope shall soon be able to place a person at 727 as heretofore, and am yours sincerely,

Saml. Culper.

(133) Brewster captures boat and crew.

Fairfield, February 14, 1781.

Sir. My appointment on the 6th Inst. was frustrated until the 9th by bad weather, when I crossed and from information found I would not accomplish my business without endangering particular persons, as there were numerous crews of Reffugees scattered in the town, which made it impossible for me to see the person I wished. I thought it most prudent to return immediately, and take with me an additional boat when I crossed again, both for my own safety, and to annoy them if they fell in my way. On the 12th, at night I crossed again with three boats, and affected my purpose, and on the morning following just as we were embarking to return I discovered a boat rowing from the eastward. I lay concealed till she came opposite to me when I detached one of my boats in pursuit; she discovering our strength immediately came on shore and proved to be a cruising refugee boat carrying eight men, a list of their names and character I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency. The interest of my country induces me to inform your Excellency that there is a constant274 communication kept up for trade and intelligence by the enemy boats, bringing over goods and taking provisions in return, and in such force that renders it impossible and many times makes it dangerous to transact my business with my present command. An addition of one or two boats will make my appointments certain, and when not on command should be able to keep the coast clear from any enterprise they would form. I am with Respect your Excellency’s most Humble Servant,

Caleb Brewster.

Joseph Easton Trowbridge, Capt. of the Boat. Henry Gibbs, Benjamin Prescott: These three are from New Haven and have been condemned to the mines for illicit trade but broke goal. James Smith, Capt. of the Kings Militia Volunteers. From the Block House on Tredwells Banks are Thomas Davis, Thomas Wilson, Christopher Young, Job Mosier. The above prisoners I have sent to your Excellency under a Couporal and six men and would wish your Excellencys directions with the boat, apparel and arms.

Caleb Brewster.

(134) Gen. Parsons wants Brush and Conklin released.

Camp Highland, 17 Feb. 1781.

Dear General. Last night six prisoners were brought to the Provost Guard in Fishkill, who belonged to the State of Connecticut. Three of them viz. Jos Easton Trowbridge, Henry Gibbs and Benjamin Prescott were sentenced last October to be confined in Symsbury Mines Eighteen Months. The two former escaped on their way and joined the enemy. Prescott, a brother in law to Roger Sherman Esq. made interest through his brother for a pardon, which he obtained and immediately fled to New York. One Willson, one of the number, has been guilty of putting of very large sums of Counterfeit money which I am able to prove against him but he has had no trial.

Major Brush and Capt. Conklin have been long confined in the Provost in New York and there appears very little prospect of their consenting to exchange them unless some characters of repute with them are given for them—these gentlemen are persons who deserve the attention of every Friend to his Country, and I am enclined to believe275 Smith, who is a Captain of their Militia and Trowbridge who has a commission for one of their Whale boats would be acceptable to them: If they may be offered for these two men, who are confined in a most vigorous manner and have long suffered in confinement, your Excellency will relieve the Distress of two numerous families suffering greatly by the absence of these gentlemen. I am sir, Yr. most Obedt. Servt.

Sam H. Parsons.

(135) Townsend back in New York.

“729 374 the eo 1781.

“Sir. Your several favours of the fo of 215 and of the ee instant have been received and observe the contents. I have but little to communicate at this time. Genl. Phillips hath embarked some days ago with all the infantry, the Seventy-Six Regiment and two German Regiments. The whole said to amount to sixteen hundred men, generally believed are bound to the assistance of Arnold. They had not sailed last Thursday and am of opinion they will not go. They certainly have not a sufficient convoy. A few days past a small boat arrived from Arnold in forty eight hours but nothing could be learned from her. There’s nothing from any other quarter, save Britain declaring war against the United States of Holland and their taking St. Estutias and one hundred and sixty sail of ships. See the papers inclosed. The enemy are very low on the same account. I think they must make peace shortly. The Memorial of Prussia mentioned in the News Paper is not thought to be genuine here. C. Jur. is again in 727 and entering into business as heretofore and you may soon I hope receive his dispatches. And remain your very Humbl. Servt.

“Saml Culper.”

(136) Woodhull reports a visit from Culper Junior.

Setauket, April 23d, 1781.

Sir. Inclosed I send you the report of a faithful person that I employed a few days past to visit the several places therein mentioned, and think you may place much confidence therein. I do assure you it’s more than I could possibly do. The number of men at Lloyd’s Neck is certainly not more than 500 nor less than 400 fighting men. There’s276 of the Yagers and Anspach Regt. about 800 cantoned from Oysterbay to Herrick’s. Sometimes a picket is at Dosons. I think some of them might be taken. I have made further enquire about the embarcation under General Phillips and am assured that better information respecting him cannot be procured than what have transmitted. The enemy on the Island to all appearance rest as easy as if they had no enemies to fear. Hope you may disturb them ere long.

A few days past I had a visit from C. Junr. and am sorry to inform you that he will not write any more on any account whatever. And as yet neither of us can think of a suitable person to establish. Yet nevertheless shall when receive your determination as proposed further endeavour. If should fail shall be exceedingly sorry. I can always procure verbal accounts from C. Junr. and other persons of good observation similar to the present, but it cannot be done without expense. A few days past a Spy left Rhode Island and went to New York in as much haste as perhaps ever any person traveled. Having nothing further to say at present I remain yours Sincerely,

Samuel Culper.

The person that procured the enclosed knows not the smallest link in our chain if need should require I mean to employ him at times knowing him to be capable, and much used to armies and fortifications.

(137) Woodhull finds no one will write from New York.

May 8.

Sir. Your favor of the 28th of April is before me and observe the contents. Agreeable to your request I immediately repaired to New York and have done all that in me lay to engage a proper person, but have failed as no one will write on any account. I can only obtain verbal accounts for you and that but seldom, as the enemy have lately been made to believe that a line of intelligence is supported here. They are jealous of every person that they may see from this part. I have received from you three English and seven French Guineas, the former have placed to your credit, the latter have returned, they being not permitted to pass and consequently are of no use to me.

You may now see the following intelligence. The latest accounts from Europe says that the Dutch have not declared war against Great277 Britain, but as one of the neutral powers have referred their situation to the Congress, sitting at Petersburgh, which is looked upon here as great wisdom and will soon be productive of peace. The British when I left New York consisted of 7 ships of the line, 2 of 50 and 4 of 44 Guns, and two or three smaller Ships, which on their arrival landed 7 or 800 sick and wounded, and have replaced them again with negroes, boys, carmen, fishermen—never was so warm a press in America before. Gentlemen’s servants going to market did not escape. The fleet have laid down Staten Island, and were to sail yesterday, supposed to cruise of the Capes of Virginia. The following regiments have embarked and are under orders for embarcation and said to be bound to Virginia. Regiment of Anspach, the 43d and 17th Dragoons and Infantry of the same; the remainder of the 76th and 80th. The whole Culper Junior says will amount to 2000 men and not more than 4000 will be left in Garrison. It is a matter of surprise that they will leave the Garrison so weak and gives reason to believe that some troops are expected from Europe, or that they are going to make some attack near at hand. It is reported the French Army are about marching westward, if they should the enemy will not leave New York on their expedition. I have directed 725 to cross again on the tenth inst. I am yours, &c.

Saml. Culper.

P. S. All hands agree that the Capt. of the Confederacy gave his ship away. The Crew have all been taken on board the British Fleet against their will. It is the opinion of some that ⅓ of the men on board the fleet had rather fight against them.

(138) British march troops towards N. Y. then back again.

Setauket, May 27th, 1781.

Sir. Your favour of the 13th instant hath come to hand, and note the contents—I have proposed the affair to the person mentioned in your last but can only send him down at times, he cannot reside there at present, and cannot procure any person as yet to do it. Austin Roe hath just returned from New York but brings nothing material. Pensacola is taken by the Spaniards and there’s a fleet preparing to sail for Europe, probably will be ready in about ten days, their said278 to be conveyed by five ships of war. The troops were all ordered to leave Long Island a few days past but before they got to Brooklyn were ordered to return to their quarters again. What this maneuver was for cannot say. It is reported that the second division of French have arrived at Boston. You desired to know the state of the enemy at Kingsbridge. I have directed an enquirie. They’re most certainly very weak there. But I think you cannot surprise them and were you to make any movement there you may depend they could move their whole force there in twelve hours. Their regular troops certainly doth not much exceed four thousand. And I am assured that the Militia and others that they could muster on an emergency would amount to five thousand more, some say six.

I have forwarded the papers regular and have expended the ten guineas. A few days past several men from New Haven were at Setauket. Two of them were named Thompson and Brother. Further cannot describe. They brought on Shoes and Flour and other necessaries of life. There’s a person been to New York this week, I suppose you are not unacquainted with his errand. Hope he hath rendered a good account. I am in haste. And remain your very humble servant,

Saml. Culper.

General Phillips is dead and General Robinson, commonly called Jimmy, goes to take the command in Virginia.

(139) Stephen Smith shoots up Port Jefferson.[71]

Setauket, June 4th, 1781.

Dear Sir. Your favour of the 23d of May is just come to hand—together with five Guineas. Austin Roe hath just returned from New York but brings very little intelligence. He says all is silence and no kind of movement about to take place. Admiral Arbuthnot is off Sandy Hook. And the Fleet for Europe mentioned in my last are in number near one hundred and are about to sail. The Confederacy is one of their Convoys. Further cannot say. The Enemy are much alarmed at so large a French Fleet arriving in the West Indies. See the papers forwarded with the Magazine. We think here that a peace must shortly take place.

279

A few days past a number of men commanded by one Stephen Smith a Deserter from Coll. Ludloe’s Regiment, much abused and plundered several houses at a place caled Drowned Meadow; broke their windows, fired into their houses, whipped and threatened both old and young. The like hath happened on the South Side of Long Island and eighteen out of forty two, by thirty men under the command of one Henry Nicol, were made prisoners. We live in daily fear of death and destruction. This added to my usual anxiety hath almost unmanned me. I must now (as painful as it is to me) disappoint your expectations, and out of my power to avoid if matters were ever so secure on my part which is the reverse. I dare not visit New York myself and those that have been employed will serve no longer, through fear. I am fully persuaded by various circumstances and observation that have made from time to time, that if it were in my power to continue it regular without any interval, should shortly be devoted to ruin, and it appears clear to me that it would be presumption to take one step further at present—And could not expect that protection from Heaven that have hitherto enjoyed. You must acknowledge and readily conclude that have done all that I could, and stood by you when others have failed, and have not left you in the darkest hour but when our affairs appear as clear as the Sun in the Heavens, and promiseth a speedy and I hope a happy conclusion. Inclosed you have an account of transports as requested and should be exceedingly happy to see you. And in the Interum wishing you health and prosperity I remain your ever mindful and Humble Servant,

Samuel Culper.

(140) Woodhull explains how Robert Townsend used British uniform.

Sir. Your favour was handed me some days past requesting some information relative to the Enemy. My circumstances would not admit me to undertake to visit the several quarters of the Enemy. I therefore dispached one of the usual carriers with the contents of your letter to our esteemed friends at —— and their return is as follows: Lloyd’s Neck is supposed to be in a weak condition, is commanded by Major Hubbel, their number doth not exceed two hundred men, without discipline and off their guard and daily decreasing. They subsist entirely280 by trading to your shore. Their protection by water is a Brig, Sloop and Gaily. At Success one mile or two from Herricks north side of Hempstead Plains Coll. Murray’s Horse, two Regiments of Yagers and Anspach in the whole about one thousand men. Encamped near Brooklyn Church Coll. Ludloe’s Regt. at Flatbush. That’s all can say with any precision with respect to Long Island. At York Island they are encamped from the City to the Bridge, and fortifying on the banks of the River near the City, and it is expected they will contract their lines and only attempt to defend a part of York Island near the town if they should be attacked. They have a number of ships ready to sink in the River if an Enemy should appear. There’s only two ships of any consequence in the Harbor, the Lion and Centurion. Their design appears only to act on the defensive and be as little expense to the Crown as possible. God grant their time may be short for we have much reason to fear within their lines that Carleton’s finger will be heavier than Clinton’s Thigh. He’s called a Tyrant at New York by the inhabitants in general and makes them do soldiers duty in the City without distinction. The first gentlemen in the City stand at Officers doors Soldier like. I believe the overturne and regulations that he hath made here was only to promote his favorites, and burden the inhabitants. I cannot be assured that they have sold any horses belonging to the Crown as yet, although it hath been reported so here fifty times. We have no accounts from Europe or West Indies lately. Many say the troops from Charlestown are expected at New York and that they have actually left St Augustine and Georgia. I am sorry to see trade flourish as it doth, Never was such an intercourse with your shore before. I believe not one day or scarcely an hour but live stock and produce of all kinds are landed on Long Island on vessels pushing into the Enemy’s posts. Capt. William Davidson of Milford is now selling a cargo at New York. Could mention numbers but forbear. Many that are called first characters with you are concerned in it. Most of our friends are encouraging it here and supplying them with goods. To prevent which I could earnestly advise the State of New York to issue a proclamation, declaring all within these lines Enemies to their country who shall procure any merchandise whatever from New York more than for their families use. I have not a doubt but something of this kind would do281 much service. I am convinced that if some measures are not taken to prevent it will be of bad consequence and occasion bloodshed on your shore, which hope may be prevented by some speedy measures. Wishing you Health and Success I remain your Humble Servt.

Samuel Culper.

(141) Tallmadge’s request to be first to officially enter New York.

“Greenfield, March 31st, 1783.

“Sir. I had the honor to write Your Excellency on the 29th inst. on which day I crossed to Long Island as then proposed, from whence I have just returned. From every enquiry & a variety of information, it appears to be reduced to a certainty that a general peace has been concluded on in Europe, an authenticated account of which great event I hope Your Excellency has received before this time.

“I saw several of my old correspondents from New York, who inform that although official information respecting a Peace had not yet reached N. Y. yet preparations were making for the Garrison to be ready to leave that place. They inform that a considerable number of the Loyalists are about setting off for Nova Scotia; that the foreign troops are preparing to embark as they are to sail first if there should not be transports enough to remove the whole & in that case the British Troops will remove on to Staten Island. They are in expectation of Transports from Europe, as they have only about eighty for that service at New York.

“From the present auspicious appearance of our public affairs and from a persuasion that the American Troops will soon be in possession of New York, I have to request that Your Excellency would be pleased to suffer me, with my detachment, to be among the first who may go into the City. I have many reasons for making this early request but the principal argument which I would offer, and which I am conscious will have due weight in Your Excellency’s breast, is that particular attention may be paid to certain Characters in New York, who have served us very essentially, and who may other ways be treated amiss. It is a favor which they will by all means expect, and some of them will not wish to have the nature of their services divulged....

“Benj. Tallmadge.”

282

(142) VALENTINE From Lieutenant-Colonel J. G. Simcoe to Miss Sarah Townsend; written and delivered at Oyster Bay, L. I. St. Valentine’s day 1779:—

Fairest Maid where all are fair,

Beauty’s pride and Nature’s care;

To you my heart I must resign;

O choose me for your Valentine!

Love, Mighty God! thou know’st full well,

Where all thy Mother’s graces dwell,

Where they inhabit and combine

To fix thy power with spells divine;

Thou know’st what powerful magick lies

Within the round of Sarah’s eyes,

Or darted thence like lightning fires,

And Heaven’s own joys around inspires;

Thou know’st my heart will always prove

The shrine of pure unchanging love!

Say; awful God! since to thy throne

Two ways that lead are only known—

Here gay Variety presides,

And many a youthful circle guides

Through paths where lilies, roses sweet,

Bloom and decay beneath their feet;

Here constancy with sober mien

Regardless of the flowery Scene

With Myrtle crowned that never fades,

In silence seeks the Cypress Shades,

Or fixed near Contemplation’s cell,

Chief with the Muses loves to dwell,

Leads those who inward feel and burn

And often clasp the abandon’d urn,—

Say, awful God! did’st thou not prove

My heart was formed for Constant love?

Thou saw’st me once on every plain

To Delia pour the artless strain—

Thou wept’sd her death and bad’st me change

My happier days no more to range

O’er hill, o’er dale, in sweet Employ,

Of singing Delia, Nature’s joy;

Thou bad’st me change the pastoral scene

Forget my Crook; with haughty mien

To raise the iron Spear of War,

Victim of Grief and deep Despair:

Say, must I all my joys forego

And still maintain this outward show?

Say, shall this breast that’s pained to feel

Be ever clad in horrid steel?

Nor swell with other joys than those

Of conquest o’er unworthy foes?

Shall no fair maid with equal fire

Awake the flames of soft desire;

My bosom born, for transport, burn

And raise my thoughts from Delia’s urn?

“Fond Youth,” the God of Love replies,

“Your answer take from Sarah’s eyes.”

An incident in the lives of the secret service men is detailed in Major Tallmadge’s letter, dated Greenfield, Feb. 21, 1783, and addressed to General Washington. Major Tallmadge says:

CALEB BREWSTER

Caleb Brewster at the time of his birth had for near neighbor Samuel Thompson of Setauket, whose son the historian, Benjamin F. Thompson, left a carefully prepared sketch of his life in 1843. In full Thompson says:

“Among those who engaged in defence of their country, against the oppression of a foreign power, few have had as good fortune to be remembered by posterity, or to receive their due share of respect and gratitude. It therefore devolves upon the historian, when opportunity285 offers, to rescue from oblivion the memory of the virtue and services of those, to whose exertions and sufferings we are indebted for the many privileges we enjoy. Great were the sacrifices of those who aided in the achievement of independence, and the establishment of the happy form of government under which we live. In this array of zeal and suffering, the subject of this notice stands pre-eminent.

“Mr. Brewster was the son of Benjamin, grandson of Daniel, and great grandson of the Rev. Nathaniel Brewster of Setauket, who was the son of Jonathan, and grandson of elder William Brewster of Plymouth, one of those worthies who arrived in the May Flower in December 1620.

“The father of Mr. Brewster was a farmer, and, as was too often the custom of the day, gave his only son a limited education. He was born at Setauket, in 1747, and learned such branches as were taught in the country schools of that period, comprehending little else than reading, writing, and arithmetic. Being naturally of an ardent and enterprising disposition, and anxious to explore beyond the confines of his native town, he chose the life of a sailor; and at the age of nineteen, engaged himself on board a whaling vessel, commanded by Captain Jonathan Worth, bound to the coast of Greenland. His next voyage was to London in a merchant ship, and upon his return, he found his country involved in the Revolutionary contest. His enthusiasm in the cause of liberty did not allow him to hesitate, for a moment, the course which his duty called him to pursue, and he immediately volunteered his services in securing American Independence. He was honored, in a short time, with the commission of lieutenant of artillery, and from that time forward was eminently distinguished for zeal and intrepidity, possessing to the fullest extent the confidence of the officers of the army and that of the commander-in-chief. In short, such was the exalted opinion entertained of his integrity, courage, patriotism, and prudence, that in 1778 he was employed as a confidential and secret agent of Congress; and he devoted himself, through the remainder of the struggle, in procuring and transmitting the most minute, accurate, and important intelligence relative to the movements and intentions of the enemy at different points, and particularly in New York and on Long Island; for which he was uncommonly well qualified, as well by his intimate topographical286 knowledge of the country, as his acquaintance with the people on both sides the political question, and therefore knew in whom, of either party, he could venture to confide. He was among those who, under Col. Parsons, crossed the Sound to Long Island in 1777, for the purpose of capturing a body of British and tories, which, under Col. Hewlett, had taken possession and garrisoned the Presbyterian church at Setauket. On the 23d of June, 1780, he was appointed captain of artillery, and was frequently engaged with separate gangs of marauders, who sometimes extended their predatory excursions upon the main.

“In November 1780, he was a volunteer with Benajah Strong and Heathcote Muirson, in the expedition under Maj. Tallmadge, to the South side of Long Island, where they surprised and took prisoners a party of British troops encamped upon Smith’s Point at Mastic, and on their return destroyed a large quantity of hay and military stores at Corum. In 1781 he engaged with, and captured an armed boat with her whole crew, in the Sound, which he carried safely into Black Rock Harbor.

“On the 7th of December, 1782, Captain Brewster, with the whaleboats under his command, gave chase to several armed boats of the enemy in the Sound, and after a desperate encounter, in which most of the men on both sides were either killed or wounded, he succeeded in capturing two of the enemy’s boats. This action has generally been denominated, by way of distinction, the boat fight; and at the time was justly considered, in connection with its attendant circumstances, one of the most valorous and extraordinary engagements of that portentious period. It was indeed a truly perilous adventure; yet the contest lasted only twenty minutes, and some of his boats refusing to come up, he was compelled, from his peculiar situation, to engage with the enemy almost single handed. During the short but terriable conflict his shoulder was pierced by a rifle ball, which passed out at his back. His prudence and resolution enabled him to keep this occurrence a profound secret till the enemy surrendered, when he found himself exhausted from the effusion of blood. After reaching the shore, he was confined, under the hands of a surgeon, for some time; for the injury thus received, he was placed upon the pension roll of the army, and continued to receive a gratuity from his country for the287 remainder of his life. He participated in several other important and hazardous engagements, while attached to the line of the army, the interesting particulars of which it is impossible to ascertain, as none of his compatriots on those occasions are now living. On the 9th of March, 1783, he took command of a sloop at Fairfield, for the purpose of attacking the Fox, a British armed vessel in the Sound; and as soon as he came near, he ordered his men to board her with fixed bayonets, himself leading the way. In less than two minutes, she became their prize. Captain Johnson, of the Fox, and two men, were killed, and several others wounded; while Captain Brewster had not a person injured. This extraordinary exertion on his part was more than his then state of health could endure, and in consequence of which he was confined to his bed for several months. When he recovered, the preliminaries of peace had been exchanged, and his beloved country had assumed her appropriate station among the free nations of the earth. In 1784 he married Anne, daughter of Jonathan Lewis of Fairfield, Connecticut; where he continued afterwards to reside, when not in public service, to the close of life. In 1793 he was commissioned a lieutenant of the revenue cutter for the district of New York; and such was his well known skill and prudence, that on the death of Captain Dennis, soon after, he was appointed her commander, which he retained till 1816, with the exception of three years of Mr. Adam’s administration, to which he was opposed. In that year he retired to his farm at Black Rock, where he departed this life at the age of seventy-nine years, February 13th, 1827. In stature, Captain Brewster was above common size, of fine proportions, a commanding countenance, a constitution athletic and vigorous, and of extraordinary activity. His talent for wit and humor was almost unrivalled, and for relating anecdotes few men could be found more entertaining.

“His excellency Governor Tompkins, Dr. Mitchill, James Fairlie, Esq., and several other gentlemen, accompanied Captain Brewster in a voyage around Long Island, in September, 1809; and so highly gratified were they all with his polite attention to their comfort, that it was resolved to present him a silver cup as a token of their obligation and regard. The fort at Staten Island, where most of the gentlemen were present, was the spot chosen for delivering the cup,288 on which occasion Dr. Mitchill made an address in his usual able manner, and was happily responded to by Captain Brewster. On the subject of his military services, Mr. Knox, former secretary of war, on the petition of Captain Brewster, reported to the House of Representatives, the 21st of June, 1790, that ‘he was a lieutenant of artillery during the war, and was confidentially employed in an armed boat by the commander-in-chief, to keep open the communication between Connecticut and Long Island, for the purpose of obtaining intelligence. That he performed this ardous and hazardous service with fidelity, judgment and bravery, and to the entire approbation of General Washington, appears by his letters written to Captain Brewster, as well as his certificate, bearing date June 10, 1784.’

“By the zeal and activity which he manifested in this employment, he became, as a matter of course, a peculiar object of the enemy’s hate, who made many attempts, and in various ways, to take or destroy him. He, and those under his command, in the month of Dec., 1782, behaved with the highest gallantry, in an engagement with the enemy’s armed boats, the largest of which he captured, after an obstinate resistance, in which perilous action he was dangerously wounded, and was carried to Connecticut, at a distance from any hospital, where he languished for a long time under the pain of his wounds, from which he finally recovered.

“His widow survived her husband several years, and died in 1835, leaving a number of children, one of whom, Sturges Brewster, Esq., has been for many years attached to the New York Custom House.”

FOOTNOTES to “NOTES AND AMPLIFICATION”:

289

INDEX

Acker, Benjamin, 154
Almy, Deborah, 102
America shall be Mother of Nations, 104
Anderson, James, 117, written James instead of John, 117
Anderson, John, 117, 167
André, Maj. John, vi, 113, 114;
hides doughnuts, 114;
hanged, Oct. 2, 1780, 118, 123, 124;
letter to Simcoe, 124;
gets code letter, 126;
planned capture of Gen. Washington, 136;
returned to New York, 141;
his letter to Clinton, 142;
letter to Arnold, Sept 21, 1780, 143;
mentioned, 186
Arbuthnot, Admiral Marriott, 55, 85, 152, 202, 267;
off Sandy Hook, 278
Archdale, Capt., 96
Archibald, Capt., 141
Army’s situation, Feb. 1781, 272
Arnold, Benedict, 118, 144, 167, 177, 195, 195, 220, 223;
writes Tallmadge, 116;
influenced by British spies, 120;
treason carefully planned, 120;
asks Washington for real names of Culpers, 121;
letter to Gen. Howe, 121;
reply to Robert Howe, 123;
began plotting in 1779, 125;
writes code letter to André signed J. Moore, 126;
wants Sheldon’s help, 128;
sends Sheldon barrel of Rum, 128;
letter to André signed Gustavus, 130;
writes Sheldon and desires a meeting, 132;
reply to Sheldon, Sept. 10, 1780, 132;
starts to meet André, 135;
writes to Tallmadge, 137;
uneasy, 137;
addresses Anderson, Sept. 15, 1780, 137;
letter to Beverly Robinson, Sept. 18, 1780, 139;
tried to obtain names of those helping Washington, 171;
life at West Point, 171;
flight, Sept. 25, 1780, 175;
sketch, 181;
invites Major Tallmadge to become a traitor, 196;
success in Virginia, 272
Arnold, Benedict, Jr., 182
Arnold, Benedict, Sr., 181
Arnold, Betty, 182
Arnold, Edward, 177
Arnold, Elizabeth, 182
Arnold, Hannah, 182
Arnold, Henry, 182
Arnold, Mrs., 172, 176, 182
Arnold, Richard, 182
Arthur, Jesse, Block house on his farm, 194
Bad money returned to Washington, 270
Bancroft’s comment, 162
Barton, Gen., 236
Battery, guns mounted, 255;
mounts 42 pieces, 267;
refitting fortifications at, 250;
290work at the, 57
Battle of Bunker Hill. Simcoe in Boston, 123
Battle of Long Island, described by eyewitness, 233
Bay of Fundy, 206
Bayard’s Hill, 64
Bayles, John, headquarters, 70
Bayside, L. I., 10
Beacons and signals on L. I., 84
Bedford, L. I., 56
Bedford, Westchester Co., 33, 66
Benson, Lieut. Colonel, 175
Bergen County, 246
Birch, Col., appointed commandant of New York, 96;
at Setauket, 95;
at Southampton, 236
Birdsall, Benjamin, 8
Birdsall, Margaret, 8
Black Rock, 284;
Brewster’s Farm at, 287
Black Rock Harbor, 287
Block Island, 202
Board in New York is £3 per week, 37, 238
Boatman forbid to cross, 99
Bolton, John. See Tallmadge, Major Benj., 11, 60, 83
Bown, Robert, of Shrewsbury, 273
Bowne, D., 10
Bowne, Hannah, 268
Bowne, John, of Flushing, 268
Bowne, Samuel, of Flushing, 268
Boyd, Ebenezer, relates the event, 155
Branch, troops there, 93
Brewster, Benjamin, 285
Brewster, Caleb, Letters:
Feb. 26, 1779, 38;
Aug. 18, 1780, 91;
Aug. 21, 1780, 92;
Aug. 27, 1780, 93;
Nov. 13, 1780, 191;
Feb. 14, 1781, 197, 273;
Advised of necessary steps for safety, 254;
attacked by Glover and Hoyght, 91;
Boat fight, 286;
captures another boat, 197;
carries important message, 116;
finds British works at Canoe Place, 38;
finds Erskine at Southampton with 2500, 37;
finds three redoubts at South and East Hampton, 37;
makes post at Fairfield, 33;
finds it necessary to kill a man, 91;
took a prize, 191;
takes 8 prisoners, 273;
mentioned, 11, 14, 16, 31, 33, 81, 94, 116, 190, 191, 267, 283, 288;
Sketch, 284
Brewster, Daniel, 285
Brewster, Hannah, 16
Brewster, Jonathan, 285
Brewster, Rev. Nathaniel, 285
Brewster, Sturges, 288
Brewster, William, of Plymouth, 285
British Boats mentioned by name:
Amphitrite, 87;
America, 87;
Ardent, 40, 258;
Argo, 224;
Bedford, 87, 235;
Camilla, 87;
Centurian, 280;
Colloden, 87;
Confederacy, 278;
Daphne, 52, 248, 250, 258;
Defiance, 63, 263;
Delaware, 52, 237, 244, 248;
Europa, 55, 57, 63, 87, 258, 263;
Experiment, 56;
Fox, 287;
Grand Duke, 85;
Greyhound, 53, 249;
Halifax, 38;
Hunter, 63;
LeBlond, 53;
Loyalist, 73;
London, 87;
Lioness, 264;
Lord Townsend, 237;
Lion, 280;
Oliver Cromwell, 73;
Perseus, 263;
Prudent, 87;
Rainbow, 40, 249, 258;
Raisonable, 53, 63, 243, 249, 263;
Renown, 57, 63, 250, 263, 267;
Richmond, 235;
Rising Sun, 87;
Romulus, 40, 48, 52, 248, 249, 263;
Roebuck, 63, 235, 263;
Robuste, 64, 87, 263;
Rose, 41;
Royal Oak, 87;
Russel, 55, 57, 63, 263;
Scorpion, 38, 86;
Shrewsbury, 87;
Solebay, 64, 264;
Swan, 87;
Towey, 64;
Vulture, 139, 141, 148, 151, 152, 179
British Fleet has sailed from Gardiner’s Bay, 94
Brookhaven, L. I., 16, 31, 239
Brooklyn, Large Fort at, 57;
work on the fort at, 58;
carrying forage to, 257
Brooklyn Ferry, 10, 35, 55, 236;
British carrying hay to, 66;
teams from Queens Co. ordered to, 264
291Brown at Bergen in provost on suspicion, 240
Brown, Monfort, 69
Brown, Philip, 86
Brush, Major, 198, 245, 274
Buchanan, Thos. & Co., 8
Bunker Hill, Repairing Fort on, 57
Burgoyne, General, 171, 211, 235
Burr, Aaron, defends E. Dayton, 254
Burroughs, Major. His testimony regarding André, 153
Bushwick, Hessians at, 74
Buskearks Regiment, 236
Bute, Lord, 53
By all means be upon your guard, 90
Byron, Admiral, 48, 235, 256
Colquhoun, Joseph, his narrative, 145;
continues narrative, 151
Campball, Brig. Gen., 235
Canada, 75
Canoe Place, 37
Carleton’s Aides, 206
Carleton, called a tyrant, 204, 280
Carleton’s finger will be heavier than Clinton’s thigh, 280
Carolina, 46, 53, 267
Cattle come from Connecticut and East Jersey, 264
Cathcart, Lord, at Southampton, 236
Catholics, Scotch Roman, 248
Cedar Swamp, 188
Charleston is fixed on, 261;
troops destined for, 262;
Fleet going to, 206;
British sail for, 263;
Capitulation of, 9;
troops expected at New York, 280;
mentioned, 265
Clarke, George, 102
Clarke, John, 95
Clinton, Gen. George, 8, 155
Clinton, Governor, 67, 163
Clinton, Sir Henry, 53, 65, 73, 91, 125, 179, 186, 186, 188, 198, 211, 213, 237, 244, 262, 263, 264, 267;
at Oyster Bay, 68;
among the carpenters, 137;
between Whitestone and Jamaica, 90;
His apology, 85;
gone to New York, 94;
£400 raised for, 65;
with 240 horse escorted through Setauket, 91;
misguided and bewildered by Washington, 213;
informs Burgoyne that there will be no British Army to meet him at Albany, 215;
orders all fields of wheat burned, 244;
dissatisfied with Arnold, 272
Clove or Ramapo Pass, 214
Cobble Hill, 57
Code, first that Culpers used, 41;
Codes, 209;
code Culpers used, 218;
code messages, 252
Coffee House, 12
Colden, Cadwalader. His daughter Mrs. Elizabeth DeLancey, 165
Coles, John Butler, 8
Coles, Rebecca, 103
Collier, Sir George, 40, 53, 56
Collin, Sir George, 258
Colonel Hay’s landing place, 147
Colquhoun, Samuel, 144
Columbian Centinal article by Washington, 212
Conklin, Capt. Cornelius, 178, 245, 274;
captured, 195
Connecticut, 247
Cooley, William, confirms Jameson’s statement, 154
Cooper, James Fenimore, “The Spy”, v, 44, 113
Coram, British troops there, 89, 93;
mentioned, 195, 286;
forage at, 191
Cork fleet is expected, 188
Cork fleet arrived at the Hook, 202
Cornwallis, Charles, Lord, to take troops, 68;
mentioned, 53, 187, 188, 263
Cortlandts Manor, 81
Council of Appointment, 4
Counterfeit money, 95;
to pay taxes with, 266
Counterpart of the Stain, 264
Cow Bay, 221
Cow Neck, 100
Cowneck Point, 86
Crane’s Island, 151
Crompound, 155
Crom’s Island, 151
292Crosby, Enoch, v
Croton, Paulding captured at, 167
Cruger, Nicholas, beats James Rivington, 7
Culper Junior, mentioned, 1, 4, 45, 88, 101, 112, 117, 184;
again engaged, 90;
again in New York, 198;
back in New York, 275;
makes special visit to Senior, 276;
his British uniform, 204;
note addressed to Floyd, 82;
Culper’s reports, 3;
meets with Woodhull without attracting suspicion, 8;
almost betrayed, 198;
Letters: June 29, 1779, 45, 247;
July 15, 1779, 50 and 248;
July 29, 1779, 52;
Aug. 6, 1779, 54 and 249;
Sept. 11, 1779, 55;
Sept. 29, 1779, 254;
Oct. 9, 1779, 255;
Nov. 3, 1779, 68;
Nov. 27, 1779, 71, 224;
Dec. 27, 1779, 7, 263;
July 20, 1780, 82;
Aug. 23, 1780, 267;
Oct. 20, 1780, 186;
May 5, 1782, 203;
Sept. 19, 1782, 206
Culper Senior, 2;
First Judge of Suffolk Co., 3;
trusts Washington will overlook imperfections, 39;
says “be everywhere upon your guard”, 40;
pleased with curious ink, 42;
robbed, 43;
searched and robbed, 62;
agrees to advance Washington the money needed for the secret service work, 199;
examined at Brooklyn Ferry, 201;
fears handwriting may betray him, 244;
to see Junior 12 miles from Setauket, 259;
meets British force under Col. Burch, 259;
says “not the breadth of your hand between me and death”, 260;
Col. Floyd, 260;
would kill Simcoe, 262;
Letters:
Oct. 31, 1778, 32;
Nov. 23, 1778, 34;
Feb. 26, 1779, 37;
Apl. 10, 1779, 39;
Apl. 12, 1779, 41;
Apl. 29, 1779, 43;
June 5, 1779, 43 and 241;
June 20, 1779, 44;
June 30, 1779, 45;
July 9, 1779, 47;
July 15, 1779, 50;
Aug. 12, 1779, 54, 251;
Aug. 15, 1779, 55, 252;
Sept. 19, 1779, 62, 253;
Oct 10, 1779, 62;
Oct. 26, 1779, 65, 257;
Oct. 29, 1779, 65;
Nov. 5, 1779, 69;
Nov. 13, 1779, 70, 259;
Nov. 29, 1779, 71;
Dec. 12, 1779, 72, 262;
Feb. 27, 1780, 73;
Mar. 13, 1780, 74, 264;
April 18, 1780, 75;
April 23, 1780, 75;
May 4, 1780, 77;
June 10, 1780, 79;
July 20, 1780, two, one to Washington and one to Caleb Brewster, 83;
Aug. 6, 1780, 88;
Aug. 16, 1780, 90;
Sept. 1, 1780, 94;
Sept. 5, 1780, 95;
Sept. 12, 1780, 96;
Sept. 18, 1780, 99;
Aug. 27, 1780, 266;
Oct. 14, 1780, 187, 270;
Oct. 26, 1780, 187;
Nov. 12, 1780, 189;
Sept. 27, 1780, 194;
Oct. 8, 1780, 194;
Nov. 28, 1780, 271;
Dec. 24, 1780, 195;
Feb. 8, 1781, 197, 272;
Mar. 18, 1781, 198, 275;
April 23, 1781, 198, 275;
May 8, 1781, 201, 276;
May 19, 1781, 201;
May 27, 1781, 202, 277;
June 4, 1781, 202, 278;
June 27, 1781, 202;
July 5, 1782, 204, 279;
July 5, 1783, 207
Cunningham, William, 165
Custis, G. W. P. wrote: “the gold paid for the secret service was of inestimable value”, 16
Danbury, 37
Danes, ship belonging to, 190
Danolson, Fade, 66
Darby, Admiral, 272
Davidson, Capt. William, 280
Dayton, Ebenezer, ducked at East Hampton, 254
Dean, Capt., 225
Deane, Mr., 43
Deane, Silas, 51
Deceptive letters, 213
DeLancey’s brigade at Lloyd’s Neck, 250
DeLancey, Brigr. Gen., 86
DeLancey, James and the Cow Boys, 160;
attempt to capture, 164
293DeLancey, John Peter, who married Elizabeth Floyd, 165
DeLancey, Mrs. Elizabeth, 165
DeLancey, 236, and Mr. McAdams would sell their estates, 239
DeLancey, Major, 220, 221
DeLancey, Nancy, 165
DeLancey, Ol., 85 (footnote 22)
DeLancey resides at Jamaica, 250
Delavan, Capt., 157
Delaware Bay, 249
Dennis, Capt., 287
DeRiedesel, 224
D’Estaing, 235, 261;
expected, 255;
reported in Delaware Bay, 257
DeWurmb, 220
Dictionary, 54
Diehl, Daniel, 78
Digby, protection from, 284
Dobbs’ Ferry, 135, 137
Dragoons posted 15 miles apart, 11, 88
Dragoons, 17th Regiment of, 94;
at Musqueto Cove, 188;
at Hempstead, 190, 256
Drake, Colonel Gil, 156, 166
Drowned Meadow, 93
Duke de la Rochefoucault, Liancourt, 124
Duke of Athol’s Regiment, 40, 48
Dusenberry, Richd., 166
Duyckenik, Christopher, 50, 249
East Chester, 167
East Haddam, Conn., 1
East Hampton, L. I., 37, 81;
boys deck Dayton, 254
Elizabeth, 236
Elizabeth Town, 240;
troops land near, 9
Emmerick, 236
England, Packet sailing for, 206
English fleet, about 75 sail left Sandy Hook, 272
Erskine, Sir Wm., 113;
fortifying at Southampton and building boats, 237
Estaing, Charles Henry, Count d’, 48, 65
Eustice, Dr., 177
Expenses for self and horse considerable, 100
Fairfield, 33, 37, 81, 226, 287
Fairlie, James, 287
Faller, Pero, 166
Fanning’s Regiment, 94, 266;
at Lloyd’s Neck, 69;
at White Stone, 247
Fish, Jubis, has boats at Horse Neck, 93
Fishkill, 107, 144, 159, 197
Floyd Family, 15;
Benjamin, 82;
Elizabeth, v;
Elizabeth, the mother of Mrs. James Fenimore Cooper, 165;
Mary, who married Major Tallmadge, 165;
Colonel, 37;
Col. Benjamin, robbed, 66, of service to Whig interests, 67;
Col. after E. Dayton, 253;
Culper likely to stand in need of his services, 238;
returned on his Parole, 238
Flushing, L. I., 14, 38, 102, 190, 268;
Major André at, 125;
Browns regiment at, 74;
a regiment of Horse at, 57;
1000 Hessians at, 271;
Yaigers at, 236
Flushing Heights, 85
Foreword, 1
Fort Putnam, 152
Fort St. George, 191;
Capt. Hazard going there, 202
Forts nearly completed, 255
Fort Washington strongly fortified, 255
Fortifying L. I. opposite Frog’s Point, 267
Fortifying the Heights of Harlem, 267
France, Large fleet sailing from, 196
Franklin, John, 8
Franks, David S., 172
Franks, Major, 145, 176, 178
French Fleet, mentioned, 69, 206, 253;
arrives off Rhode Island, 81;
second division to arrive, 90;
steering for the Continent, 255
Frigate sank off Helgate, 271
294Frog’s Neck, 84
Gallows Point, Cannonade from, 151
Gambier, Admiral, 40
Gardiner’s Bay, fleet there, 190;
British Fleet sails from, 94
Gardiner’s Island, 87
Gardner, Sergt. Robert, 137
Gazette, Royal, 12;
tells of John Paulding’s capture, 165
Genealogy—Townsend, 268
General Assembly of New York, 104
Gentlemen stand soldier like, 280
Georgia, mentioned, 56, 64, 69, 237, 238, 224, 252, 256, 261, 280;
no late accounts from, 58, 258;
troops for, 256
Glover and Hoyt, 93
Gordon, Lord Charles, 265
Governor’s Island, 64;
repairing works, 255
Graves, Admiral, arrives in New York, 81
Great Neck, 10
Green Farms, 88
Green, General, announces Arnold’s treason, 119
Green, Genl. Nathaniel, letter to Coll. Wadsworth, 181
Greene’s, Genl., lines at Brooklyn, 108
Greenland, 285
Grinell, Capt., 241
Guard boats kept out, 250
Guilford, 88
Gustavus letter, 138
Hale, Nathan, where he was captured, 20;
Enoch Hale recorded that “Nathan, being suspected by his movements that he wanted to get out of New York was hanged,” 20;
John Hale entered in the town records of Coventry, “Capt. Nathan Hale was taken in the City of New York and executed,” 20;
Chapter I, pages 19–29;
mentioned, vi, 1, 30, 111
Halifax, mentioned, 40, 48, 64, 68, 237, 248
Hammond, Sir Andrew, arrives, 255
Hamilton, Alexander, mentioned, 4, 54, 61, 125;
acts for Washington, 84;
his opinion of plot to capture Washington, 136
Hamilton, Coll. (Alexander), 177
Hamilton, Coll. (British), 84
Hampton Roads, 188
Handwriting, 3
Handkerchief full of gold, 163
Hanly, Lieutenant, 283
Harrison’s Brewery, 258
Hartford, mentioned, 95, 168, 177, 182
Haverstraw, 153
Haverstraw Bay, 148
Hawkins, Jonas, 11, 55
Hazard, Capt., 202
Heath, Genl., 84, 92, 99
Heath, General William, letter from Washington, 179
Hempstead Bay, 86
Hempstead Harbor, 259
Hempstead Plains, 85
Hempstead, 17th Dragoons at, 62, 74, 271
Heron, William, otherwise Hiram, the British Spy, 128, 198, 220, 230
Hessians at Brooklyn Ferry, 35
Hessian Regiments, 56, 267
Hessian Yeagers at Jericho, 190
Hessian Yeagers at Oyster Bay, 190
Hewlet, Col. remains on Lloyd’s Neck, 38
Hewlett, Col. Richard, 226
Hicks Boat, 10
Hicks, John, 102
Hicks, Mary, 102
Higday, George, 45, 47, 246
Hiram, 219 (see Heron)
Hobart, John Sloss, 110
Hopkins, Benedict Arnold’s chum in Boston, 182
Hopkins, C. D., marries Elizabeth Arnold, 182
Horseneck, 101
Horses not sold yet, 280
Hospital Ship destroyed by fire, 74
Hot Press in New York, 190
295Houghton Mifflin Company, 4
Howe, Genl., 93, 157, 211
Howe, Robert, his letter to Arnold, 122
Howe, Genl. Robert, innocently betrays his spies to Arnold, 122
Howel, George (Aiqlai Bqyim), 95
Howel, a particular friend of Tryon, 270
Hubbel, Capt., 283
Hubbel, Major, at Lloyd’s Neck, 279
Hubbell, Lieut., 176
“Hugo,” by Mrs. Smith, 213
Hulce, Joseph, 66
Hulet, Coll., 245
Humphreys, Major, 97, 267
Hunter, Elijah, sent to Arnold, 134
Huntington, 43, 94, 226, 241, 256, 262, 284
Huntington Bay, 87
Huntington has Coll. Ludlow’s, Gov. Brown’s and Coll. Fanning’s Regiments, 259
Huzzars, 94
Imprisoned, Several friends, 189
Independence offered, 203
Inspector of Letters at Brooklyn Ferry, 55
Intercepted Messages, 213
Jackson, T. T., Account of the capture of Fort St. George, 192
Jamaica. A guard for the General there, 57;
Col. Ludlow there, 203;
commanding officer of Kings Forces at, 86;
Coll. Fanning’s Regiment at, 74;
DeLancey there, 250;
Regiment of Highlanders there, 38;
Troops at, 190;
200 men left at, 236;
mentioned: 14, 102, 284
Jameson, Colonel John, mentioned, 117, 162, 167, 178;
His letter to Washington, 162
Jameson, William, His record of meeting André, 154
Jarvis, Capt., 93
Jay, James, furnishes ink for spies, 51;
his letter to Washington, 210
Jay, John, mentioned, 44, 51, 210;
his code from Entick’s Dictionary, 215
Jericho, mentioned, 103, 194;
Queens Rangers at, 62;
second Battalion of Skinner’s Brigade at, 74
Jerusalem South, 69
Johnson, Capt., 287
Johnstone, Capt., killed, 283
Jones, E., 70
Jones, General, 236
Jones, M. Genl., 51
Jones, Thomas, his account of the Setauket affair, 230
Keirs, Major, 144
Kelly’s House, 70
Ketchak, Lieut., killed, 195
King, Absalom, of Long Island, 181
King, Anna, 268
Kings Bridge, 85, 97, 168, 236, 264
King’s Ferry, 134, 148
Kip’s house. André dines there, 141
Kissam, Major John, 84
Knyphausen, 236, 264
Knox, Secretary, 288
Lafayette, 84;
escapes snare laid by Arnold, 121
Lake George, 124
Lamb, General John, 7
Lambert: Cornelius Lambert, Lambert Lambert and Henry Lambert, the ferrymen, 154
Laurel Hill, 85
Laurens, John, 125
Lawrence, Edward, 269;
Effingham, 10, 268, 269;
Henry, 269;
Joseph, 10, 268;
Lydia, 269;
Mary, 269;
Major, 110;
Richard, 268;
Robert, 269;
Townsend, 269;
William, 269
Lawrence Hewlett’s Point, 86
Leer, Tobias, 177
Leland, General, 259
Leslie, General, 236
Letter folded very small, 97
Letters, necessity for destroying them, 241
296Lewis, Anne, 287
Lewis, Jonathan, 287
Light House, strong fort there, 255
Lions, P., 70
Liquid for secret letters hard to get, 43
Little Neck, 269
Livingston, James, letter to Arnold, 137;
forwards Robinson’s letter, 139;
has a word, 154
Livingston, William, 160
Lloyd, Margaret, 16
Lloyd’s Neck, British carry hay to, 66;
Col. Ludlow’s Regt., there, 74;
Colden’s Volunteers at, 271;
DeLancey’s brigade there, 57;
Lloyd’s Neck has Col. Ludlow’s, Gov. Brown’s, and Col. Fanning’s Regiments, 259;
troops called from, 79;
Jersey Volunteers leave, 203;
mentioned, 46, 89, 90, 262
Location of British, 280
London, 285
Long Clove, where André met Arnold, 150, 152
L. I. Troops on west end, 256
Lord Cathcart’s Legion at Jericho, 259;
at Oyster Bay, 259
Lord Rawdon’s Corps, 64
Lord Rhoden’s Regiment, 236
Lower Salem, 117
Loyalists, American, 124
Loyalists setting off for Nova Scotia, 281
Ludlow, Col., has left Lloyd’s Neck, 203
Ludlow, Col., Regiment, 245
Ludlow’s Regiment at Lloyd’s Neck, 194, 236
Luzerne, Chevalier, 177
Lyme, 88
Lyons, Parsons, 95
Mandeville, James, 166
Mansfield, Margaret, wife of Benedict Arnold, 182
Marshall quotes Lafayette, 121
Martin, Gov., 263
Martin, Henry H., 268
Masks to disguise letters, 215
Mastic, 191
Mathews to sail for Europe, 90
Mathews, Gen., 189, 236
Mayflower, 285
McAdams would sell his estate, 239
Mernaid, Capt., 247
Middletown, 95
Milford, 280
Miller, Andraes, 156
Millers Place, troops there, 93
Mitchill, Dr., 287
Monroe, Harriet, 268
Montaigne, 214
Moody, clever British Spy, 126;
and Arnold’s code letter offering to betray West Point, 215;
Moody meets Heron, another British Spy, at West Point, 127
Moore, George, 102
Moore, John (alias B. Arnold), 126
Morris House, 85
Morris, Robert, code letters, 216;
gets gold for secret service, 216
Mount Misery, Militia to drive, 254
Muirson, 91;
betrays Howell to Woodhull, 270
Muirson, Heathcote, 286
Mulford, Col. at East Hampton, 111
Musqueto Cove, 188
Newburgh, 174, 204
New Haven, 88, 95, 171, 182, 191
New London, 16, 42, 88;
Union School, 1
Newport, 63, 168;
used similar signals to those on Long Island, 15;
harbor, 84
Newtown, L. I., 38;
54th regiment at, 74;
200 Grenadiers at, 271
New York, 38, 85, 90, 188, 189, 196, 244, 259, 264;
Custom House, 288
Nicoll:
Annie, 269;
Benjamin, 269;
Charlotte, 269;
Delancey, 269;
Dr., 35;
Edward Holland, 269;
Henry, 269, 279;
Mary Townsend, 269;
Samuel Benjamin of Shelter Island, 269;
297Solomon Townsend, 269
North Castle, 89, 96, 101, 167, 168;
Church, 157
North, Lord, 56
Norwich, 182
Norwich Hill, L. I., 85
“Not long since there was not the breadth of your finger betwixt me and death”, 71
Oakman, Henry, 54
Oakman & Townsend, 54
Odells, Mr., 130
Officers out with hounds every day, 93
Onderdonk, Henry, vi;
gives details of Setauket “Battle,” 229
Orange County, 103
Orange Town, 91
Osborne, J., 129
Outram, Ship, from London, 182
Oxen demanded by British, 65
Oyster Bay, 4, 30, 35, 57, 68, 94, 101, 124, 136, 141, 220, 258;
Foot belonging to Legend at, 62;
German Huzzars at, 74;
Heron captured near, 220;
Coll. Simcoe at, 38, 94, 236;
Col. Simcoe going to leave, 253;
Yeagers and Germans at, 271
Paper, British get for counterfeiting, 71
Paper from Philadelphia for Counterfeit money, 261
Paper. What Tallmadge had was too poor to use, 194
Parish, Dr. Matthew, 104
Parker, Admiral, 260, 261
Parsons, Genl. Samuel H., 96, 133, 197, 198, 219, 220;
demands surrender of Setauket church, 229;
captures horse-blankets, 226;
was to be a second Arnold, 220;
sends letters and British spies to Benedict Arnold, 120;
introduces Heron, the British Spy, to B. Arnold, 127;
letter of Feb. 17, 1781, 274
Patterson, Genl., 53;
to sail for Europe, 90
Paulding, John, 167;
brings spy to headquarters, 118;
his narrative, 160;
among the prisoners, 166;
monument near Peekskill, 164
Payne, John Howard, with the parents when Edgar Poe was born, 183
Peekskill, 155
Penobscot, 53;
American Fleet at, 56
Petticoat and Handkerchiefs, 15
Philadelphia, Pa., 37, 173, 182, 238
Phillips, General, 276;
is dead, 278
Pierce, G. M., quoted, 17
Pierson, Mr., 214
Pine’s Bridge, 158
Poe, David, Jr. and Sr. of Baltimore, 183
Poe, Edgar Allan, 183
Poe, Mrs., 183
Poers, Captain, 224
Port Jefferson shot up by Stephen Smith, 278
Portsmouth, 258
Powles Hook, 235
Presbyterian Meeting House, Setauket, 226
Prescot, Genl., Express from, 253
Prince of Wales American Regiment at Jamaica on way to Huntington, 69
Provincial Convention, 30
Provost, Genl., 48
Putnam, Coll. Barge Crew, 135
Putnam, General, 37, 107, 139, 141;
his orders to Parsons, 226
Quebec, 56
Queens County Loyalists, 226
Queens County Militia, 85, 86
Queens Rangers, 53, 90, 124, 251, 266;
at Oyster Bay, 57, 236, 256;
marched from Oyster Bay to André’s aid, 163;
at Jamaica, 194;
at Jericho, 256
Ramsay, Coll., 73
Rathbone, Sarah, 268
Rawdon, Lord Francis, captures Tallmadge’s baggage and money for the Culpers, 46;
298mentioned, 53
Raynham Hall at Oyster Bay, 103
Remsen’s, Colonel, regiment, 108
Rhea, Lieutenant, 283
Rhode Island, 85, 90, 116, 235, 237, 244, 253, 256, 258, 267
Riedesel, Mme., entertains Major André and General Clinton, 141
River Head, British troops there, 89
Rivington, James, Sketch, 5;
His Coffee House, 7;
in Jail, 7;
mentioned, 13, 265;
His paper, 165, 249
Robbers, 241
Robertson, Gov., 220
Robinson, Capt., 173
Robinson, Coll. Beverly, 149, 175;
his letter Sept. 19, 1780, 141;
a confidant of André, 125
Robinson, General, 186
Robinson, Genl. (Jimmy), to command in Virginia, 278
Robinson House, 121, 172
Robinson’s Regiment, 236, 267
Robinson, William T., Culper’s assistant, once owned property, 421 E. 61st St., N. Y., 10;
his letters, June 7, 1780, 9;
Dec. 31, 1779, 10;
June 24, 1780, 265
Rochambeau, Count, 168;
arrives at Newport, 84
Rodney, Admiral, 190, 196
Rodney, Sir George, fleet arrives, 99, 135
Roe, Austin, 13, 31, 61, 81, 89, 190, 202;
The “Paul Revere” of New York, 82;
How his leg was broken, 61
Rogers, Capt., 245
Rogers, Coll., 124
Rome, John, 50, 51
Ruggles, Nathaniel, mentioned, 4
Russia, ships belonging to, 190
Russian Ambassador, 202
Rustdorf, 102
Sag Harbor, v
Salem, 167, 169
Samuel Culper Junior, hopes and expects all his letters are destroyed, 187
Sandy Hook, 195, 235;
hulks sunk there, 258
Saw Mills used by enemy, Culper would destroy, 245;
Located: Humphrey Avery’s at West Neck, 245;
Botts at Smithtown, 245;
Havens at Moriches, 245;
Samuel Phillips at Smithtown, 245;
Caleb Smiths at Smithtown, 245;
Nichols at Islip, 245;
Edmond Smith at Stony Brook, 245;
Tillotsons at the County House, 245;
Seth Worth at Fire Place, 245;
Willets at Islip, 245
Schuyler, General, 172
Scott, General Chas., 2, 31, 32, 33
Scudder, Capt., 225
Seaman, Jacob, 8
Sears, Coll., mentioned, 6
Seaton’s Neck, 70, 260
Secret Formula, 36
Secret Service, 2, 3, 16
Setauket church, 226
Setauket, L. I., mentioned, 4, 11, 14, 59, 69, 94, 95, 116, 195;
full of troops, 92;
20 horse and 4 foot billeted, 260;
British billeted at Coll. Floyd’s, E. Jones, J. Thompson’s, P. Lions, John Bayles, Kelly’s house, 260
Seton, Mr., robbed, 66
Shaw, Mr., 88
Sheldon, Colonel Elisha, 88, 128, 167;
posts Dragoons under protest, 88;
orders retreat, 46;
sends British spies to Arnold, 120;
forwards letter from Mrs. Arnold to Coll. DeLancey, 130;
John Anderson, otherwise Major André, writes to him, 131;
sends Arnold André’s letter, 132;
writes to Arnold, Sept. 12, 1780, 133;
his Trial, 195
Shippen, Edward, 182
Shippen, Margaret, 182
299Shippen, Peggy, 182
Ships in New York Harbor, about 200, 41
Sickness on Long Island, 251
Signal Fires, British lighted, 84
Silver Bullets, 211
Simcoe, Coll. John Graves, mentioned, 43, 72, 113, 241;
at Oyster Bay, 35, 38, 94, 124, 236;
with others on the Island, 89;
friendship for André, 123;
through André knew Sir Henry Clinton’s plans for capture of West Point, 125;
planned to capture Genl. Washington, 135;
plundered Woodhull’s father in most shocking manner, 241;
sails with Arnold, 195;
first Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, 124;
sketch of his career, 123
Sink vessels at Sandy Hook, 63
Skinner, General, 92, 236
Smithtown, L. I., 70, 194, 257;
must furnish 1000 cords of wood, 74;
17th Dragoons encamped in widow Blidenburg’s orchard, 96;
wagons and troops at, 260;
Refugees at Tredles farm, 271
Smith, Elizabeth, 269
Smith, Mrs. Elizabeth Oakes, 213
Smith, Mrs. J. H., 173
Smith, Joshua Hett, 135, 144, 172;
his story of meeting André, 148;
continues the narrative, 157
Smith, Colo. Josiah, his regiment, 108;
ordered by Gen. Washington to withdraw from Long Island, 110
Smith, Richard, alias Bull Smith, 269
Smith, Stephen, shoots up Port Jefferson, 278
Smith, William, 108
Smith, Judge Wm., 4
Smith, William Henry, 16
Smith, Lieutenant Coll. W. S., 166
Smith’s, William, farm at Mastick neck, 192
Smith’s place, Mastic, 191, 286
Sons of Liberty, 5, 30
Southampton, 37, 95, 188, 235, 262;
British there, 87
South Bay, 245
South Carolina, 76
Southerland, Capt. of the Vulture, 149
Southold, 263
South Mills, 89
Spanish War, 247
Sparks, Jared, tried to identify Culpers, 5;
uses letters from Tallmadge, 167
Springfield, British troops arrive at, 7
St. Augustine, 280
Stain, invisible, 210
Stain Letters, 13;
frequently developed, 16
Stain sheets mixed, 71
Stamford, 88, 93, 101, 225
Staten Island, 206, 240, 250, 281, 287;
troops from, land at Elizabeth Town, June, 1780, 9
Sterling, Sir Thomas, Genl., 9, 79
Stewart, Coll., 53
Stoddard, Darius, causes Sheldon’s arrest, 134
Stoddard, William, 102
Stony Point, 53, 144, 148;
troops get back, 258
Strang, Major, 156
Stratford Point, 283
Strong, Benajah, 286
Strong, Judge Selah, 15
Strong, Thomas, 15
Strong’s Neck, 15
Success, L. I., 280
Surrender of West Point Planned, 135
Suttin, Capt. John, 93
Sutton’s Hill, now Beacon Hill, 85
Sylvester, Grizzell, 16
Tallmadge, Major Benjamin. Letters: Oct 29, 1778, 32;
Nov. 19, 1778, 33;
Nov. 29, 1778, 35;
Dec. 23, 1778, 33;
April 21, 1779, 42 and 239;
Nov. 1, 1779, 66;
July 14, 1780, 81;
300Sept 9, 1780, 96;
Sept 13, 1780, 97;
Sept. 19, 1780, 99;
Aug. 10, 1780, 100;
Aug. 20, 1780, 101;
Aug. 28, 1780, 101;
Sept. 21, 1780, 117;
Letters to Jared Sparks, 167, 169;
Oct. 11, 1780, 184;
Oct. 17, 1780, 187, 270;
Oct. 23, 1780, 187;
Jan. 28, 1781, 196;
April 25, 1781, 199;
Aug. 18, 1782, 205;
Mar. 31, 1783, 207, 281;
Feb. 21, 1783, 283
Tallmadge, Major Benjamin, mentioned: vi, 11, 16, 31, 32, 80, 83, 84, 118, 152, 167, 191, 193, 196, 199, 206, 286;
his letter to Nathan Hale, 19;
his Code, 218;
surprised by night attack, 46;
says: Culper’s Intelligence defeated British expedition to New London, 240;
obliged to use counterpart to stain letters, 66;
deciphers stain letters, 97;
translates important stain message, 116;
obliged to decipher letters, 267;
reads Arnold’s letter, 117;
tells Arnold he will conduct Anderson to West Point, 118;
insists upon André’s return, 118;
Arnold invites him to become a traitor, 196;
narrative of Sept. 23, 1780, 167;
prejudiced against André’s captors, 164;
requests to be first to enter New York, 281;
captures enemy’s armed vessel, 283
Tarnay, Admiral, French Fleet arrives, 84
Tarry-Town, 137, 157, 161, 168
Tellers Point, 143
Templeton, Oliver, praises Townsend, 4
Thompson, Benjamin F. His sketch of Caleb Brewster, 284
Thompson, J., 70
Thompson, Samuel, 15
Thompson, Susannah, 15
Thompson’s Coll., Corps, 284
Thorne, Anna; Anna Townsend, Edward, James, John, Martha, Mary, Phebe Townsend, Robert, Sarah, 269;
Sarah, 112
Three Brothers, Privateer, captured, 284
Ticonderoga, 182
Titus, Mrs. Elizabeth, 112
Tompkins, Governor, 287
Tooker, Abijah, responsible for Conklin’s capture, 195
Tower Hill, 88
Townley, Mary, 268
Townsend Family, 184;
Anna, daughter of Hannah, 268;
Anne, 11, 103, 268;
Audrey, 103, 268;
Dr. Charles of Albany, 231;
David, 103;
Ephraim, 104;
Franklin, son of Hannah and once Mayor of Albany, 268;
Frederick, 268;
Hannah, who married Major Green of the British Army, 113;
Hannah, 268;
Harriet, 268;
Helene, 269;
Howard, son of Hannah, 268;
Isaiah of Albany, 268;
Isaiah, Jr., 268;
Jacob, born 1692, father of Samuel, 102;
Jacob, 268;
James, his experience as messenger, 76;
James, 102;
James, his letter to the Provincial Congress, 110;
John, 102;
John 2d, 102;
Mrs. John, 104;
Mary, 268;
Peter, his family, 103;
Peter, 204, 213, 268;
Peter S., 269;
Phebe, 103;
Phebe, 103, 268;
Phebe of Orange Co., 268;
Phebe, da. of the Fourth Henry, 11;
Robert, mentioned, vi, 4, 8, 12, 13, 30, 44, 45, 83, 102, 203;
Robert, alias Culper Junior, son of Samuel, 102, 268;
called Culper Junior, 60;
appointed Commissary by Provincial Convention, 30, 107;
how he used British uniform, 279;
Woodhull’s opinion of, 244;
genealogy of, 103;
Robert, son of Hannah, 268;
Samuel, 103, 268;
born in 1717, 102;
in 1758 helped neutral French, 104;
in Provincial Congress in 1775, 106;
member Council of Appointment, 4;
Samuel, son of Samuel, 268;
301Samuel (the other Samuel), 104, 197, 272;
Sarah, 103, 103;
mother of Robert, 268
Townsend, Sarah and Coll. Simcoe’s valentine, 113, 282;
sister of Robert, 268
Townsend, Solomon, 103, 268;
nephew of Robert, 268;
had 6 children, Solomon, Charles, Robert, Maurice, Edward and Maria, 269
Townsend, Sylvanus, 8;
William, 103;
Wm. David, 268;
Zerviah, 104
Townsend House, Oyster Bay, 124
Transports from Cork, 40
Troops all marching to the eastward, 90
Trowbridge, 95
Trumbull, Governor, 99, 219
Tryon, 52, 85, 236, 253, 264;
to sail for Europe, 90
Tubbs, Charles, 182
Underhill, Amos, 8
Underhill, Benjamin, 8
Underhill, Elizabeth, 8
Underhill, Townsend, 8
Upham, Coll., 205
Ustic’s House, 85
Van Rensselaer, Justina, 268
Vantassel, Mr., 166
Van Weart, Isaac, 161;
memorial, 164
Varick, Colonel Richard, 4, 171
Vaughan, Genl., 54
Verplanck’s, 139
Verplanck’s Point, 137, 139, 154, 247
Virginia, 189
Virginia Fleet, 243
Virginia, gentlemen of, 124
Vulture takes Robinson up the river, Sept. 16, 1780, 139
Walker, Ben, 166
Walker, William H., 268
Wallace, Hugh, 78
Wallace, Sir James, 56, 64
Wansey, Henry, 7
Washington, General George. Letters:
Nov. 20, 1778, 34;
Nov. 29, 1778, 36;
Dec. 17, 1778, 36;
Jan. 2, 1779, 37;
Mar. 21, 1779, 38;
June 13, 1779, 43;
June 27, 1779, 45 and 246;
July 25, 1779, 51;
Sept. 24, 1779, 58;
Oct 9, 1779, 63;
Feb. 5, 1780, 72;
May 19, 1780, 78;
July 11, 1780, 80;
Aug. 11, 1780, 89;
Aug. 21, 1780, 91;
Aug. 27, 1780, 94;
Sept. 16, 1780, 98;
Sept. 7, 1780, 134;
Sept. 14, 1780, 135;
Sept. 26, 1780, 180, 185;
Feb. 23, 1781, 198;
April 30, 1781, 200;
Aug. 10, 1782, 204;
July 31, 1788, 212;
April 29, 1781, 225
Washington, General George, care in exacting pledge, 3;
his opinion of Culper Junior, 17;
says, “I rely upon his Intelligence”, 17;
letter of instructions, 38;
requests Culper to reside in New York, 38;
pleased with Culpers, 89;
horse kept in New York City for the Spies, 116;
instructions for Culper Junior, 49;
advises Townsend how to conceal his writing, 59;
orders Dragoons posted every 15 miles, 88;
arrives at West Point, 176;
tells how Arnold escaped, 177;
says: “I shall think myself bound to represent his (Culper Junior) conduct in the light it deserves”, 99
Washington, General George, mentioned, vi, 60, 84, 85, 108, 114, 121, 132, 139, 160, 166, 168, 176, 186, 195, 198, 199, 234, 288
Washington Papers, 141
Waterbury, Genl., 225
Waterman, Hannah, 181
Watson, Coll., 136
Webb, Col., 52
Webb, Col. Charles, 1
Webb, Col. Samuel B., 227
Weeks, Joseph, 102
Welch Fusileers, 236
Westbury, 221, 224
302Westchester County, v, 164, 165, 250
West Point, 114, 116, 117, 118, 126, 134, 145, 168, 170, 171, 176, 177, 195, 219
Whaleboat, both sides capture same, 219
Whaleboat men in Washington’s service, 225
Whitestone, L. I., 206;
8000 British Troops embarking at, 83;
transports there, 256
White Plains, 100, 106, 153, 157, 227
Willett, Coll., 7
Wilmington, North Carolina, 233
Williams, Capt., 165
Williams, Charles, 196
Williams, David, 161;
his story of André’s capture, 163;
monument, 164
Williams, John, 122
Williams, Nathl., 259
Wistar, 265
Wistar, C., 9
Wolsey, John, 43, 241
Woodbury of Connecticut burns the Prison Ship, 264
Wooden, Solomon, hears prophecy, 104
Woodhull, Abraham (see Culper, Senior), v, 4, 8, 14, 31, 33, 81;
called Samuel Culper or Culper Senior, 60;
suffers from fright, 42;
his most exciting message, 83;
his father tortured, 44;
would kill Colonel Simcoe, 72;
to be Townsend’s assistant, 246
Woodhull, Abraham C., not one of the Culpers, 4
Woodhull, Capt., His Company to meet, 253
Woodhull, Elizabeth, 269
Woodhull, Rev. John, 233
Woodhull, Mary, 8
Woodhull, Capt. Nathan, 95
Woodhull, Nathan, otherwise Pevbepy Yqqhbwmm, 253
Woodhull, Genl. Nathaniel, 107, 269;
letter to and from the Convention, 108, 109
Woods, Adam, 234
Worth, Capt. Jonathan, 285
Wright’s Mills, 157
Wurmb, Lewis de, the Hessian Colonel, 112
Yale College, 1
Yeagers crossed Hell Gate, 203
York, Sir Joseph, 256
Youngs, Capt. Daniel, 114;
ordered by Coll. Simcoe to be ready, 136

President	B. Herbert Smith
First Vice-President	Guy Du Val
Second Vice-President	William H. Cary
Corresponding Secretary	Norman Taylor
Recording Secretary	Richards M. Cahoone
Treasurer	John D. Talmage
Assistant Treasurer	Guy Du Val
Librarian	Miss Edna Huntington

COUNCIL OF WAR, BROOKLYN, AUGUST 29th, 1776	Frontispiece
From a painting by John Ward Dunsmore
Showing Generals George Washington, Samuel Parsons, Joseph Spencer, Thomas Mifflin, John Morin Scott, Alexander McDougall, Israel Putnam, Peleg Wadsworth and John Fellows.
FACING PAGE
MAJOR TALLMADGE AND GROUP OF AMERICAN GENERALS		32
Philip Schuyler, Marquis de LaFayette, Nathaniel Green, George Clinton, Robert Howe, Israel Putnam, John Lamb and William Heath.
JOHN JAY’S LETTER TO WASHINGTON		52
Introducing the mode of secret correspondence invented by his brother James.
WRAPPER ENCLOSING URGENT MESSAGES		82
This is in the handwriting of Abraham Woodhull, made directly from the original without reduction.
ALEXANDER HAMILTON’S LETTER TO LAFAYETTE		84
Showing how quickly messages from the Culpers were forwarded through Lafayette to the French fleet.xii
HOUSES ONCE OCCUPIED BY WASHINGTON’S SPIES		102
Raynham Hall, Oyster Bay, L. I. Home of Culper Junior and his sister Sarah Townsend. These contemporary silhouettes give their only known likenesses.
Lower left—Present-day home of the Colonial Dames of America. Built by one of Washington’s spies. (See p. 10 in this volume, and Iconography of Manhattan, vol. 6, p. 79.) Lower right—Culper Senior’s home at Setauket. His three great-great-grandchildren in the foreground.
J. L. GARDINER EIGHTEENTH CENTURY RECORD		115
His record made near 150 years ago, of a whispered conversation with Clinton, Major André and Col. Simcoe that had been overheard by a servant.
A BENEDICT ARNOLD CODE LETTER		126
Advising the British commander that he has accepted the command of West Point and will betray it.
COL. SIMCOE AND PROMINENT BRITISH OFFICERS		136
Lord Cornwallis, Major John André, Sir Henry Clinton, Admiral Arbuthnot, General John Burgoyne, General Riedesel and Lord Rawdon.
THE CAPTURE OF MAJOR ANDRÉ		160
Engraved from a painting by J. Halpin
ALEXANDER HAMILTON’S NOTE		178
Informing General Washington that he was too late to have Arnold recalled.
WASHINGTON’S LETTER		192
Thanking those who engaged in the capture of Fort St. George near Mastic, Long Island.xiii
WASHINGTON IN NEW YORK, 1783		206
From a painting by J. R. Chapin
There is a story, perhaps true but lacking satisfactory proof, that one of the mounted figures at the right of the picture is there to represent Major Tallmadge and the other, one of his Dragoons; and that the man this way from him with hat in air is Robert Townsend, otherwise Culper Junior.
MASKED LETTER USED BY BRITISH		208
Sir Henry Clinton thus informed Burgoyne that there would be no British army to meet him at Albany.
ROBERT MORRIS’ LETTER TO WASHINGTON		216
His Quaker friends approved the work of the Culpers, and he could get money for them when it was refused for other purposes.
CODE USED BY WASHINGTON’S SPIES		218
This was prepared by Major Tallmadge and used by the Culpers, Senior and Junior.
HANDWRITING THAT DISCOVERED ROBERT TOWNSEND TO BE GENERAL WASHINGTON’S CULPER JUNIOR		232
PORTRAITS ON JACKET.
General Washington, Major Tallmadge, John Paulding, Nathan Hale, James Rivington, Sarah Townsend, Robert Townsend, alias Culper Junior. On backstrap of jacket, Washington in 1772.

The Project Gutenberg eBook of General Washington's spies on Long Island and in New York

GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES
On Long Island and
In New York

LONG ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

PREFATORY NOTE TO “THE TWO SPIES, NATHAN HALE AND ROBERT TOWNSEND.”

CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS

FOREWORD

FOOTNOTES to “FOREWORD”:

NATHAN HALE

FOOTNOTES to “NATHAN HALE”: